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The ecosystem services framework in archaeology (and vice versa)

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Economics, ecology and archaeology study various aspects of resource utilisation and mobilisation, differing in the studied systems, objects and currencies. However, the three disciplines have developed mostly independently, resulting in limited dialogue among them. Emergent fields such as ecological economics and environmental archaeology are now linking the three disciplines and promoting dialogue among them, but a theoretical framework that links all three disciplines at once is missing. I propose that ecosystem services (ES) can serve as such a theoretical framework. Moreover, after an ES‐centred framework establishes, it will be capable of further evolving – independently of ES—into a unified superdiscipline, relieving boundaries among disciplines. To demonstrate this potential, I present some examples of archaeology‐ES linkages, relating to the past, present and future. I show, in general, how archaeology studies past ES and informs us on current ES, as well as how ES benefit archaeological practice. Thus, I demonstrate the strong interface between archaeology and ES, and how it can promote the dialogue among the three disciplines, provide them with new practical tools, and resolve theoretical issues as the sustainability of ancient societies and anthropocentricity and monetisation of ES. Read the free Plain Language Summary for this article on the Journal blog.
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1 | ECOLOGY, ECONOMY AND
ARCHAEOLOGY
Both economics and ecology take their names from the Greek word
oikos (οκος ), which translates as a household (Naveh, 2000; Schwarz
& Jax, 2011) consisting of a physical residence, it s inhabitants and
their propert y. Ernst Haeckel, who in 1866 coined the term ecology,
described it as the study of ‘the household of nature’ or ‘economy
of organisms’ (Schwarz & Jax, 2011). Appropriately, both disciplines
study comparable aspects of resource management within ‘house-
holds’ and share interest in costs and benefits associated with man-
aging resources, and hence in trade- offs and strategies and their
effects on resource flows and system structure. Whereas econom-
ics studies humans and firms operating in markets using money as
Received: 4 Januar y 2022 
|
Accepted: 18 July 2022
DOI: 10.1002/pa n3.10395
PERSPECTIVE
The ecosystem services framework in archaeology
(and vice versa)
Ofir Katz1,2
This is an op en acces s article unde r the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium,
provide d the original wor k is prope rly cite d.
© 2022 The Author. People and Nature published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on beh alf of British Ecolo gical Societ y.
1Dead Sea and Arava Science Center,
Tamar Regional Council, Tamar, Israel
2Eilat Ca mpus, Ben- Gurion Unive rsity of
the Negev, Eilat, Isr ael
Correspondence
Ofir Katz
Email: katz.phyt@gmail.com
Funding information
Israel M inistry of Science and Techn ology
Handling Editor: Shonil A Bhagwat
Abstract
1. Economics, ecology and archaeology study various aspects of resource utilisa-
tion and mobilisation, differing in the studied systems, objects and currencies.
However, the three disciplines have developed mostly independently, resulting
in limited dialogue among them. Emergent fields such as ecological economics
and environmental archaeology are now linking the three disciplines and pro-
moting dialogue among them, but a theoretical framework that links all three
disciplines at once is missing.
2. I propose that ecosystem services (ES) can ser ve as such a theoretical frame-
work. Moreover, after an ES- centred framework establishes, it will be capable of
further evolving – independently of ES— into a unified superdiscipline, relieving
boundaries among disciplines.
3. To demonstrate this potential, I present some examples of archaeology- ES link-
ages, relating to the past, present and future. I show, in general, how archaeol-
ogy studies past ES and informs us on current ES, as well as how ES benefit
archaeological practice. Thus, I demonstrate the strong interface between ar-
chaeology and ES, and how it can promote the dialogue among the three disci-
plines, provide them with new practical tools, and resolve theoretical issues as
the sustainability of ancient societies and anthropocentricity and monetisation
of ES.
KEYWORDS
archaeology, ecology, economics, ecosystem services, heritage landscapes
   
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currenc y, ecology studies organisms and populations operating in
ecosystems using energy or carbon as currency. Thus, in the sim-
plest terms, ecology is economy of nature (Ehrlich & Ehrlich, 2008;
Kormondy, 1978; Naveh, 2000; Schwarz & Jax, 2011; Worster, 1994)
whereas economy is anthropic ecology.
Despite these innate commonalities, the two disciplines inter-
face mostly in the field of ecological economics, which studies the
ecological ramifications of human economy, nature as a resource,
and sustainable management of natural resources (Barrett &
Farin a, 2000; Costanza et al., 1997; Daly, 2005; Naveh, 2000). A
concept that is becoming increasingly central in this field in recent
years is ecosystem services (ES) (Ehrlich & Ehrlich, 2008; Ehrlich
& Mooney, 1983; Lamarque et al., 2011; Seppelt et al., 2 011;
Viher vaara et al., 2010). This concept is used for describing and ana-
lysing the benefits that humans derive from ecosystems' component
species, structure and functioning (Lamarque et al., 2011; Seppelt
et al., 2011; The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, 2005), and thus
serves as a node linking ecology and economics (Figure 1) (Haines-
Young & Potschin, 2010; La Notte et al., 2017; Lamarque et al., 2011;
Potschin & Haines- Young, 2016; Spangenberg et al., 2014; cf.
Boerema et al., 2017).
By evaluating alternatives and analysing conservation-
development trade- offs, ES offers quantitative tools for decision
making, primarily through a prism of nature's value for human-
kind. The anthropocentric view and resultant tendency to mon-
etise nature have attracted large opposition (Gómez- Baggethun
& Ruiz- Pérez, 2011; e.g., this recent debate: Schröter & van
Oudenhoven, 2016; Silver town, 2015, 2016; Wilson & Law, 2016).
However, many defend the ES approach by stating that monetisa-
tion is merely a final step that is used for decision- making and is not
an imposed end- goal and thus avoidable. Thus, monetisation does
not and should not dismiss the idea of nature's intrinsic value; nor
does it imply that nature's services to humankind surpass it s intrinsic
value, or that nature should be viewed through an anthropocentric
prism (Schröter & van Oudenhoven, 2016). I suggest that this debate
can be further resolved by positing ES as more than a node tying
together ecology and economics (or, more profoundly, tying nature
with utility and monetar y value), and that incorporating archaeol-
ogy into ES and ES into archaeology offers an opportunity for both
disciplines to interact more strongly. This in turn will provide them
with new practic al tools, and resolve some seminal theoretical issues
(e.g., the question of sustainability of past societies, and of anthro-
pocentricity and monetisation of ES).
In this manuscript, I narrow the term archaeolog y to the study
of past human societies and the remains they leave behind, whereas
studies of the surrounding environments (including changes of these
environments) as palaeoecology. Environmental archaeology is an
emerging subfield that studies the interactions between the two,
usually through the study of biological remains in archaeological
sites and of the impacts of human activities on the environment.
Archaeologists frequently study past societies' utilisation of raw
materials such as rocks, plants and animals, or societies' ef fect s on
the abiotic and biotic landscape. Thus, archaeology studies past
human economies and ecologies and their interac tions. This idea has
been explicitly manifested in Eric Higgs's (1975) Palaeoeconomy— a
‘fully integrated study of social, demographic, ecological, techno-
logical and economic aspects of human communities’ (Outram &
Bogaard, 2019)— and in Karl Butzer's (1982) Archaeology as Human
Ecology, as well as in the emerging field of historical ecology, which
studies past ecosystems by employing archaeological tools and
knowledge (Braje et al., 2017; Hayashida, 2005). Such ideas lead to
the development of two new fields, environmental archaeology and
economic archaeology (Outram & Bogaard, 2019), which put for-
ward and demonstrate the role of archaeology as a study of past
human economies and ecologies.
As a discipline that studies past human economies and ecolo-
gies, archaeolog y is innately a discipline studying past ES. In fact, ar-
chaeologists have been studying ES and applying some of the ideas
underlying the ES approach before the ES approach was formalised
(as I shall demonstrate below). Nevertheless, although archaeol-
ogy should be integral to ES, this is far from being the case (Gearey
et al., 2014). At the same time, archaeologists also study how past
human ac tivities have impa cted the environm ent, sometime s causing
severe dam ages to ecosystems a nd hence to the ES th ese ecosystem s
FIGURE 1 A schematic representation (adapted from Haines-
Young & Potschin, 2010; La Notte et al., 2017; Lamarque
et al., 2011; Potschin & Haines- Young, 2016) of the ecosystem
services cascade (black arrows), the human impact cascade (grey
arrows) and the knowledge flows between archaeology and both
cascades (white arrows; examples are discussed in the text).
Intersections of all three disciplines are shown in grey background.
An interdisciplinary thinking focuses on these intersection, whereas
superdisciplinary thinking emphasises the whole (Katz, 2018;
Krishnan, 2009).
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can provide (Blondel, 2006; Braje et al., 2 017; Hayashida, 2005;
Henderson et al., 2007; Jalut et al., 2009; Scharf, 2014; Zimmermann
et al., 2009). Thus, archaeology encompasses all nodes of the cou-
pled ES and human impact cascades (Figure 1), as well as touching
into issues such as resilience and sustainability (Briggs et al., 2006;
Gosling & Williams, 2013; Guttmann- Bond, 2010; Hayashida, 2005;
Minnis, 1999; Scharf, 2014). However, focused on the past, archae-
ology can rarely rely on concrete data, such as prices, demands, or
plant community composition, since market or vegetation surveys
of the past are nearly impossible to make (at least for vegetation
surveys, palaeoecological methods have gone a long way towards
being able to provide strong data; nonetheless, reaching the desired
optimal degree of accuracy and confidence remains hindered by cur-
rent statistical and laboratory methods, let alone issues of preser-
vation and whether the fossil record is representative of the past).
Therefore, the study of ES in archaeology is untied to monetisation
or most other types of valuation.
Although ES serves as an intersection (interdiscipline) of eco-
nomics, ecology and archaeology, the dialogue among the three
disciplines should not develop bounded to ES as an interdiscipline
(Katz, 2018; Klein, 2010; Krishnan, 2009). Not only limiting the dia-
logue's scope, such practice might ‘destine’ a monetisation of nature.
Avoiding this obstacle requires advancement to a higher level of
disciplinary thinking, superdisciplinarity, which relaxes boundaries
among disciplines and does not depend on intersecting theoretical
frameworks (Katz, 2018; Klein, 2010 ; Krishnan, 2009). This type of
thinking will reinforce and advance the ties among disciplines inde-
pendently of any single interdiscipline (e.g., ES), while not eliminat-
ing interdisciplines but absorbing them into the superdiscipline. The
emerging merged Earth- life superdiscipline— which owes its own
evolution to earlier interdisciplinary frameworks such as ecosystem
ecology, Earth systems science and plant functional diversity— is an
example for such an evolution (Katz, 2018). Tying archaeology and
ES, and hence archaeology with economics and ecolog y, will assist in
achieving this higher- level thinking and dialogue.
In the following sections, I demonstrate how linking archaeology
and ES can benefit our understanding of the past, understanding
of the present and benefit future prac tice. Many of these examples
correspond, respectively, to the three main ES categories (La Notte
et al., 20 17; The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, 2005): provi-
sioning services (directly provided physical goods), cultural services
(non- material benefits), and regulating services (benefits from me-
diation or moderation of natural phenomena or conditions). Table 1
provides a summary of these benefits according to these categories.
2 | BENEFITS FOR STUDYING THE PAST
Analysing archaeological assemblages of any kind of biological re-
mains— be it pollen, seeds, phytoliths, woody tissues, insects, bones,
etc.— first requires being able to identify these remains and classify
them above some degree of confidence. This requires extant refer-
ences for the biological remains, or at least for those that are likely
to have existed locally or regionally in the past (e.g. Roper, 1979).
Moreover, since some biological remains can vary in number, shape
or structure due to variations in environmental conditions, which
can affect classification and interpretation (for examples from
seeds, see Heiss et al., 2011; Motuzaite- Matuzeviciute et al., 2012;
from phytoliths, see Mithen et al., 2008; Rosen & Weiner, 1994;
Tsartsidou et al., 20 07; from tree charcaoal, see Bodin et al., 2020;
TABLE 1 Summary of ES contributions to archaeology and of archaeology to ES, according to the common three ES categories
(supporting ES are included within regulating ES)
Contribution type Contribution Provisioning ES Regulating ES
Cultural
ES
Archaeology to ES Long- term ES demand/supply and
sustainability
a b b
Identifying unknown ES suppliers a b
Identifying unknown ES types b c
Modifications of landscape by archaeological
sites
a a a
Adding values to landscapes b a
Long- term ecosystem evolution a a a
ES to archaeology Biological references from extant ecosystems a c
Catchment analysis and pas t societ y
subsistence
a
Preservation and conservation of
archaeological artefacts
a
Putting archaeological artefacts into context a
aConfirmed contribution (strong evidence or case studies exist in the literature).
bLikely contribution (probable, but with no strong evidence).
cPutative contribution (little theoretical basis).
   
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Ramos et al., 2021; Langgut & Garfinkel, 2022), it is advised to use
references from natural ecosystems in settings that are compa-
rable to the studied site or region. Hence, using local or regional
reference collections is a common practice in environmental ar-
chaeology (for examples from seeds, see Martinetto et al., 2014;
Nesbitt et al., 2003; Rivera Núñez et al., 2007; from phytoliths, see
Albert, 2002; Bozarth, 1987; Das et al., 2013; Delhon et al., 2008,
2009; Fernández Honaine et al., 2006; Tsartsidou et al., 2007, 2008,
2009; Weisskopf et al., 2014) and palaeoecology (for examples
from phytoliths, see Das et al., 2013; Delhon et al., 2003; Gallego
& Distel, 20 04; Mercader et al., 2010 ; Strömberg, 2004). Obviously,
compiling such reference collections depends on the relevant spe-
cies and ecosystems existing in the region, to supply this service.
Comparable to how palaeoecology has been suggested to be
capable of providing knowledge about past long- term dynam-
ics in ES supply and its response to change (Braje et al., 2017;
Briggs et al., 2006; Gosling & Williams, 2013; Jeffers et al., 2015),
Archaeology as palaeoeconomy (Higgs, 1975 ) can provide com-
parable knowledge for ES demand/utilisation (Braje et al., 2017;
Briggs et al., 2006; Gosling & Williams, 2013). Archaeolog y has
already proven its ability to date first/early utilisation of vari-
ous resources. Chemical residues on vessels provide evidence
for cacao beverages in early Preclassic (2nd millennium BCE)
Mesoamerica (Henderson et al., 2007) and for tobacco smoking in
north- western North Americ a (Tushingham et al., 2013). Biological
remains in open plots near archaeological sites provide evidence
for field preparation and fertilisation near an early (3nd millen-
nium BCE) urban site in the Levant (Paz et al., 2017). Burnt de-
posits provide evidence for the use of animal dung as fuel in the
Neolithic (10th to early 6th millennia BCE) and Chalcolithic (6th to
4th millennia BCE) Levant (Katz et al., 20 07; Portillo et al., 2 014 ,
2020). Water- well installations provide evidence for wood archi-
tecture involving intricate carpentry in early Neolithic (5th to 4th
millennia BCE) central Europe (Tegel et al., 2012). These reflect
food and psychoactive substances, biofuel and timber provision-
ing ES, respectively.
Since most resources and raw materials utilised by any site's past
inhabit ants were acquir ed from its surro undings, archae ologists have
devised methods of estimating the potential food resources within
reach from a site (site catchment; Hunt, 1992; Marín Arroyo, 2009;
Rope r, 1979; Tiffany & Abbott, 1982; Volkmann, 2018), and con-
sequently the maximum human population that a site or area can
sustainably support (carrying capacity; Dewar, 1984; Glassow, 1978;
Hassan, 1978 , 1979). These practices were popularised during the
1970s, but their implementation was hindered by difficulties of an-
alysing these often- complex catchments using the data processing
tools available at the time (Dewar, 198 4; Hunt, 199 2; Roper, 1979;
Volkmann, 2018). Another hurdle was that the conversion of re-
sources into benefit to humans (most commonly, plant biomass to
energy supply) tended to be oversimplified, ignoring— for example—
feeding selectivity, food web structure, efficiency of converting
net primary production (NPP) into animal biomass, and nutrient
limitations (Dewar, 1984; Roper, 1979). Thus, site catchment and
(especially) carrying capacity remained more theoretical concepts
than rigorous tools (Dewar, 1984).
Nevertheless, the essence of site catchment analysis as a prac-
tice of identifying and quantifying food resources and valuating
them as calories, is comparable to analysing food provisioning ES.
Relative carrying capacity, defined as the ratio of food production
(or NPP) to consumption by human population (Hassan, 1978 , 1979;
Dewa r, 1984), is nothing more than the ratio of the said ES's supply
to its demand. Hence, one strength of the ES approach lies in it pro-
viding archaeologists a more ecologically- and economically- explicit
tool for analysing the resources that past human societies acquired
from their environments, as well as their quantities, benefits and
potentially values (the latter are more likely to be expressed as calo-
ries than money). Moreover, archaeology can extend site catchment
analysis to include ES other than food provisioning. In turn, archaeol-
ogy provides information about past demand and utilisation of such
resources. Thus, provided that information is suf ficiently continu-
ous, long- term trends and dynamics of (provisioning) ES supply and
demand/utilisation can be identified and analysed.
Combining the aforementioned capabilities of palaeoecology
and archaeology can offer tools to quantify carrying capacity in
archaeological- anthropological terms as the ratio of multiple ES
supply to demand/utilisation, replacing the previous narrower food-
centred definition of carrying capacity (Dewar, 1984; Hassan, 1978,
1979; c f. Jeffers et al., 2015). This advancement will enable us to
better understand the long- term interplay between ES supply
and demand/utilisation, as well as its associated demographic,
economic- societal- technological and environmental changes (Briggs
et al., 2006; Dewar, 1984; Glassow, 1978; Gosling & Williams, 2013;
Hassan, 1978, 1979; Hayashida, 2005; Schar f, 2014). Doing so will
indeed bring economics, ecology and archaeology together.
3 | BENEFITS FOR UNDERSTANDING THE
PRESENT
A long- term perspective of ES supply and demand/utilisation can
benefit not only our understanding of the past, but also of the pre-
sent. Archaeological finds can assist in recognising ES suppliers that
may have so far been negle cted, forgotten or unknown. For example,
a species that nowadays is not known to be used as food can be rec-
ognised as such, if its remains are found in appropriate archaeologi-
cal contex ts, for example, near or within food preparation facilities
(e.g., grinding stones and cooking installations) or with clear process-
ing (e.g., cutting) marks. Likewise, archaeology and archaeoethno-
botany can identif y medicinal plants that were used in the past, but
the knowledge of whom has since been lost (Kvavadze et al., 2013).
Hence, with the gradual loss of t raditional knowledge, archaeolog y is
likely to play an increasing role in pointing us to unknown utilitarian
species. Even more, albeit considerably less likely, archaeolog y may
reveal yet- unknown ES types, i.e., benefit s of some ecosystem com-
ponents and functions that were known to human societies in the
past, but not nowadays. Possibly, the best example to date— albeit
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unrelated to archaeology— is observations on bacteria used for algo-
rithm optimisation (Passino, 2002), hence pointing at a possible ES
type of ‘inspiration for software development’ or a behavioural par-
allel to genetic resources ES. The large dwellings made of mammoth
bones and tusks from Upper Palaeolithic/Late Pleistocene (50th
to 12th millennia BCE) Europe (Iakovleva, 2015; Pr yor et al., 2020)
demonstrate the use of large animal bones for construction in the
past. Other than the use of whalebones for construction in the
Arctic until pre- modern times (Patton & Savelle, 2008; Savelle &
McCartney, 2002), there are very few recent/Holocene analogues
for this ES, which has nearly become lost in time.
A second domain in which archaeology meets ES is cultural heri-
tage landscapes, which the World Heritage Centre (2005) describes
as illustrating the evolution of human society under the influence
of the natural environment. Cultural heritage landscapes include
element s from both archaeology and nature that have impor tant
cultural and spiritual values, i.e., cultural ES suppliers. Cultural ES
have been underrepresented in several ES assessments, to a large
degree because unlike other ES they are not inherently associated
with natural sciences, are non- quantitative and hence are dif ficult
to evaluate (Hølleland et al., 2017; Schaich et al., 2010; Tengberg
et al., 2012). Archaeology, being more tangible, quantitative and
oriented towards ever yday life than many other disciplines within
the humanities, can help bridge this gap— philosophically and meth-
odologically, as well as by providing physical evidence— and allevi-
ate the intangibilit y challenge associated with cultural ES. A fur ther
advantage of archaeological and heritage sites is that they inher-
ently put archaeological finds (and the heritage they encompass)
within the physical environment— or at least so they should— and
so enhance the provisioning and value of cultural ES and vice versa
(Hølleland et al., 2017).
For example, the Judeo- Christian shepherd motif (e.g., Moses,
David and Jesus; Anthonioz, 2020; Kloppenborg, 2010) has deep
theological meanings that spur religious feelings and inspire.
Levantine rangeland ecosystems are integral to the personal ex-
perience of this motif in religious teaching, pilgrimage and tourism,
and hence integral to the cultural heritage landscapes of the Levant
(Figure 2). An archaeological or heritage site that is associated with
this motif will not have the same cultural or spiritual ef fect if it is
detached from the rangeland context, whereas the rangeland is far
more than being merely where livestock acquire food. One such ex-
ample is the Good Shepherd Church in New Zealand, designed so
that its pastoral surroundings are ‘brought in’ as part of its epon-
ymous shepherd theme (Addison, 2021). On the same note, a
hunter- gatherer site is better appreciated if it is situated within the
landscape where hunting and gathering took place, and the land-
scape is better appreciated with its hunting- gathering heritage.
Some ecosystem types provide good examples for intimate re-
lationships between people and nature. The Dehesa/Montado veg-
etation formation in the Iberian Peninsula, characterised by large
rangelands and croplands developed under oak canopies, is a rem-
nant of old agro- silvo- pastoral landscape management systems
(Capelo et al., 2012). This vegetation formation and the ecosystem
it creates should be valued also for the human heritage they en-
compass (Blondel, 2006; Capelo et al., 2012). The Dehesa/Montado
further serves as a reference ecosystem for inferring archaeological
FIGURE 2 Countryside near Bethlehem, where David herded his father's flock, and where the good shepherd symbol emerged. For these
reasons, this rangeland encompasses greater cultural ecosystem services than a conventional rangeland. Image by hoyasmeg, in Openverse
(CC BY 2.0 licence)
   
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findings (Delhon et al., 2009) and for sustainable landscape manage-
ment (Blondel, 2006).
More generally, Mediterranean landscapes have been intensely
shaped by disturba nces, including hu man- made ones (B londel, 2006;
Bottema et al., 199 0; Carmel & Naveh, 200 4; Naveh, 1982). Some
major differences between Israel's and California's Mediterranean
landscapes are best explained by differences in human- made distur-
bances during the past millennia, namely intense agro- pastoral life-
style in Israel compared to hunting- gathering in California (Carmel
& Naveh, 2004; Naveh, 198 2). Evidence for the antiquit y of these
intense human activities and their ef fect s on the landscape come
mainly from archaeology (e.g., Katz et al., 20 07; Paz et al., 2017 ).
Studies from other parts of the world, including in South America
(Loughlin et al., 2018; McMichael, 2020) and the Pacific (Gosling
et al., 2021), have also revealed previously- unknown human im-
pacts on the landscape, resulting in long- term legacies embedded
in landscape structure, that persist to these days. Providing better
information on human activities' temporal and spatial dynamics in
these regions (and others) will allow us to differentiate the impac ts
of human- made from non- human- made perturbations on ecosystem
and landscape evolution. This knowledge, in turn, will increase our
understanding of how humanity shaped these ecosystems and land-
scapes, how it continues to shape them, and how they may respond
to future human- made and nonhuman- made perturbations.
4 | BENEFITS FOR FUTURE PRACTICE
Archaeology's tangibility— linking place- based objec ts to past human
activity and to their surrounding environment— can be used to em-
power heritage and cultural ES and to make them more accessible
and understandable to decision makers (Tengberg et al., 2012),
hence influencing and securing the future of natural landscapes,
cultural heritage landscapes and archaeological sites. For a start,
some areas, landscapes or ecosystems may be ecologically under-
appreciated simply because the knowledge of ES they can supply
is lacking, a gap that archaeology may close. Likewise, archaeologi-
cal finds and sites themselves can augment the benefits or values
of landscapes, ecosystems or their component s. Going back to the
Levantine rangelands as a case study, their value may be greater
near archaeological sites associated with the Judeo- Christian shep-
herd motif (e.g., Addison, 2021) than near archaeological sites that
relate— for example— to the stone age. Further examples include a
recent discovery of a possible early centre of agriculture in South
America (Lombardo et al., 2020) that can enhance tourism in this
remote location, or the global interest in Rapa Nui (Easter Island) fol-
lowing its cultural collapse that is sometimes attributed to ecocide
(Mieth & Bork, 2010; Rainbird, 2002).
The potential for archaeological- ES linkages to contribute to
future landscape management and planning is also great. The in-
creasing interest in socio- ecological systems (Partelow, 2018) and
the sustainability of human societies, which can often be trans-
lated to ES supply and demand/utilisation and/or to balancing the
coupled ES and human impact cascades (Figure 1), can provide new
models for sustainable resource management that had been persist-
ing for millennia (Crumley, 2021). It is becoming increasingly clear
that ancient societies and their natural resource utilisation systems
may have been more sustainable and resilient to external (e.g., cli-
matic) per turbations than modern societies are, and we have much
to learn from them (Guttmann- Bond, 2010; Minnis, 1999; Turner
et al., 2020). A recent model describing how traditional societies in
Hawai'i divided space among themselves so that each one had ac-
cess to essential natural resources (Winter et al., 2020) provides one
example for such knowledge and the potential encompassed within
it. However, other archaeological studies, such as in Rapa Nui, sug-
gest that ancient human societies may not have always been sus-
tainable and that the same may apply to all traditional Pacific Island
societies (Mieth & Bork, 2010; Rainbird, 2002).
The potential of ES in affecting the future of archaeological prac-
tice and conservation are of no lesser importance. Archaeological
sites contain many types of remains and ar tefacts, such as metal
object s, textiles, murals, and biological remains. All these are ex-
posed to a variety of physical and chemical destructive processes
that reduce their chances of preservation over time (Cabanes &
Shahack- Gross, 2015; Kendall et al., 2018; McAdams et al., 2021;
Shahack- Gross et al., 2004) and pose challenges to archaeological
conser vation effort s (Luo et al., 2015). These processes are drive n by
physical and chemical properties of local rock, soil, sediment, water
and air. Organisms can promote or inhibit these processes through
various regulating ES (if their effec t is positive) or ecosystem dis-
services (if their effec t is negative), such as the secretion of acids,
salts or other reactive chemicals, or through modifying soil/ sediment
structure (McAdams et al., 2021; Shahack- Gross et al., 200 4).
Wall, cave and rock art provide a nice example for this issue.
From the simplistic ar t of Palaeolithic dwellings to elaborate mod-
ern murals, wall, cave and rock paintings are a highly valued her-
itage. The preser vation of this art form is threatened by water
seeping through rocks and walls, by microorganisms living on sur-
faces (Bastian et al., 2010; Saiz- Jimenez, 2013), and by bat and avian
guano (Singh & Gupta, 2020). In contrast, other organisms can as-
sist in conserving wall, cave and rock ar t. The damage caused to
cave art by microbiota (Bastian et al., 2010; Saiz- Jimenez, 2013)
can probably be controlled, at least in part, by other microbiota
(Bastian et al., 2010; Rinaldi, 2006), and the same follows for stone
walls (Wieler et al., 2019). Plants growing above caves ameliorate
destructive processes and aid conservation of cave ar t, for example
by reducing water seepage onto cave walls and balancing microcli-
mate within caves (Caneva et al., 2021). Thus, organisms and the en-
vironment that supports them provide valuable regulating ES that
support cultural heritage.
There is also a possibility of using ecosystem components, po-
tentially identified through ES assessments, to identify archaeolog-
ical sites and features. Differential vegetation growth, due to (for
example) nutrient- rich middens and water accumulation behind
stone structures, is a well- known marker of archaeological sites.
While this practice has probably been in use since the earlier days of
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archaeological surveying, modern remote sensing methods now en-
able surveying considerably larger areas and more reliably than ever
before (A gapiou et al., 2013; Kirk et al., 2016). Moreover, recent stud-
ies suggest that plant communities in locations that were set tled in the
past may be different from plant communities in otherwise similar set-
tings, providing another useful tool that can be used at smaller spatial
scales (Sapir et al., 2019). Similarly, human modifications to the land-
scape can leave long- term marks on the vegetation, for example, siege
trenches and berms that change soil- rock relationships and hence local
water regime and vegetation (Ackermann, 2007), or the effects of tree
removal by fire (Gosling et al., 2021) and of animal (herbivore) removal
(Burney et al., 2003). Burrowing animals such as moles can translo-
cate small buried ar tefacts up to the surface, so artefact abundance in
molehills is greater inside or in close proximity to archaeological sites
(Sapir & Faust, 2016). Thus, plants and animals in natural ecosystems
can provide a useful service to archaeological practice.
Given the ample knowledge that archaeology can provide us
about past ES and sustainability, and the role it plays in increasing
landscape value and informing decision making on conservation
priorities— as discussed throughout this manuscript— it is clear that
using ES to improve archaeological prac tice will benefit nature con-
servation and management in the long run. In a sense, this possibility
manifests the coupling of ES and human impact cascades (Figure 1):
archaeology can benefit from ES framing and give back by yielding
knowledge that will assist in maintaining ES.
5 | CONCLUDING REMARKS AND FUTURE
PROSPECTS
The incorporation of ES thinking in archaeology and of archaeologi-
cal knowledge in ES studies of fers new opportunities for economics,
ecology and archaeology. It will increase the capacities of all three
disciplines, providing archaeology with better understanding of the
environmental settings and subsistence of past human societies,
and providing economics and ecology with a long- term perspective
on human- environment interactions. Doing so will set bet ter theo-
retical and knowledge- based frameworks for understanding human
resource management and utilisation, human impact on the envi-
ronment and sustainable natural resource management (Figure 1).
Offering new perspectives to ES will assist in reducing tensions and
resolving theoretical issues as the sustainability of ancient societies
and anthropocentricity and monetisation of ES. Within the context
of long- term socio- ecological dynamics, an archaeology- ES nexus
can offer decision makers not only supply- and- demand or benefit-
value insights (Daily et al., 2009; Guerr y et al., 2009) but also les-
sons from the past and broader perspective of sustainability. It also
offers an alternative to the perception of ES as a prac tice of meas-
uring and monetising potential services and benefits humanit y can
retrieve from ecosystems, replacing it with a more balanced view of
humans within nature and of the perils of resource overexploitation.
Archaeology will benefit from new sets of theories and models for
analysing human- environment interactions, as well as from better
incorporation of ES that can assist archaeological research and con-
servation. Both human societies in the past and archaeological sites
in the present are par t of nature, affec ting and being affected by
it, as the heritage landscape concept nicely recites. Thus, archaeo-
logical practices, interpretations and preservation rely— to varying
degrees and various manners— on ES.
AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS
Ofir Kat z is responsible for the conception, writing and revising of
this manuscript.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Writing this manuscript was facilitated by the Israel Ministry of
Science and Technology support of the Dead Sea and Arava Science
Center. Constructive comment s by the reviewers and editor have
helped in improving the manuscript.
CONFLICT OF INTEREST
The author declares no conflict of interest.
DATA AVAIL ABI LIT Y STAT EME NT
This manuscript does not include any data.
ORCID
Ofir Katz https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0533-2835
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How to cite this article: Katz, O. (2022). The ecosystem
services framework in archaeology (and vice versa). People and
Nature, 4, 1450–1460. https://doi.org/10.1002/pan3.10395
... Recently, Katz (2022) claimed that incorporating archaeological knowledge in ES (and vice versa) would set better theoretical and knowledge-based frameworks for understanding human resource management and utilization, human impact on the environment and sustainable natural resource management. Within the context of long-term socio-ecological dynamics, an ES-archaeology nexus could offer decision-makers lessons from the past and a broader perspective of sustainability (Guerry et al., 2015;López de la Lama et al., 2021). ...
... Within the context of long-term socio-ecological dynamics, an ES-archaeology nexus could offer decision-makers lessons from the past and a broader perspective of sustainability (Guerry et al., 2015;López de la Lama et al., 2021). Finally, this approach would open new avenues for ecology, economy and archaeology, offering archaeology a better understanding of the environmental settings and subsistence of past human societies and providing ecology and economy with a longterm perspective on human-environment interactions (Katz, 2022). ...
... Additionally, this is in line with Grove & Rackham's theory (Grove & Rackham, 2001), stating that the present character of the Mediterranean landscape was likely achieved prior to many written records through a combination of increasing aridity and Bronze Age clearances between 3000-1000 BCE. In light of the sustainable and long-term management that can possibly be traced back to the Nuragic civilization, these agro-silvo-pastoral landscapes also represent cultural ES suppliers of important spiritual and cultural values (Katz, 2022). Crowded with nuraghi, they provide a marked sense of place and identity for Sardinia inhabitants, which consider the Nuragic civilization, together with their heritage, as the foundation of the Sardinian feeling of historical and cultural identity (Frongia, 2012). ...
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Incorporating archaeology within the ecosystem services (ES) framework can offer decision‐makers lessons from the past and a broader sustainability perspective. Given the claimed archaeology‐ES link, the island of Sardinia (Italy) offers an unparalleled opportunity where a unique archaeological heritage occurs in an area of high biodiversity value. More than 5000 nuraghi, megalithic edifices distinctive of the Nuragic civilization (1700–580 BCE), are still present on the island. By crossing the map of Vegetation Series (VS) with nuraghi occurrences, we aimed at acquiring a long‐term perspective on the interactions between Nuragic people and the vegetation as ES provider, so as to enrich our understanding of the past and the present, and potentially inform future practice for the region of Sardinia. A VS is here intended as a hypothesis of a succession of plant communities that can potentially succeed each other over time in a particular land unit. The vegetation‐derived ES represented a driving force in the land occupation strategies of the Nuragic people, who preferred, for their settlements, the mesophiluos cork oak VS and secondary the deciduous broad‐leaved ones, which, with fresh climatic conditions on fertile substrates and gentle slopes on effusive magmatic rocks, can provide land for grazing and agriculture. Conversely, the Nuragic land occupation strategies shaped the VS, transforming the landscape into agro‐silvo‐pastoral systems. Our results suggest that the origin of the present agro‐silvo‐pastoral landscapes (i.e. Pascolo arborato/Dehesa) in Sardinia could be traced back to the Nuragic civilization. The interaction between humans and vegetation in Sardinia is ancient, reciprocal and dynamic. This interaction is crucial for the survival of the present agro‐silvo‐pastoral landscapes that represent important suppliers of provisioning, regulating and cultural ES. Among others, these landscapes are a good example of intimate and sustainable relationships between people and nature and provide a marked sense of place and identity for Sardinia inhabitants. This transdisciplinary approach linking plant ecology with archaeology offered archaeology a better understanding of the environmental settings and subsistence of the Nuragic civilization and provided plant ecology with a long‐term perspective on human‐vegetation interactions. Read the free Plain Language Summary for this article on the Journal blog.
... Archaeological areas and biodiversity influence and shape each other [1]. Archaeological sites are habitat islands and can be considered as repositories of valuable historical and cultural information and important havens for biodiversity, preserving the remnants of landscapes and ecosystems and providing valuable insights into human-environment interactions in the past [2][3][4][5][6][7][8]. ...
... The evaluation and provision of guidelines for the sustainable management of cultural landscapes, as archaeological sites, assume knowledge and understanding of all aspects of biodiversity [5,6,13,[85][86][87][88][89]. Archaeology and knowledge of the environmental settings provides economics and ecology with a long-term perspective on human-environment interactions and gives better chances for understanding the human impact on the environment and sustainable natural resource management [1]. ...
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The Epidaurus UNESCO World Heritage site (EPD) is a famous archaeological area that is located in a small valley in the Peloponnese and receives more than 250,000 visitors annually. The study of the plant diversity of the site is in the framework of a continuous research project concerning archaeological areas of the Peloponnese and in the context of a project by the Ministry of Culture, Education and Religious Affairs of Greece that started during 2023 to study the biodiversity of the archaeological areas of Greece. The main aim of this study is the exploration and analysis of the plant species composition and diversity of the Epidaurus archaeological area, with an emphasis on endemic plants, on ruderal and alien taxa as well as on environmental and disturbance indicators and the cultural ecosystem services they provide. This study revealed a high species richness consisting of 446 plant taxa. Most of them are Mediterranean and widespread, ruderals and medium disturbance indicators, but there are also 12 Greek endemic taxa. The richest in the taxa families are Asteraceae, Fabaceae and Poaceae. Therophytes predominate in the total flora registered and hemicryptophytes predominate in the endemics. Comparisons of the EPD’s plant diversity with other archaeological areas of Greece and the Mediterranean revealed its richness and unique character. Management and protection in archaeological areas such as the Epidaurus must focus on the sustainable conservation of their relationship with their natural environment.
... deterioration phenomena mainly due to water evaporation and phenomena of salt efflorescence [14,37,38]. Moreover, vegetation can provide interesting tools to define a preventive conservation plan, thereby reducing the weathering effect, protecting the monument and contributing to their conservation against aggressive weathering agents [39,40]. ...
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