Regionalsprachliche Syntax. Horizontal-vertikale Variation im Moselfränkischen
... z. B. Krause 1997, Kuhmichel 2017, Kallenborn 2019. Ebert (1996: 41) bemerkt etwa: "All Germanic languages have developed some means of expressing progressive meaning, although the constructions are usually less grammaticalized than the English -ing form". ...
... Ist die Definition syntaktischer Variablen bereits grundsätzlich mit Schwierigkeiten verbunden (zur Diskussion siehe Cheshire 1987, Kallenborn 2019: 50-56, Breuer 2021, stellen Konstruktionen zum Ausdruck von progressivem Aspekt eine besondere Herausforderung dar (vgl. Kallenborn 2019: 120). ...
... z. B. Krause 2002, Van Pottelberge 2004, Kuhmichel 2016, Ramelli 2016a, Tomas 2018, Kallenborn 2019 Wann und wo sich der am-Progressiv herausgebildet hat sowie sein Grammatikalisierungspfad sind jedoch umstritten (vgl. Van Pottelberge 2004: 231). ...
... By now we know much more than in 2003 about the regional variation spectra in phonology (e. g. Kehrein 2012, 2019, Schmidt 2017. However, when it comes to syntax, scholars had identified the desideratum as early as the 1980s, yet it still remains one: ...
... In what follows, we are interested in the analytic variants. 16 While the periphrastic construction with täte is not considered to be a standard-language variant, Kallenborn (2019) nonetheless documents this variant in speech-levels near the standard language. With regard to the Alltagssprache, which can potentially encompass all modes of speech in German, the Atlas zur deutschen Alltagssprache (AdA) reports that speakers regard expressions such as Das täte ich gern mal ausprobieren 'That I would like to try' as being particularly common in central and southern parts of the German-speaking areas. ...
... The Wenker survey documents this variant at the end of the 19th century for dialects within the then borders of the German Empire including areas that today belong to the Federal Republic of Germany. In his investigation of the dialect-standard axis in the Moselle Franconian dialect region, Kallenborn (2019) reaches the conclusion that this variant has since disappeared in the Moselle Franconian dialects on the German side of the state border, since he was unable to find it in the Zwirner Corpus, the recordings for which were collected in the 1950s, nor in his own survey. However, a recent corpus investigation into the grammaticalization of geben 'give' in Rhine Franconian and Moselle Franconian dialects in Germany on the basis of newspaper columns written in dialect offers an indication that contemporary speakers may not only have a passive knowledge of this variant but may also actively produce it (Offergeld 2020: 295). ...
The long-term project Regionalsprache.de (REDE) aims at the investigation of the
(morpho-)syntactic variation space in German between the two poles dialect and standard language. We are surveying speakers of German with differing socio-demographic profiles using the indirect method. We first present the methods of data collection we have opted for in our main investigation and then discuss some initial results (recipient passive, prepositional adverb, analytic subjunctive) in light of the methodological challenges.
... As previously mentioned, large-scale projects have used LPEs in a broad sense in the past (e.g., SyHD). However, there is little literature on the details of this method, e.g., the experimental software used in the projects, the underlying conceptions on which the tasks are based and the exact kind of presentation (described for example in Breuer, 2017a;Kallenborn, 2016;Lenz, 2009). This article discusses the fundamental aspects of the experiments: While LPEs can differ in both appearances and in the details of the setting, their standardization is a shared characteristic. ...
... below, Table 1) used in the LPE of the SFB DiÖ is suggested. This experimental setting consists of two runs (e.g., Breuer, 2017a;Kallenborn, 2016): one aiming to evoke variants in the (intended) standard (LPE-S) and another aiming to evoke variants in the (intended) dialect (LPE-D). Between these runs there is a short break and another test setting that uses translation tasks to target phonological and grammatical (mainly morphological) phenomena, some which overlap with the phenomena elicited through the LPEs (for a comparison of speaker behavior across settings, cf. ...
... (3.6) Final clause introduced by dass 'that' dass man den Nagel in das Holz schlagen kann (LPE-S, Oberwölz-old) that one the nail into the wood hammer.INF can 'so that one can hammer a nail into the piece of wood' State of Research: Until now, few publications have addressed infinitival constructions in German. Regarding the areal distribution of the variants, Donhauser (1989) and Weiß (1998) observe the occurrence of the infinitival construction with zum 'to-the.DAT' in Bavarian, Kallenborn (2016) in Western Central German varieties, and Seiler (2005) in German-speaking Switzerland. The question whether the construction with zum 'to-the.DAT' in Bavarian Dialects is verbal or nominal is a large issue in literature on infinitival constructions 17 . ...
This article presents computer supported “language production experiments” (LPEs) as a method for the investigation of syntactic variation. It describes the setup for the investigation of numerous syntactic phenomena and provides a sample study of the German GET passive across Austria. It also suggests that LPEs offer possibilities for the targeted investigation of linguistic variation in various ways. They may be used to explore speakers’ individual linguistic repertoires and an according corpus setup can be used to examine e.g., interspeaker patterns of variation. LPEs also enable researchers to investigate which linguistic factors control or influence syntactic variation.
... Lenz 2016;Lenz et al. 2019), studies on the 'vertical' grammatical variation on the dialect-standard axis are still rare (see e.g. Kallenborn 2016;Breuer i. prep.). This lack of research especially holds for urban communities. ...
... The würde-subjunctive is documented among South Tyrolian teenagers, though very rarely (see Lenzhofer 2017: 295f.) In contrast, there is empirical evidence for the expansion of the würde-periphrasis, for example by Glauninger (2008), which is also observed in other regions of the German speaking area (see Kallenborn 2016 for Moselle Franconian). As würde is spreading to such a wide extent, Glauninger assumes a gradual establishment of a universal subjunctive form in spoken as well as written contexts (see Glauninger 2008: 242). ...
... This is because mainly methods designed for phonological analyses (especially interview and questionnaire) were applied to survey syntax. Without going into detail (for a comprehensive discussion see Kortmann 2010;Hasty 2014;Kallenborn 2016;Breuer/Bülow 2019;Lenz et al. 2019), one of the main problems is to elicit the desired syntactic variants in a sufficient number in the inter-and extra-linguistic contexts that are to be investigated. ...
The primary goal of this paper is to investigate areal-horizontal as well as the social-vertical (morpho-)syntactic variation of subjunctive II in urban and rural areas in Austria. The data come from two different corpora that consist of spoken data gathered in two different projects on German in Austria, collected using the method of Language Production Experiments. The high degree of comparability of our data between the two studies highlights the success and reliability of this elicitation method. Beyond this methodological insight, the study has found a global tendency towards a decline of synthetic subjunctive II constructions, whereas periphrastic constructions show an increase, both in more dialect and more standard oriented registers. Our findings further suggest that the city of Vienna exerts a minor influence on neighboring locations regarding the use of subjunctive II forms. At the same time, our data provide evidence for a more decisive influence of the dialect region.
... Ansa tze in Anlehnung an die REDE-Methodologie bzw. anLenz (2003) finden sich beiKallenborn (2019) und in den Studien des Spezialforschungsbereichs Deutsch in O sterreich (DiO ). Die im Folgenden erwa hnten Schwierigkeiten sind darin allerdings nicht gelo st. ...
... The present investigation is part of a larger project on both non-clausal and clausal postpositioning in German regional language that complements studies of the phenomenon in standard German (for example, Lambert 1976, Filpus 1994) and recent works that examine syntactic phenomena on the vertical spectrum (for example, Lenz 2013, Kallenborn 2019. As this study draws on data that were collected in the mid-twentieth century, the results can also serve as a baseline to which examinations of postpositioning in contemporary German regional language can be compared. ...
This article presents the results of a corpus study of clausal postpositioning, that is, the occurrence of a sentential constituent in the postfield of the matrix clause to which it is syntactically linked, in German regional language. Analysis of 11,027 clauses from 60 spoken regiolect and dialect texts reveals that clausal postpositionings occur most frequently as non-relative finite clauses, followed by relative clauses, and lastly, infinitival constructions. Notably, while non-relative finite clauses comprise a smaller proportion of postpositionings in regiolect compared to dialect, relative clauses and infinitival constructions show the opposite trend. Adjunct clauses occur most frequently, followed by complement clauses, in both regiolect and dialect. Furthermore, in both varieties, postpositioning is more prevalent in verb-first and verb-second clauses than in verb-final clauses. This finding is attributed to restrictions on syntactic subordination. Finally, non-relative finite clause and relative clause types that may be embedded in both the postfield and inner field are center-embedded at mean relative frequencies of 13.42% and 28.17%, respectively. These findings shed light on contradictory claims in the literature regarding the possibility and frequency of clausal embedding in the inner field.
... Stand 16.05.2021. 4 Namentlich das "Ruhrdeutsche" (ANDERSSON 1989), das Ripuarische (BRONS-ALBERT 1984, BHATT / SCHMIDT 1993, das Moselfränkische (KALLENBORN 2016(KALLENBORN , 2018, das Rheinfränkische (RAMELLI 2015(RAMELLI , 2016a(RAMELLI , 2016b und die Dialekte Hessens (FLICK / KUHMICHEL 2013, KUHMICHEL 2016. 5 Pennsylvaniadeutsch (TOMAS 2016(TOMAS , 2017(TOMAS , 2018, Texas German (BLEVINS 2018). ...
emergence, grammaticalization of progressive construction in spoken Swiss German; dialectology; diacronic morphosyntax; survey data; SMS data; am-Progressiv;
Here: pre-reviewed version. Reviewed and adapted version to be published in 2023.
... Bei einem Vergleich der Graacher und SFB-Daten sind folgende Dinge zu beachten: Im Korpus vonKallenborn 2016 gehen alte und junge Informanten mit jeweils 15 Personen gleich verteilt ein, während im SFB-Korpus, das ja noch im Aufbau begriffen ist, nach aktuellem Erhebungsstand die ältere Generation mit sieben und die jüngere mit 25 Personen vertreten ist. Während sich die Kallenborn-Studie auf einen einzigen Ort konzentriert, sind in die SFB-Daten vier Ortspunkte aus verschiedenen Teilregionen des Bairischen bzw. ...
This paper explores the variation and change in relativizers in German varieties of
Austria using various methods and datasets. Dialectal and standard data were collected via face-to-face dialect interviews, a written syntax questionnaire, and language production experiments. The study focuses on geographical, linguistic, and sociolinguistic factors and their interaction. For the standard language, in which the relative pronoun strategy clearly dominates, only marginal effects for the use of welch-pronouns can be seen with regard to age and gender. In contrast, for the dialects in which, in addition to the relative pronoun strategy, the relative particle strategy and the hybrid strategy are used, the analyses reveal clear regional differences. In the Bavarian dialect regions, for example, variants with the particle was are preferred, whereas variants with the particle wo occur almost exclusively in the Alemannic dialects of Austria. In addition, the grammatical gender of the antecedent and the age group are found to be factors constraining variation.
We investigate the consonant and vowel inventories as well as unstressed syllables in the spoken Standard German of speakers from the East Franconian dialect region in the German states of Thuringia and Bavaria. Using a sub-corpus of speech samples from »Regionalsprache.de (REDE)« with speech data for two generations of speakers from four towns, we document the features, investigate whether these features are dialect reflexes, and give an overview of their salience. In total, we find 23 regional features, most of which are given a moderate to high degree of subjective dialectality in listeners' judgments. Furthermore, our analysis shows that consonant and syllable phenomena are geographically distributed along Upper and Lower East Franconian lines, suggesting an influence of the Steigerwaldschranke on the regional accent.
Der Artikel beschäftigt sich mit der adnominalen Dativ+Possessiv-Konstruktion des Typs in Bęəbən ir Gətrax (‚den Weibern ihre Tracht = die Tracht der Weiber') und ihren verschiedenen Varianten im deutschen Dialekt von Deutschpilsen, einer kleinen ungarischen Sprachinsel im Norden Ungarns. Es ist eine mittelalterliche Ansiedlung, früher beschäftigten sich ihre Einwohner vor allem mit Bergbau und kamen wahrscheinlich aus dem Süden sowie aus dem mittleren Osten des deutschen Sprachgebiets. Es entstand eine Mischmundart. Der Basisdialekt des abgelegenen Dorfes bewahrt bis heute viele archai-sche Elemente. Gegenwärtig ist die Mundart vom Aussterben bedroht, sie ist eine Alters-und Erinne-rungssprache geworden. Die adnominale Dativ+Possessiv-Konstruktion hat eine breite Fachliteratur, der Artikel möchte dazu ergänzend neue Erkenntnisse präsentieren. Die Analyse erfolgt an empirisch gesammelten sprachlichen Daten, die mit Hilfe eines Fragebuchs in Deutschpilsen aufgenommen wur-den. Die InformantInnen waren ältere DorfbewohnerInnen, die die Mundart noch als Muttersprache beherrschen. Ein besonderes Augenmerk wird gesetzt auf das Thema Genus und pronominale Referenz in der Dativ+Possessiv-Konstruktion. Es wird der Konflikt zwischen grammatischem und referentiellem Genus, wie im Beispiel in Hoz iər Gartn (‚dem Haus ihr Garten = der Garten des Hauses') dargestellt. Für diese grammatische Diskrepanz (neutraler Artikel, feminine Pronominalisierung) wird nach Be-gründungen in der Fachliteratur gesucht. Die Genuskongruenz zwischen Antezedens und Possessivum ist im untersuchten Dialekt oft aufgehoben, es können Inkongruenzen zwischen dem Artikel und Pro-nomen entstehen. Es lassen sich inkongruente Formen mit Referenz auf ein Maskulinum oder Neutrum beobachten. Besonders auffällig sind die Varianten mit maskulinem/neutralem Artikel und femininem Possessivpronomen: ən Knab iər Štim (‚einem Knaben ihre Stimme = die Stimme eines Knaben'). In der dialektologischen Fachliteratur habe ich keine ähnlichen Belege gefunden. Der Artikel dokumen-tiert und beschreibt drei Arten der adnominalen Dativ+Possessiv-Konstruktion und illustriert sie mit Beispielsätzen aus Deutschpilsen. Auch das in der Fachliteratur vieldiskutierte Verhältnis von Genitiv und possessivem Dativ wird in ein neues Licht gerückt. The article deals with the adnominal dative+possessive construction of the type in Bęəbən ir Gətrax ('the women their costume = the costume of women') and its different variants in the German dialect of Deutschpilsen, a small Hungarian language island in northern Hungary. It is a medieval settlement, in the past its inhabitants were mainly engaged in mining and probably came from the south and the middle east of the German-speaking area. A mixed dialect was created. The basic dialect of the remote village has preserved many archaic elements to this day. The dialect is currently threatened with extinction , it has become a language of elderly people and memory. The adnominal dative+possessive construction has a wide range of literature, and the article would like to present new findings in addition. The analysis is carried out on empirically collected linguistic data that was recorded with the help of a questionnaire in Deutschpilsen. The informants were elderly villagers who still speak the dialect as their mother tongue. Particular attention is paid to the subject of gender and pronominal reference in the dative+possessive construction. The conflict between grammatical and referential gender is shown, as in the example in Hoz iər Gartn ('the house her garden = the garden of the house'). For this grammatical discrepancy (neutral article, feminine pronominalization), justifications are sought in literature.
The paper deals with the morpho-syntactic variation of subjunctive II in Bavarian dialect regions of (former) Austria and focuses on language dynamics.
The broad empirical basis comes from two different corpora: The first corpus consists of data from the “Dictionary of Bavarian dialects in Austria” (WBÖ), reflecting the base dialects of the first half of the 20th century. These data are supplemented by recent oral data that were elicited in project part 03 “Speech repertoires and varietal spectra” of the Special Research Programme “German in Austria. Variation – Contact – Perception” (DiÖ).
Combining WBÖ and DiÖ, PP03 data, a real time comparison is carried out. For additional apparent time evidence, the internal variation within the two datasets is taken into account: While in the WBÖ data different registers are compared, variation in the DiÖ, PP03 data is analyzed with respect to different registers and different speaker groups (old vs. young).
The WBÖ and the DiÖ, PP03 data provide empirical evidence that the -ad-marker that was initially restricted to weak verbs has exceeded its domain and is universally compatible with all verb classes. In connection with this, there is a decrease of strong synthetic subjunctive II forms.
The real time as well as the apparent time findings indicate an increase of analytic subjunctive II constructions at the cost of synthetic forms. Furthermore, we find an expansion of the werden-periphrasis, while the number of tun-subjunctives declines.
By means of the first comprehensive apparent-time study of Austria's traditional dialects, this paper explores the use of adnominal syntactic constructions of expressing the semantic relation of possession. The article focuses on both the geographical variation and the interplay of syntax, semantics, and pragmatics. The analyses are based on data from direct recordings of 162 speakers from forty villages and on written questionnaire data from 103 of these speakers from thirty-seven villages. The analyses reveal clear geographical patterns for those constructions in which the possessor phrase precedes the possessum phrase within the entire construction. We propose to focus on the discursive-pragmatic properties of the possessor phrase to explain the fact that each of the observed dialects allows the possessor to precede the pos-sessum. We provide evidence that referential anchoring, combined with the concept of accessibility, is the key to explaining the syntactic order within the used constructions.
Zu den Herausforderungen einer komparativen regionalsprachlichen Intonationsforschung gehören zum einen auf der Funktionsseite das Hinzuziehen abstrakter oder historischer Bezugseinheiten, um eine phonologische Herangehensweise zu ermöglichen. Zum anderen gehört hierzu auf der Formseite das Vermeiden subjektiver Parametrisierungen phonetischer Messungen von digital generierter Prosodie und letztlich deren Interpretation.
In der vorliegenden Untersuchung werden jene Herausforderungen mit einem neuen methodischen Zugriff angegangen. Funktionsseitig werden zunächst abstrakte prosodische Variablen hergeleitet. Diese werden anhand von regulativen Intonationsmustern auf segmentellen Trägern von Partikeln, Interjektionen und Ein-Wort-Äußerungen bezüglich ihrer Existenz und anschließend bezüglich ihrer funktionalen Annahmen durch Sequenzanalysen in freien Gesprächen überprüft. Formseitig interessiert erst dann die phonetische Realisierung dieser Variablen innerhalb vertikaler Variationsspektren in vier großräumigen Dialektregionen des Deutschen: Oberdeutsch, Mitteldeutsch, historisches Westdeutsch und Niederdeutsch. Für das messphonetische Vorgehen in der Untersuchung wurde der VokalJäger (Keil 2017) erweitert und modifiziert. Das innovative Verfahren, genannt VJ.PEAT, operiert hier als algorithmische Prozesskette zur automatisierten Messung, Darstellung und Klassifizierung prosodischer Einheiten. Mehrere sukzessive Schritte gewährleisten dabei Vergleichbarkeit und Reliabilität der Messungen.
Gegenstand der Untersuchung ist unter Anwendung des Algorithmus ein horizontaler und vertikaler Vergleich regulativer Intonationsmuster in Form und Funktion im variativen Spektrum deutscher Regionalsprachen. Mit der skizzierten Methodenkombination wird gezeigt, dass bezüglich dieses Untersuchungsgegenstands universelle Strukturen vorliegen: Drei diskurs-steuernde Funktionskomplexe der Prosodie (Reaktionssignale, Turnhaltesignale und Abschlusssignale) sowie zwei emotionale prosodische Einheiten (positive und neutrale bis negative Bewertung) auf regulativen Intonationsmustern sind vertikal wie horizontal unabhängig von segmental-phonologischer Variation in Form und Funktion in allen untersuchten Regionalsprachen relativ gleich und stabil. Es handelt sich zudem formal und funktional um dieselben Intonationsmuster, die in einer Pilotstudie (Pistor 2017) auf der Basis von Diskurspartikeln in Sprachen aus fünf verschiedenen Sprachfamilien (Deutsch, Mandarin, Arabisch, Ghomálá’ und Koreanisch) gefunden wurden. Die Position im Syntagma bestimmt in freien Gesprächen die funktionale Feindifferenzierung der Einheiten innerhalb der Komplexe. Auch hierbei zeigen alle funktionalen Einheiten im regionalen Vergleich dieselben positionellen Präferenzen und Ausschlüsse bezüglich ihrer konversationsstrukturellen Position (initial, medial, final oder isoliert).
Es handelt sich bei den Intonationsmustern um echte sprachliche Universalien, die deshalb aus sprachevolutionärer Perspektive schon sehr alt, also sogenannte linguistische Fossilien (Bickerton 1990), sein müssen.
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