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PASTORALISM AND

DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

Once again, the Horn of Africa has been in the headlines. And once again the news

has been bad: drought, famine, conﬂict, hunger, suffering and death. The ﬁnger of

blame has been pointed in numerous directions: at the changing climate, at environ-

mental degradation, at overpopulation, at geopolitics and conflict, at aid agency

failures, and more. But it is not all disaster and catastrophe. Many successful develop-

ment efforts at ‘the margins’ often remain hidden, informal, sometimes illegal; and

rarely in line with standard development prescriptions. If we shift our gaze from the

capital cities to the regional centres and their hinterlands, then a very different

perspective emerges. These are the places where pastoralists live. They have for

centuries struggled with drought, conﬂict and famine. They are resourceful, entre-

preneurial and innovative peoples. Yet they have been ignored and marginalized by

the states that control their territory and the development agencies that are supposed

to help them. This book argues that, while we should not ignore the profound

difﬁculties of creating secure livelihoods in the Greater Horn of Africa, there is much

to be learned from development successes, large and small.

This book will be of great interest to students and scholars with an interest in

development studies and human geography, with a particular emphasis on Africa.

It will also appeal to development policy-makers and practitioners.

Andy Catley is a Research Director at the Feinstein International Center, Tufts

University. He has worked on regional and international policy issues related to

livestock development and pastoralism in the Horn of Africa for many years, and

established the Center’s Africa Regional Ofﬁce in Addis Ababa in 2005.

Jeremy Lind is currently a Research Fellow at the Institute of Development

Studies, where he convenes a research theme on pastoralism for the Future

Agricultures Consortium.

Ian Scoones is a Professorial Fellow at the Institute of Development Studies, and

co-director of the ESRC STEPS Centre (www.steps-centre.org) and joint coordi-

nator of the Future Agricultures Consortium (www.future-agricultures.org).

Pathways to Sustainability Series

This book series addresses core challenges around linking science and technology

and environmental sustainability with poverty reduction and social justice. It is based

on the work of the Social, Technological and Environmental Pathways to

Sustainability (STEPS) Centre, a major investment of the UK Economic and Social

Research Council (ESRC). The STEPS Centre brings together researchers at the

Institute of Development Studies (IDS) and SPRU (Science and Technology Policy

Research) at the University of Sussex with a set of partner institutions in Africa, Asia

and Latin America.

Series Editors:

Melissa Leach, Ian Scoones and Andy Stirling

STEPS Centre at the University of Sussex

Editorial Advisory Board:

Steve Bass, Wiebe E. Bijker, Victor Galaz, Wenzel Geissler, Katherine Homewood,

Sheila Jasanoff, Colin McInnes, Suman Sahai, Andrew Scott

Titles in this series include:

Dynamic sustainabilities

Technology, environment, social justice

Melissa Leach, Ian Scoones and Andy Stirling

Avian inﬂuenza

Science, policy and politics

Edited by Ian Scoones

Rice biofortiﬁcation

Lessons for global science and development

Sally Brooks

Epidemics

Science, governance and social justice

Edited by Sarah Dry and Melissa Leach

Contested agronomy

Agricultural research in a changing world

James Sumberg and John Thompson

Pastoralism and development in Africa

Dynamic change at the margins

Edited by Andy Catley, Jeremy Lind and Ian Scoones

‘In 2010 the African Union released the ﬁrst continent-wide policy framework to

support pastoralism and pastoralist areas in Africa. The policy draws on a central

argument of this new book, being that innovative and dynamic changes are occur-

ring in pastoralist areas in response to increasing livestock marketing opportunities,

domestically, regionally and internationally, and these changes are providing

substantial but often hidden economic benefits. At the same time, the book also

shows very clearly how we also need to accelerate support to alternative livelihood

options in addition to supporting pastoralism and livestock production.’

– Abebe Haile Gabriel, Director, Department of Rural Economy

and Agriculture, African Union Commission

‘There is a rich array of case studies in this book, which capture the vitality and

innovation of pastoral societies. They are a welcome antidote to the negativity that

infects far too much of the discourse on pastoralism. Each chapter also illuminates

the forces that are driving change in pastoral areas and the impact of change on rich

and poor, women and men. In such a fluid environment, policy-makers and

practitioners need to start ‘seeing like pastoralists’ if they are to ﬁnd the right way

forward. This book will help us do so.’

– Mohamed Elmi, Minister of State for Development of Northern Kenya

and other Arid Lands, Kenya

‘This book is essential reading for anyone concerned with the future of pastoralism

in Africa. In Ethiopia, pastoralism is a vital economic sector and essential for the

country’s development. This book will provide important guidance for both

policymakers and development practitioners.’

– Ahmed Shide, State Minister, Ministry of Finance and Economic

Development, Ethiopia

‘This book is exceptionally deep in the analysis of the conditions of pastoralists and

provides far-sighted and comprehensive options for improving their livelihoods

within the context of country-speciﬁc reality and regional and global challenges.

Understanding the resilience of pastoralists in the face of growing complex

challenges moves us away from a focus on traditional coping strategies to innovative

efforts which provide more robust and sustainable solutions for the livelihoods of

pastoralists.’

– Luka Biong Deng, formerly National Minister

for Cabinet Affairs of Sudan

‘This is a candid and thought provoking scrutiny of some of the diverse, complex

and often emotive issues around pastoral development and investment. The book

is an important and timely resource as African countries embark on securing the

future of pastoralists as espoused by the recently approved AU Policy Framework

for Pastoralism in Africa.’

– Simplice Nouala, African Union Inter-African Bureau for

Animal Resources (AU-IBAR)

‘This book is a fascinating, timely collection of case studies by researchers, activists

and policymakers (many of whom are African pastoralists themselves) that document

the creativity of pastoralists in seeking economically secure, politically stable and

environmentally sustainable livelihoods – and the many challenges they face.? By

analyzing what pastoralists are actually doing (rather than dictating what they should

be doing), the book will be of tremendous value to anyone with an interest in the

future of pastoralists and pastoralism in the Greater Horn of Africa.’

– Dorothy Hodgson, Rutgers, State University of New Jersey, USA

‘This book drives home the tremendous scale and pace of change in northeast African

pastoralism. Grounded in authoritative knowledge of general context as well as

incisive analysis of social and historical particularities, the book spans resources and

production, commercialisation and markets, land and conﬂict, established and

emerging alternative livelihoods. The book brings alive the way this seemingly

remote and notoriously volatile region, with its rapid and violent shifts in socio-

political and biophysical environments, connects at all levels with national and

international arenas, policies and economic ﬂows. It traces the multiple and divergent

directions of pastoralist enterprise, the risks run and opportunities seized, the striking

innovations developed alongside robust, tried and tested strategies being maintained,

and the successful diversiﬁcation for some as against spiralling impoverishment for

others. The book conveys the vigour, dynamism and adaptability of these arid and

semi arid land populations, and their ability to embrace and exploit change, in a

context of policies that too often constrain rather than enable.’

– Katherine Homewood, University College London, UK

‘This timely and highly relevant publication challenges the prevailing view that there

is no future for pastoralism in the Horn of Africa. It further advances the debate and

deepens our understanding of pastoralism and its dynamics in the drylands of Africa,

providing a nuanced and differentiated analysis of its potential and limitations in the

face of new opportunities and challenges. Its detailed case studies and fresh empirical

evidence offer clear insights into a range of potential pathways for the development

of these complex and uncertain environments.’

– Ced Hesse, International Institute for Environment

and Development, UK

‘This important book helps narrow the prevailing knowledge gap on pastoralism

and pastoral development.’

– Tezera Getahun, Executive Director, Pastoralist Forum Ethiopia

‘This book, about one of the most diverse pastoral regions of the world, brings

together many cutting-edge studies on the sustainability of pastoral development.

The book provides cause for optimism as well as pause for thought, since

pastoralism is evidently thriving in drylands that are also home to some of the

world’s worst poverty. The book illustrates how sustainable pastoralist development

depends on development partners doing what pastoralists have always done:

managing complexity.’

– Jonathan Davies, Global Drylands Initiative, IUCN,

the International Union for Conservation of Nature

PASTORALISM

AND DEVELOPMENT

IN AFRICA

Dynamic change at the margins

Edited by Andy Catley,

Jeremy Lind and Ian Scoones

First edition published 2013

by Routledge

2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada

by Routledge

605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

material; individual chapters, the contributors

The right of the editors to be identiﬁed as the author of the editorial material,

and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance

with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com,

has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non

Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Pastoralism and development in Africa : dynamic change at the margins / edited

by Ian Scoones, Andy Catley and Jeremy Lind. — 1st ed.

p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references.

1. Herders—Horn of Africa—Economic conditions. 2. Herders—Africa,

Eastern—Economic conditions. 3. Pastoral systems—Horn of Africa. 4. Pastoral

systems—Africa, Eastern. 5. Horn of Africa—Economic conditions. 6. Africa,

Eastern—Economic conditions. 7. Economic development—Horn of Africa.

8. Economic development—Africa, Eastern. I. Scoones, Ian. II. Catley, Andy.

III. Lind, Jeremy.

GN650.P39 2013

333.74'150963--dc23

2012003309

ISBN13: 978–0–415–54071–1 (hbk)

ISBN13: 978–0–415–54072–8 (pbk)

ISBN13: 978–0–203–10597–9 (ebk)

DOI: 10.4324/9780203105979

CONTENTS

List of ﬁgures

List of tables

List of contributors

Acknowledgements

Abbreviations

xiii

xxiii

xxv

1 Development at the margins: pastoralism in the Horn of Africa

Andy Catley, Jeremy Lind and Ian Scoones

PART I

Resources and production 27

2 The sustainability of pastoral production in Africa

Gufu Oba

3 Rangeland enclosures in Southern Oromia, Ethiopia: an

innovative response or the erosion of common property

resources?

Boku Tache

4 Pastoralists and irrigation in the Horn of Africa: time for a

rethink?

Stephen Sandford

viii Contents

5 Counting the costs: replacing pastoralism with irrigated

agriculture in the Awash Valley

Roy Behnke and Carol Kerven

6 Climate change in Sub-Saharan Africa: what consequences

for pastoralism?

Polly Ericksen, Jan de Leeuw, Philip Thornton, Mohamed Said,

Mario Herrero and An Notenbaert

PART II

Commercialization and markets 83

7 Moving up or moving out? Commercialization, growth and

destitution in pastoralist areas

Andy Catley and Yacob Aklilu

8 Pastoralists’ innovative responses to new camel export market

opportunities on the Kenya/Ethiopia borderlands

Hussein Abdullahi Mahmoud

9 ‘Responsible companies’ and African livestock-keepers:

helping, teaching but not learning?

John Morton

108

10 Town camels and milk villages: the growth of camel milk

marketing in the Somali Region of Ethiopia

Abdi Abdullahi, Seid Mohammed and Abdirahman Eid

119

PART III

Land and conﬂict 129

11 The future of pastoralist conﬂict in the Horn of Africa

Paul Goldsmith

131

12 Land grabbing in the Eastern African rangelands

John G. Galaty

143

13 Land deals and the changing political economy of livelihoods

in the Tana Delta, Kenya

Abdirizak Arale Nunow

154

Contents ix

14 Squeezed from all sides: changing resource tenure and

pastoralist innovation on the Laikipia Plateau, Kenya

John Letai and Jeremy Lind

164

15 Mobile pastoralism and land grabbing in Sudan: impacts and

responses

Mustafa Babiker

177

16 The need to strengthen land laws in Ethiopia to protect pastoral

rights

Abebe Mulatu and Solomon Bekure

186

PART IV

Alternative livelihoods 195

17 Seeking alternative livelihoods in pastoral areas

Elliot Fratkin

197

18 Reaching pastoralists with formal education: a distance-learning

strategy for Kenya

David Siele, Jeremy Swift and Saverio Krätli

206

19 Social protection for pastoralists

Stephen Devereux and Karen Tibbo

215

20 Women and economic diversiﬁcation in pastoralist societies:

a regional perspective

John Livingstone and Everse Ruhindi

231

PART V

Endpiece 241

21 Reﬂections on the future of pastoralism in the Horn of Africa

Peter D. Little

243

References

Index

250

286

FIGURES

1.1 The Greater Horn of Africa 4

1.2 Four scenarios for the future of pastoralism 15

5.1 The Awash Basin 59

5.2 Revenue per hectare – cane cultivation, livestock production, and

sugar processing 65

5.3 Revenue per hectare – alternative uses of the Awash ﬂoodplain 66

6.1 Variation of monthly and 12 month running average of NDVI for

Kajiado district from 1982 to end of 2009 73

6.2 Relation between total animal biomass (dots, g.m-2) and the ﬁve

year running average of NDVI from 1987 to 2009, Kajiado district,

Kenya 74

6.3 Areas in East Africa that may undergo a ﬂip in maximum

temperature overall and during the growing season 76

6.4 Areas in East Africa where a) rain per rainy day may increase by

more than 10 per cent and b) rain per rainy day may decrease

by more than 10 per cent 76

6.5 Changes in ratio of shoats (sheep and goats) to cattle 1977–78 and

2005–10 in Kenya 80

7.1 The ‘moving up, moving out’ scenario – trends in livestock

ownership by wealth group over 60 years (1944-2004), Shinile

zone, Somali Region 90

7.2 Short-term trends in livestock ownership by wealth group,

lowland Hawd area, Somali Region 90

7.3 Mean annual rainfall patterns in pastoralist areas of Ethiopia,

Somalia, Somaliland and Kenya 93

7.4 Simple modeling of long-term trends in high export pastoralist

areas and impacts on wealth groups 94

xii Figures

8.1 Camels slaughtered in Garissa town, 1999–2009 104

10.1 Map showing milk trading routes 126

13.1 Location of the Tana River District in Kenya 156

13.2 The River Tana Delta 157

14.1 Land uses on the Laikipia Plateau 167

14.2 Livestock movements from group ranches to Mt. Kenya and the

Aberdares in 2009 172

17.1 Measures of malnutrition for weight-by-age, pastoral versus

sedentary samples, wasting deﬁned as below -2 Z-scores 204

17.2 Measures of malnutrition for height-by-age, pastoral versus

sedentary samples, stunting deﬁned as below -2 Z-scores 204

TABLES

1.1 Contrasting visions of development at the margins 22

3.1 Examples of violent internal conﬂicts over enclosures in selected

kebeles, Moyale District in 2009 and 2010 45

4.1 Irrigable land and the number of pastoralists in the Horn of Africa 49

4.2 Beneﬁts and costs of irrigated small-holdings on four pastoralist-

related irrigation schemes 53

5.1 Head of stock and breeding females supported per hectare of

valley grazing alternate stocking rates 60

5.2 Gross value in 2009 of live animal, meat and milk for human

consumption, EB per hectare per annum at two stocking densities 61

5.3 Husbandry costs in 2009 exclusive of weaponry and security

provision at two stocking rates in EB 61

5.4 Net returns in 2009 to one hectare of riverine land under seasonal

pastoral land use in EB 62

5.5 MAADE yields, operating expenses and revenue from seed cotton,

1980–90 63

5.6 MAADE yields, costs and revenue from cotton production and

processing, 2004–09 63

6.1 GCM consistencies in regional precipitation projections for 2090–99 77

7.1 Volume and value of livestock exports from Ethiopia 87

7.2 Livestock exports from Somaliland 88

7.3 Annual pastoral household income from livestock sales in Somali

areas of Kenya, and Borana and Guji areas of Ethiopia 88

7.4 Trend analysis of annual total rainfall by location, Kenya, Ethiopia

and Somalia 94

8.1 Grades, body description and prices in Moyale, Ethiopia market,

2010 102

xiv Tables

8.2 Estimating the value of camel sales at Moyale, Ethiopia market 103

10.1 Urban camel milk production in Gode, Somali Region 124

13.1 Known details and status of proposed land deals in the Tana Delta 158

14.1 Beneﬁts of herder-farmer agreements 173

15.1 Recent land deals in Sudan 179

15.2 Changes in land use in Gedaref State, 1941–2002 181

17.1 Income generation sources among Northern Kenyan pastoralist

households 202

19.1 Classifying social protection interventions for pastoral areas 220

CONTRIBUTORS

Abdi Abdullahi has an M.A. from the Institute of Development Studies at the

University of Sussex. He has more than 30 years of experience working as a

development practitioner serving in different capacities in various international and

national NGOs concerned with pastoral issues in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.

He is currently leading an Ethiopian NGO, Pastoral Concern.

Yacob Aklilu is a senior researcher at the Feinstein International Center, Tufts

University. He is a livelihoods specialist with in-depth knowledge of humanitarian

and development programming and policies in Africa. An agricultural economist,

he has more than 25 years’ experience of policy analysis and reform at national and

regional levels. He has specialist knowledge of livestock marketing at domestic,

regional and international levels and was the instigator of the Pastoral Livestock

Marketing Groups approach in Ethiopia and Kenya.

Mustafa Babiker has worked with the Development Studies and Research Institute

(DSRI), University of Khartoum since 1988. He holds a Ph.D. in sociology and

social anthropology. Currently he is seconded to Sultan Qaboos University in

Oman. His main research interests are in the ﬁeld of natural resource management

and conﬂict in pastoral areas.

Roy Behnke was trained in Islamic studies and social anthropology at the

Universities of Chicago and California, and undertakes research on extensive

livestock production and rangeland management in semi-arid Africa and Central Asia.

He is a Fellow of Imperial College London and a researcher for the Odessa Centre

Ltd. Currently he is conducting research on pastoral land use in Turkmenistan and

attempting to quantify the economic contribution of livestock to national economies

in East Africa.

xvi Contributors

Solomon Bekure is an economist with more than 40 years of extensive experience

in academia (Haile Selassie I University, 1963–65 and 1970–72), government

(Ethiopian Ministry of Agriculture, 1974–76), national and international research

(ILRI, 1976–1998) and development and finance institutions (the World Bank,

1988–2002 and the Agricultural and Industrial Development Bank of Ethiopia,

1972–74). Throughout he has had a focus on agricultural policy, rural development,

livestock production, marketing, ﬁnance, natural resources and land tenure and land-

use systems. He has led multidisciplinary teams in formulating, reviewing, monitor-

ing, and evaluating the policies, performance and status of the agriculture sector of

many African countries. He has worked in Botswana, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Ghana,

Guinea, Kenya, Lesotho, Nigeria, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. He graduated

from Oklahoma State University, U.S.A. with a Ph.D. (1970) and M.Sc. (1967) and

Haile Selassie I University (1963).

Andy Catley is a research director at the Feinstein International Center, Tufts

University. He established the Center’s Africa Regional Office in Addis Ababa,

Ethiopia in 2005, and has worked on development and humanitarian issues in

pastoralist areas of the Horn of Africa since 1992.

Jan de Leeuw is a team leader at ILRI in Nairobi, leading research on vulnerability

in pastoral systems. He holds a Ph.D. in ecology. He has worked in higher education

and research in environmental science in a wide variety of environments around the

world. At ILRI, he works on ways to reduce pastoral vulnerability, including early

warning systems and more appropriate drought relief strategies, and options for

livelihood diversification through payment for environmental services. Current

activities include mapping and valuation of ecosystem services in drylands, assessment

of the potential for carbon sequestration in African dryland ecosystems and economic

analysis of benefits derived from income from wildlife based tourism in conservancies

in Kenya.

Stephen Devereux has been a fellow at the Institute of Development Studies since

1996. He is a food security and social protection specialist whose research has been

conducted mainly in rural areas of Sub-Saharan Africa. His work with pastoralists

includes a survey (as team leader) of livelihoods and vulnerability in the Somali

Region, Ethiopia, and an evaluation (as a team member) of the Hunger Safety Net

Programme in arid and semi-arid districts of northern Kenya.

Abdirahman Eid has a Masters degree in agricultural economics from Haramaya

University. He has ﬁve years of experience working in Somali Regional Research

Institution, Somali Regional Agriculture Bureau where he once served as deputy

head. He is currently a lecturer at Jigjiga University.

Polly Ericksen is a senior scientist at ILRI in Nairobi, Kenya. Her speciﬁc areas

of research are adapting food systems to enhance both food security and key

Contributors xvii

ecosystem services; options for lessening the vulnerability of pastoral livelihoods to

climate and other shocks; strategies for adaptation to climate change in agricultural

systems; and using participatory scenarios for planning under uncertainty. She holds

a B.A. in history, an M.Sc. in Economics and a Ph.D. in Soil Science. She has

worked extensively in Latin America, Africa and South Asia with both research and

development organizations.

Elliot Fratkin is a professor of Anthropology at Smith College in Northampton,

Massachusetts, a member of the graduate faculty of the University of Massachusetts-

Amherst, and editor of the African Studies Review. He has studied nomadic pastoralists

in East Africa since the 1970s, particularly Ariaal (mixed Samburu/Rendille) of

northern Kenya. In 2003 Fratkin was a US Fulbright Scholar at the University of

Asmara in Eritrea and in 2011–12 at Hawassa University in Ethiopia.

John G. Galaty pursued his graduate studies in Anthropology at the University of

Chicago and in Paris. He is now a professor in the Department of Anthropology,

an associate member of the McGill School of the Environment, president of the

McGill Association of University Teachers, and director of the Centre for Society,

Technology and Development. He serves as a member of the Scientiﬁc Advisory

Board of the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, is scientiﬁc advisor to

the International Foundation for Science, and is an editorial board member for

Nomadic Peoples. He has been president of the Canadian Association of African

Studies, an FAO expert and social analyst, and an international elections monitor

(in Kenya and Tanzania) for Rights and Democracy. He has worked closely with

pastoral communities in Kenya and Tanzania as a researcher, an international advisor

to the IDRC Arid Lands and Resource Management Network (ALARM), and

director of McGill’s ongoing Pastoral Property and Poverty Project.

Paul Goldsmith completed a Ph.D. in anthropology and tropical agriculture from

the University of Florida. After graduating in 1993, he returned to Africa where he

has continued to undertake research, teach on a periodic basis, publish in the local

press and scholarly publications, and work actively with civil society initiatives. His

main areas of interest are pastoralism, environmental management, conﬂict analysis

and minority rights. He recently completed a study of the Mombasa Republic

Council, a secessionist movement on Kenya’s coast and is currently involved in

several projects on the coast and an advocacy campaign for indigenous land rights

and the ecological and cultural conservation of the Lamu archipelago.

Mario Herrero is a senior agro-ecological systems analyst with more than 15 years

experience working on livestock, livelihoods and the environment interactions in

Africa, Latin America and Asia. He leads ILRI’s Sustainable Livestock Futures Group

and he also coordinates ILRI’s work on climate change. He works in the areas of

livestock and global change, climate change (impacts, adaptation and mitigation),

development of scenarios of livestock and livelihoods futures, multi-scale integrated

xviii Contributors

assessment, sustainable development pathways for livestock systems, ex-ante impact

assessment of livestock interventions and investment opportunities, and others. He

has contributed to numerous international assessments and international task forces.

He has published widely in his areas of expertise and is currently on the editorial

board of Agricultural Systems, and a guest editor for the Proceedings of the National

Academy of Sciences journal (PNAS) in the area of livestock, sustainability science and

global change.

Carol Kerven trained in social anthropology and is the director of the Odessa

Centre, Ltd, is a fellow of Imperial College London, and senior editor of the journal

Pastoralism: research, policy and practice. She has published extensively on pastoralism

in both Africa and Asia. She is currently investigating rangeland tenure in Kazakhstan

and continuing a long-term interest in the production and marketing of ﬁne ﬁbres

from pastoral livestock.

Saverio Krätli works as an independent researcher and scientific advisor specializing

in the interface between pastoral producers, science and development. His main

ﬁeldwork experience is amongst the WoDaaBe (central Niger), Turkana (Kenya)

and Karamojong (Uganda). He is editor of Nomadic Peoples.

John Letai has over 16 years’ experience in the Horn and East Africa drylands

working with pastoralists and other marginalized groups living in these areas. He has

a wealth of knowledge in working with communities on natural resource man-

agement, insecurity or conflicts and other development issues. He is a strong

advocate of pastoral land tenure reform and has been involved in land policy

formulation, as well as policy advocacy and implementation. He has worked with

different actors including governments, local and national NGOs, international

organizations among them International Committee of the Red Cross, Resource

Conﬂict Institute (RECONCILE), IIED and Oxfam GB.

Jeremy Lind is a development geographer with over 10 years’ research and advisory

experience on livelihoods, conﬂict and the delivery of aid in pastoral areas of the

Horn of Africa. He is currently a research fellow at the Institute of Development

Studies (IDS), where he jointly convenes a research theme on Pastoralism for the

Future Agricultures Consortium. An area of his work relating to pastoralism

concerns the linkages between resources and conflict. He (co)edited Scarcity and

surfeit: the ecology of Africa’s conﬂicts (2002).

Peter D. Little is an economic and development anthropologist who received his

graduate training in anthropology from Indiana University. Currently he is a

professor of Anthropology and Director of Emory University’s new Development

Studies Program. Prior to moving to Emory he most recently was chair and professor

of Anthropology, University of Kentucky (1994–2007). During the past 27 years,

his research has addressed the anthropology of development and globalization,

Contributors xix

political economy of agrarian change, pastoralism, environmental politics and

change, informal economies and statelessness, and food insecurity in several African

countries. Most of his ﬁeld studies have been conducted in Africa, with a primary

emphasis on eastern Africa (Kenya, Somalia, and Ethiopia).

John Livingstone studied economics at the University of Warwick and Queen

Mary College (London). After brief stints as a researcher at UEA (Norwich) and the

Institute for European–Latin American relations (Madrid) in the 1990s, he has

worked as a consultant for several international development agencies and as regional

policy ofﬁcer for PENHA (the Pastoral and Environmental Network in the Horn

of Africa), a non-proﬁt organization focused on pastoralism.

Hussein Abdullahi Mahmoud holds a Ph.D. in anthropology from the University

of Kentucky and is a senior lecturer in the Department of Social Sciences, Pwani

University College, Kilifi, a constituent college of Kenyatta University, Kenya.

His current research projects include an association with the Future Agricultures

Consortium as a researcher and co-convener of the Pastoralism Theme. He is also

Co-PI on the Climate Induced Vulnerability and Pastoralist Livestock Marketing

Chains in the Horn of Africa project with Peter Little at Emory University. He was

lead researcher on CARE/FAO/DFID project on Sustainable Pastoralism in Sool

and Sanaag Regions of Northern Somalia and on the Informal Cross-Border

Livestock Trade on the Kenya/Somalia Borderlands project of the FAO Subregional

Ofﬁce for Eastern Africa, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Seid Mohammed has an M.Sc. in Tropical Ecology and Management of Natural

Resources from the University of Life Sciences, Norway. He has five years of

experience teaching pastoral related subjects such as range ecology and management

in both in Mekelle and Jigjiga Universities, Ethiopia. Currently he is serving as

Academic and Research Vice President of Jigjiga University.

John Morton has a B.A. in social anthropology from the University of Cambridge

and a Ph.D. from the University of Hull. He has worked at the Natural Resources

Institute, University of Greenwich since 1993, most recently as a professor of

Development Anthropology, and head of the Livelihoods and Institutions

Department. His work focuses on social, institutional and policy aspects of livestock

and pastoralist development, as well as on climate change impacts on pastoralists and

on the rural poor in general. He has ﬁeld experience in numerous African countries

(especially in the Horn of Africa), South Asia and Mongolia.

Abebe Mulatu is a property rights lawyer working with the Ethiopia –

Strengthening Land Administration Program, a USAID assisted project implemented

by Tetra Tech ARD, providing technical and ﬁnancial assistance to the regional

states of Afar and Somali among others. He was a Land Tenure and Land Dispute

specialist (2005–08) in a preceding project. He has worked as Head of the Property

xx Contributors

Laws Reform Department in the Ethiopian Justice and Legal System Reform

Institute, a government think tank between 1999 and 2005. He was also a part-time

lecturer in law at the Addis Ababa University, Law Faculty and the Ethiopian Civil

Service College, Law Faculty (1998–2008). He has consulted for various organiza-

tions on policy and regulatory frameworks regarding land tenure and natural

resource administration and management. He holds an LL.M. degree from Temple

University School of Law, Philadelphia (1996) and an LL.B. degree from the Law

Faculty of Addis Ababa University (1986).

An Notenbaert is a land use planner with 15 years of research and development

experience in Belgium and Africa. Currently she is working as a Spatial Analyst

working in the ‘Sustainable Livestock Futures’ programme at ILRI. In this capacity

she provides spatial analysis for a wide range of studies across the institute, thereby

interacting with and supporting a multi-disciplinary research team of economists,

systems analysts, natural resource managers, epidemiologists, etc. Her work focuses

on methodologies for strategic analysis on the poverty–environment nexus with a

special interest in climate change issues.

Abdirizak Arale Nunow was born in Garissa District, among the Somali

pastoralists of north-eastern Kenya. He holds a Ph.D. degree in Environmental

Science from the University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands, and his dissertation

studied the market participation of the pastoralists with a view to improving their

food security situation. He also holds an M.Phil. degree in Environmental Planning

and Management (Moi University, 1994) and a B.A. in Economics and Business

Studies (Kenyatta University, 1990). He has over 17 years’ experience in develop-

ment issues in arid and semi-arid areas in Eastern Africa and his main interests include

commercialization of the pastoral economy and pastoral livelihood systems in the

drylands. He currently teaches in the School of Environmental Studies of Moi

University, Kenya, besides undertaking diverse consultancy work in land use systems

in the drylands and pastoralist studies in the Horn of Africa. He is currently involved

in research on pastoralist marketing and wealth differentiation of pastoral households

in commercialization of the pastoral economy.

Gufu Oba is a professor at the Department of International Environment and

Development Studies (Noragric) at the Norwegian University of Life Sciences. He

is currently on a sabbatical at Emory University, Atlanta. He has since 1981 carried

out research on rangelands and pastoralists across Africa, with extended ﬁeld experi-

ence in eastern Africa and the Horn, as well as Northern Namibia. He has combined

his long-term research working with pastoralists and his personal knowledge from

that background to develop new ways of understanding pastoralism and grazing

lands. He has published articles in more than 25 different scientiﬁc journals.

Everse Ruhindi graduated from Makerere University and did postgraduate studies

in Women’s Law and Business Administration. From the late 1990s, she has worked

Contributors xxi

in community development, with the Uganda Gender Resource Centre (UGRC)

and the Pastoral and Environmental Network in Horn of Africa (PENHA). She has

conducted action-oriented studies on a range of development issues, with a focus

on gender and women in pastoralist communities.

Mohammed Said is a research scientist working with ILRI and joined the institute

in 2003. His background is in ecological monitoring, specialising in aerial counts,

remote sensing, land use and land cover mapping, community mapping, spatial

analysis and modeling. His interest is in analysing information and linking knowledge

to various uses by community, researchers and decision makers in resource man-

agement. He holds a Ph.D. in Ecology from Wageningen University and ITC in

the Netherlands.

Stephen Sandford was born in Ethiopia and ﬁrst travelled through the pastoral

areas of northern Kenya and southern Ethiopia 70 years ago. From 1966 until 1968

he researched the economics of irrigation in East Africa. Between 1970 and 1975

he was a member of an Ethiopian government team that prepared ambitious projects

for pastoral development. The work included the construction and operation of a

pilot spate irrigation scheme for Afar pastoralists. From 1975 to 1982 he established

and ran the Overseas Development Institute (ODI) Pastoral Development Network,

which for 20 years thereafter led the international exchange of information on

pastoral development. In 1983 he published an inﬂuential book on pastoral develop-

ment, Management of pastoral development in the third world. He subsequently worked

for the CGIAR’s International Livestock Centre for Africa and for the British NGO,

FARM Africa. Since 2000 he has become increasingly convinced (and noisy, under

the slogan ‘Too many people, too few livestock’) that the conventional approaches

to pastoral development, through improved animal health and better managed

rangelands, need to be matched by much greater efforts to assist pastoralists to

develop alternative livelihoods not dependent on animal production based on

rangelands. Recently he has been involved in planning an Ethiopian NGO’s project,

which includes irrigation, to assist pastoralists and adjacent farmers in Afar Region.

Ian Scoones is a professorial fellow at the Institute of Development Studies, co-

director of the ESRC STEPS Centre (www.steps-centre.org) and joint coordinator

of the Future Agricultures Consortium (www.future-agricultures.org). He originally

trained as an ecologist but has since worked on the institutional and policy issues

surrounding agricultural and environmental change in Africa. He has worked on

livestock development issues in Africa for many years and was (co-) editor of Range

ecology at disequilibrium (1993) and Living with uncertainty: new directions in pastoral

development in Africa (1995).

David Siele is a holder of a M.Ed. degree from Leeds University. Earlier he

acquired a B.Ed. from the University of Nairobi in Kenya. He served as a high

school teacher of physics and chemistry before moving to Kenya’s Ministry of

xxii Contributors

Education where he held several offices, including that of provincial director of

Education. Eventually he rose to the position of director of Higher Education at the

national ofﬁce. Later he moved to the Ministry of Northern Kenya and Other Arid

Lands as a director in charge of human capital development. The ministry is

mandated with looking at alternative ways of reaching children from pastoralist

communities, hence the move to give them education through distance learning.

Jeremy Swift was formerly a fellow at the Institute of Development Studies at the

University of Sussex. He works on research and policy processes in nomadic pastoral

societies in Africa, the Middle East and Central Asia. His main interests include

natural resource management, conﬂict, education and famine.

Boku Tache was born into a pastoralist family in southern Ethiopia, trained in

sociology and social anthropology at Addis Ababa University, and received his Ph.D.

in Development Studies from the Norwegian University of Life Sciences. He has

worked for international organizations on pastoral development in Ethiopia, includ-

ing pastoral community health, social forestry, shared management of common

property resources, empowerment of customary institutions and participatory

resource mapping. His main areas of his research interest include social development

and poverty reduction, sustainable pastoral livelihoods, resource tenure issues,

culture and conservation, community-based natural resource management and

climate change and development, on which he has published articles and book

chapters. He is currently working as an independent consultant based in Addis

Ababa.

Philip Thornton is leader of the Integration for Decision Making research theme

of the CGIAR Research Programme on Climate Change, Agriculture and Food

Security (CCAFS) at the International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI) in

Nairobi, Kenya. He is also an honorary research fellow in the Institute of

Atmospheric and Environmental Sciences at the University of Edinburgh. He holds

a Ph.D. in Farm Management from the University of Canterbury, New Zealand.

He has worked for over 25 years in Latin America, Europe, North America and

Africa in agricultural research for development. He has published widely on systems

modelling and impact assessment, with a current focus on the effects of global change

on agriculture in developing countries.

Karen Tibbo has 14 years of food security and livelihoods experience in Africa.

She was the Nairobi-based coordinator of the impact evaluation of the Hunger

Safety Net Programme in northern Kenya. Previously she was the regional social

protection adviser for CARE, based in Johannesburg, and an Oxfam food security

adviser for Southern Africa and Kenya. She also has worked with DFID and FAO.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book has emerged out of a highly productive collaboration between the

pastoralism theme of the Future Agricultures Consortium (FAC) (www.future-

agricultures.org) and the Pastoralist Livelihood Initiative (PLI) at the Feinstein

Center, Tufts University in Addis Ababa (http://ﬁc.tufts.edu ). The contributions

to this book were originally presented at an international conference on ‘The future

of pastoralism in Africa’ held in Addis Ababa in March 2011 (http://www.future-

agricultures.org/pastoralism.html). The ‘end piece’, Chapter 21, was written by

Peter Little in response to the near-ﬁnal manuscript.

We gratefully acknowledge support from the UK Department for International

Development (to FAC), the United States Agency for International Development in

Ethiopia (under the PLI) and CORDAID (for support to African conference

participants). We would like to thank Leah Plati, Oliver Burch and Shona McCulloch

at IDS and Fasil Yemane and Yemisrach Weldearegai at Tufts University in Addis

Ababa for making the conference a huge success, as well as the facilities and

communications team at the campus of the International Livestock Research Institute

where the conference was held. David Hughes and Liz Adams did a great job

providing communications support, and a conference website where the original

papers, plus videos, blogs and more are available. The conference was attended by

over 100 scholars, pastoralist representatives and ofﬁcials from inter-governmental

agencies, governments and donors. We would like to thank all conference

participants for their many contributions to the conference, which have greatly

enriched the insights shared in this book.

Ced Hesse and Dorothy Hodgson shared critical feedback on the book outline,

and Katherine Homewood also commented on the full manuscript. The STEPS

Centre ‘Pathways to Sustainability’ series editors also provided useful guidance.

Indeed, many of the themes discussed at the conference and elaborated in this book

are central to the concerns of the STEPS Centre (www.steps-centre.org), as

xxiv Acknowledgements

uncovering alternative pathways for development and towards sustainability often

does happen ‘at the margins’ and outside the mainstream.

Naomi Vernon and Manus McGrogan provided invaluable copy-editing

assistance. Marion Clarke worked efﬁciently at short notice with Alison Davies, a

map-maker, to produce several of the maps in the book. Acknowledgements linked

to individual chapter contributions are contained in the endnotes at the close of each

chapter.

ABBREVIATIONS

ABET Alternative Basic Education for Turkana

ACDI-VOCA Agricultural Cooperative Development International/Volunteers

in Overseas Cooperative Assistance

ADC Agricultural Development Corporation

AFCON Advanced Frigate Consortium of the US Army

ALRMP Arid Lands Resource Management Project

ASAL arid and semi-arid lands

ASARECA Association for Strengthening Agricultural Research in Eastern

and Central Africa

AU African Union

CCAFS Challenge Programme on Climate Change, Agriculture and Food

Security

CCPP Contagious caprine pleuropneumonia

CEWARN Conﬂict Early Warning and Response Mechanism

CMIP3 Coupled Model Intercomparison Project Phase Three

COMESA Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa

CSR Corporate Social Responsibility

DCM Drought Cycle Management

DFID Department for International Development (UK)

DRSRS Department of Resource Surveys and Remote Sensing

EAC East Africa Community

EB Ethiopian Birr

EDRI Ethiopian Development Research Institute

EMOPs Emergency Operations

ENSO El Niño Southern Oscillation

EPRDF Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front

EWS Early Warning System

xxvi Abbreviations

FAC Future Agricultures Consortium

FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations

FAOSTAT Food and Agriculture Organization Statistical Database

FCAR, now Québec Fonds pour la Formation de Chercheurs et l’Aide à la

FQRSC Recherche

FDRE Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

GCA Game Controlled Area

GCMs General Circulation Models

GSU General Services Unit

HHS High Heights Services

HSNP Hunger Safety Net Programme

HVA Handels Vereniging Amsterdam

IBLI Index-Based Livestock Insurance

ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross

ICU Islamic Courts Union

IDS Institute of Development Studies

IGAD Intergovernmental Authority on Development

IIED International Institute for Environment and Development

IK Industri Kapital

ILRI International Livestock Research Institute

INSEAD Institut Européen d’Administration des Affaires

IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change

ITCZ inter-tropical convergence zone

IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature

KBC Kenya Broadcasting Corporation

KCPE Kenya Certiﬁcate of Primary Education

KIE Kenya Institute of Education

KIPOC Korongoro Integrated People Oriented to Conservation

KNEC Kenya National Examinations Council

LAPSSET Lamu Port South Sudan and Ethiopia Transport Corridor

LGP Length of the Growing Period

LIU Livelihoods Information Unit

MAADE Middle Awash Agricultural Development Enterprise

MDNKOAL Ministry for Development of Northern Kenya and Other Arid

Lands

MGNREGA Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act

MIS Management Information Systems

MMD The Multi-Model Data Set

MOESTK Ministry of Education, Science and Technology

MPIDO Mainyoito Pastoral Development Organization

MRC Mombasa Republican Council

NACONEK National Commission on Nomadic Education in Kenya

NAO North Atlantic Oscillation

NDVI Normalized Difference Vegetation Index

Abbreviations xxvii

NPV Net Present Value

OBC Ortello Business Corporation

OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development

PARIMA Pastoral Risk Management Programme

PCMDI Program for Climate Model Diagnosis and Intercomparison

PMAC Provisional Military Administration Council (Derg)

PRRO Protracted Relief and Recovery Operation

PSNP Productive Safety Net Programme

REC Regional Economic Community

SCUS Save the Children US

SCUK Save the Children UK

SNNPR Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples’ Regional State

SOS Stamp Out Sleeping Sickness Campaign, Uganda

SRES Special Report on Emissions Scenarios

TARDA Tana Athi River Development Authority

TLU Tropical Livestock Unit/Total Livestock Unit

TNRF Tanzania Natural Resource Forum

TSC Teachers Service Commission

UCRT Ujamaa Community Resource Team

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

UNEP United Nations Environment Programme

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientiﬁc and Cultural Organization

UNFPA United Nations Population Fund

UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund

UNOCHA United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian

Affairs

USAID The United States Agency for International Development

WCED World Commission on Environment and Development

WCRP World Climate Research Programme

WFP World Food Programme

WMA Wildlife Management Area

WMO World Meteorological Organization

DEVELOPMENT AT THE MARGINS

Pastoralism in the Horn of Africa

Andy Catley, Jeremy Lind and Ian Scoones

Introduction

Once again, the Horn of Africa has been in the headlines. Once again the news has

been bad: drought, famine, conﬂict, hunger, suffering and death. And once again,

development and humanitarian aid experts have said we need to rethink. The famine

of 2011–12 in southern Somalia and the humanitarian crisis in neighbouring areas

of Kenya and Ethiopia have undoubtedly caused immense human suffering. The

ﬁnger of blame has been pointed in numerous directions: to the changing climate,

to environmental degradation, to overpopulation, to political interference, to geo-

politics and conﬂict, to aid agency failures, and more. Of course this is not the ﬁrst

– or likely the last – time that the Horn of Africa has featured so prominently in

global debates. But sadly the lessons are rarely learned and business-as-usual quickly

returns.

This book argues that, while we should not ignore the profound difﬁculties of

creating secure livelihoods for the majority of people in the Horn of Africa, there

is much to be learned from development successes, large and small, in these areas.

And that building from these is essential if future disasters are to be avoided. It offers

a more positive, yet also nuanced, assessment than the doom and gloom view of

powerless, suffering famine victims that is depicted by 24-hour news channels. It

argues that development pathways at ‘the margins’ are imagined and constructed in

new ways; ones that do not get recognized, appreciated or adopted easily by the

mainstream. Such pathways often remain hidden, under the radar, informal, some-

times illegal, sometimes in contradiction to the priorities and interests of national

political elites in the region, and rarely in line with standard, mainstream prescrip-

tions. But if we shift our gaze from London, Washington, Rome or Geneva, not to

the capital cities of Nairobi, Addis Ababa, Khartoum or Kampala, but to the regional

centres of Jijiga, Hargeisa, Garissa, Gode, Isiolo or Moyale, and their hinterlands,

DOI: 10.4324/9780203105979 -1

2 Catley et al.

then a very different set of development pathways emerge. These are the places

where pastoralists – people who gain a substantial portion of their livelihood from

livestock – live. They have for centuries struggled with drought, conﬂict and famine.

They are resourceful, entrepreneurial and innovative peoples by necessity. This book

addresses some of the recurrent misunderstandings about pastoral livelihoods,

highlighting the particular features of pastoral resource and land management

strategies, commercialization and marketing options, as well as wider livelihood

dilemmas in the drylands.1

A view of ‘development at the margins’ is one that highlights innovation and

entrepreneurialism, not just coping or adaptation, as well as cooperation and net-

working across social and ecological borders, not just conﬂict and armed violence.

It emphasizes diverse scenarios for responding to changing economic, ecological and

political drivers, with multiple pathways envisaged for the future development of

pastoral areas. It highlights the importance of the political and cultural contexts of

such areas as central to addressing development challenges, and moves us beyond an

‘aid’ or ‘project’-driven intervention focus to a more systemic understanding of the

complex, often uncertain, and always dynamic challenges and opportunities.

This book, focusing on pastoral societies across the Greater Horn of Africa (in

this book a broadly deﬁned region2), is not simply a story of marginal peoples living

in marginal places, struggling in the face of exceptional hardships, remoteness and

outside of the development mainstream. The challenges and opportunities of

development at the margins have a far wider resonance in rethinking development

more generally. The creative projects and innovative repertoires of those living in

the margins offer many important lessons (Tsing, 1993). For, even in the places more

connected to the mainstream – the ‘high potential’ farming areas and the com-

paratively fecund highland areas of north-eastern Africa, which are usually contrasted

with the dryland ‘margins’ – we can observe many of the same challenges. The

uncertainties of highly liberalized financial systems, heightened vulnerability

provoked by climate change, variability of non-equilibrium ecologies, inequalities

generated by an engagement with global markets and trade, ambivalent relationships

between citizens and a retreating central state, threats posed by cross-border conﬂict

and unconventional warfare and scarcities unleashed by competition over limited

resources are evident in many places, not just at the so-called margins.

Just as with other ‘crises’ provoked by similar drivers, but in different contexts,

decision-makers are perplexed as to how to respond. The system is broken, they

say, but what do we do? In pastoral areas, many organizations – governments,

NGOs, donors and research groups – lack long-term strategies based on solid

evidence and insight into the multiple potential pathways for development. This

book offers a guide to more suitable responses. While our focus is on the particular

challenges of pastoral areas in the Horn of Africa, many of the emergent lessons are,

as we discuss below, of more general importance for recasting development as a

more effective response to current contexts characterized by uncertainty and

complexity.

Development at the margins 3

Contexts, complexities and commonalities

The Greater Horn of Africa region is a highly dynamic political-economic region

(Figure 1.1), with different countries having very different political histories, cultural

and religious afﬁliations, geopolitical positioning and development pathways. The

colonial period split traditional socio-economic and spatial units with new state

borders, and so reconﬁgured dramatically social and economic systems (Clapham,

1996). Pastoralists often found themselves both on the physical edges of new states,

and in a situation where traditional movements to gain access to grazing, water or

markets were prohibited due to their nature of cutting across both borders within

new colonial states, as well as across newly established international boundaries. This

period marked the beginnings of pastoral geographical and political marginalization

in many countries (Lewis, 1983; Abbink, 1997; Schlee, 2003). In addition, colonial

policies further isolated pastoralists from development, with, for example, an empha-

sis on agrarian highland areas and livestock development strategies in the lowlands

based on ranching (Sandford, 1983; Baxter, 1991). African administrations in the

post-colonial era often adopted or re-enforced the colonial policies, and these old

attitudes and understandings are still very evident today, some 50 years or more after

independence. Even in Ethiopia, which was never colonized, misunderstandings at

a policy level about pastoralism, economics and mobility are strikingly similar today

to those in Kenya or Uganda. Whereas in 1965, Jomo Kenyatta’s economic

blueprint formalized the inequitable allocation of resources to agricultural areas,

Ethiopia’s relatively recent policies describe pastoral areas as ‘backward’ and within

the last ﬁve years, government resettlement schemes indicate that pastoralists should

be displaced from riverine areas to make way for more commercially orientated

investors (Lavers, 2012). The other deﬁning aspects of pastoralist areas of the Horn

have been violent conflict and drought, and the related humanitarian crises and

famines. Natural and human causal factors combine in a deadly mix, as in the Afar

region of Ethiopia (Markakis, 2003; Unruh, 2005), Darfur in Sudan (de Waal, 1989;

Johnson, 2003; Young et al., 2005, 2009), the Uganda-Kenya border (Mkutu, 2007;

Lind, 2012) or in southern Somalia today.

While such generalizations of geographical and political marginalization,

misguided policy, and conﬂict and crisis apply to much of the Horn of Africa region,

there are marked differences in the speciﬁc ways these trends have played out in

different places. Each local set of conflict and livelihoods issues has a long and

complex history, a history that is often poorly understood by policy-makers and

development planners. Compare, for example, the myriad of contextual factors,

varying over time, that contributed to local conﬂict between the Somali Issa and

Oromo in eastern Ethiopia from the 1960s (Shide, 2005), conﬂict and livelihood

collapse in Karamoja in Uganda (Stites et al., 2007) or the violent drivers of famine

in Bahr el Ghazal in South Sudan in the 1990s and early 2000s (Deng, 2002).

Variations occur between and within countries, and across time. There is no simple

cause–effect story for how crises emerge.

Further layers of complexity are evident in many pastoral areas because local

conflict, trade and livelihood issues are so often linked to national, regional and

4 Catley et al.

FIGURE 1.1 The Greater Horn of Africa.

international political and economic trends. Where, for example, does one draw a

boundary around the causes of conﬂict currently seen in South Sudan or Somalia?

Are the challenges facing pastoralism in South Sudan merely due to local conﬂict

drivers, or are there important north–south factors or, in some areas, cross-border

links to conﬂicts in northern Kenya and Uganda, and south-west Ethiopia? And if

so much of the conflict in South Sudan centres on the control of oil reserves in

Upper Nile, where do foreign interests become critical (Coalition for International

Justice 2006)? In Somalia, a long history of conﬂict is really a regional and inter-

national history. The regional elements include tensions with Ethiopia dating back

to the Ogaden war in the 1970s and before, and reflected more recently by

Ethiopian army incursions into southern Somalia in 2006. But would these events

have happened without Soviet and US interests in the Horn during the Cold War,

or more recent post-9/11 US foreign policy, framed around counter-terrorism

objectives, or tense Ethiopia-Eritrea relations and Ethiopia’s reliance on the Djibouti

port?

Development at the margins 5

In order to understand both past and future pathways of change, in-depth,

longitudinal analysis of complex, interacting factors is required. There is no shortage

of high-quality research on the Horn of Africa. Consider the long-term research

efforts around livelihoods, conﬂict and crisis in Darfur (de Waal, 1989; Young et al.,

2005, 2009), the dynamics of the cross-border livestock trade from southern Somalia

(Little and Mahmoud, 2005), conﬂict analyses in Afar, Ethiopia (Markakis, 2003),

the emergence of stable government in Somaliland (Bradbury, 2008), and the

changes observed in Maasai (Galaty, this book), Turkana (Little and Leslie, 1999;

McCabe, 2004) and Rendille (Fratkin, 1991) areas of Kenya, or the Somali region

of Ethiopia (Devereux, 2006). Across the drylands of Africa, there is better

understanding of the dynamics of non-equilibrium environments (Ellis and Swift,

1988; Behnke et al., 1993; Vetter, 2005), and how pastoralists both live with and off

uncertainty (Scoones, 1995a; Little et al., 2001; Lybbert et al., 2004; Umar and

Baulch, 2007; Krätli and Schareika, 2010). Yet whether local or regional, the analysis

is becoming even more complex, with long-term trends combining with

unpredictable events and shifting narratives. Today the high-proﬁle concerns are,

among others, climate change, counter-terrorism, food prices and global ﬁnancial

crises. One might also ask how the profound political events in the Arab world will

affect conﬂict, oil and stability in the Horn. Or will the emergence of the ‘world’s

newest pseudostate’, being the US-backed buffer state of Azania/Jubaland in

southern Somalia (Thurston, 2011), help to support pastoralism, peace and trade, or

create new barriers? Furthermore, how will China’s increasing involvement in aid

in Africa affect pastoralists, and to what extent might China’s domestic policies affect

African thinking, as Goldsmith asks in this book? Against these storylines, the more

mundane, but possibly more important trends quietly continue: population growth,

commercialization and its impacts, and urbanization and out-migration.

Given the regional dimensions of livelihoods for so many pastoralists in the Horn,

harmonized regional policies and support to the African organizations mandated to

lead these processes are especially important. Yet, as in Europe, there are many

challenges in bringing together governments with contrasting histories and political

ideologies, and very different levels of legitimacy and stability. In terms of economies

and trade, different states are pulled in different directions – towards the Middle East

and North Africa, towards the highland core of East Africa or towards Central

Africa, depending on market, political and cultural ties. As a category therefore,

despite the pleas for integration, the Horn does not exist as a ﬁrm, easily deﬁnable

geographical, political or economic unit.

The formal policy structure that has emerged since the transition of the

Organization of African Unity into the African Union (AU) in 2002, places

responsibility on the AU for developing the broad policies for Africa’s develop-

ment. The policies of the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) should

then follow the AU lead, but with regional adaptation suited to context. However,

many countries are members of more than one REC – Kenya and Uganda are

members of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA),

the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), and the East Africa

6 Catley et al.

Community (EAC); while Djibouti, Ethiopia, Sudan and Eritrea are members of

both COMESA and IGAD. In addition, the importance of trade linkages across the

Red Sea is illustrated in other alliances and groupings, such as the trade-based Sana’a

Forum for Cooperation, comprising the four countries of Sudan, Ethiopia, Somalia

and Yemen and, notably, excluding Eritrea. Despite the complexity of these

relationships, the common language of regional economic integration, and the free

movement of goods, services and people may offer opportunities for pastoralism.

While pastoralists might now be marginalized in terms of national economies, within

RECs they can become more formally recognized as being central to regional

economies. However, there are important caveats. The imperatives of regional

integration proclaimed by the World Bank, the African Development Bank and

repeated by many national governments, and highlighted especially by IGAD, EAC

and the AU, are centred on the presumed beneﬁts of economic growth, modelled

on groupings such as the European Union (African Development Bank, 2010;

Mattli, 1999; Healy et al., 2009). Yet the wider political economy question of ‘inte-

gration for whom?’ is rarely asked. Of course, it depends on where your locus of

power and economic activity lies. Pastoralists have long been integrating economies

across borders, linking production systems and markets, in ways only dreamed about

by the economic planners. Yet such efforts have often fallen foul of national

regulations, border restrictions and laws created by national policy elites, who are

often culturally, economically and politically distant from pastoral people and areas.

Although pastoralists are often omitted from most ofﬁcial documents on regional

economic integration, an important exception is the 2010 AU Policy Framework

for Pastoralism in Africa which recognizes the economic, social and cultural

contributions of pastoralists both historically and into the future (African Union,

2010). At the highest level of policy-making in Africa, the framework directly

addresses many of the myths surrounding pastoralism, and formally calls for national

and regional processes that prioritize the involvement of pastoralists and their

institutions in policy-making. In the following section we discuss the vibrant and

substantial market activity in and out of pastoralist areas and, contrary to many

national policies, the AU framework recognizes this activity and aims to develop it

further. While there is clearly much work to be done to align national and regional

policies with the AU policy, for the first time Africa has a continent-wide and

progressive policy on pastoralism.

Trade matters

One of the most persistent policy and development myths around pastoralism has

been the picture of the conservative herder, bound by a primitive cultural imperative

to build his herd for the sake of ego and prestige, and sell as few animals as possible

(Herskovits, 1926). It is a story that is still heard today in government and donor

meetings, and underpins the misguided programmes that aim to make pastoralists

understand markets and behave more rationally. Yet, as the ﬁrst section of this book

shows, the livestock trade networks emerging from pastoralist areas of the Horn are

Development at the margins 7

so massive that Sudan, Somalia and Ethiopia can be categorized as ‘high export’

countries (Aklilu and Catley, this book). The signiﬁcance of pastoral trade becomes

clearer when our gaze shifts again, away from the capitals and towards the ﬂows of

people, livestock and commerce that emanate from the places at the borders of the

nation state. Connecting huge hinterlands to key terminal markets, in Nairobi, Addis

Ababa, Khartoum, and outside the region to Kinshasa to the south or Cairo and the

Arabian Peninsula to the north and east, the livestock trade, and the huge range of

economic activity associated with it – transport, marketing, ﬁnance, processing and

so on – portrays a very different economic geography.

This makes a broader regional perspective on ‘the Horn’ much more real,

envisaged as a complex network connecting producing areas with intermediary

markets and ports and terminal markets. Almost without exception, these vibrant

commercial routes cut across borders. They involve the movement of camels, cattle,

goats and sheep which are traded in vast numbers across the region and inter-

nationally (Catley and Aklilu, this book; Mahmoud, this book). Consider estimates

of livestock exports from Sudan, which for decades has been exporting around 1.5

million pastoral sheep, 200,000 camels and 100,000 goats annually (apart from 2007

and 2008) (Aklilu and Catley, 2009). Similarly, the Somaliland port of Berbera

receives livestock from the Somali Region of Ethiopia and locally, and exported 1.6

million sheep and goats, 136,000 cattle and 97,000 camels in 2010 (Somaliland

Chamber of Commerce, Agriculture and Industry, 2010). To these ﬁgures we can

add the formal livestock and meat export values from Ethiopia for 2010–11 (Catley

and Aklilu, this book) – derived mainly from pastoralist areas – and reach a

provisional total livestock export value from these three countries that exceeds

US$500 million in 2010. However, to this figure we should also add the cattle

exports from southern Somalia into Kenya, valued at US$8.8 million in 2000 (Little,

2003), but rising to around US$13.6 million in 2007.3 In addition, there are livestock

exports from other large and small ports along the Somali coast, from Djibouti and

from Mombasa, plus a substantial domestic livestock trade in Djibouti, Ethiopia,

Eritrea, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda. It seems feasible, therefore, to propose

a pastoral livestock and meat trade value approaching US$1 billion for the Horn in

2010. Yet this trade remains under-valued at national level, with countries such as

Kenya and Ethiopia continuing to misrepresent the livestock economy, and there-

fore the pastoral economy, in national planning processes. In Kenya, comprehensive

assessment of the contribution of livestock to gross domestic product valued

livestock 150 per cent higher than government figures (Behnke and Muthami,

2011), whereas in Ethiopia, a similar study valued livestock at 350 per cent higher

than government figures (Behnke and Muthami, 2011). This analysis points to

the wider challenge of understanding the total economic value of pastoralism,

given the diverse range of goods and services that pastoralists provide (Hesse and

MacGregor, 2006).

Pastoralists have adapted to, rather than ignored, market demands and oppor-

tunities. In the 1980s, Somalis shifted the species composition of their herds away

from camels to cattle in response to export demands (Al-Najim, 1991), whereas the

8 Catley et al.

last few years have seen a shift back to camels and, indeed, a boom in camel prices

and expansion of trade (Mahmoud, this book). In Ethiopia, a substantial internal

camel trade has evolved in response to demand for camels in the highlands, involving

networks that cover 2000km and cross four regions of the country (Aklilu and

Catley, 2011). Also linked to camel exports to Sudan, this trade was valued at

US$61 million in 2010 and evolved without aid or government programmes. Other

local initiatives include the emergence of private abattoirs in pastoral areas of Somalia

and Somaliland, with exports of chilled meat to the Gulf States using privately

owned aircraft. Engagements with the private sector, sometimes under the banner

of ‘corporate social responsibility’ are growing, with a diversity of marketing and

service provision relationships being developed (Morton, this book). Further types

of pastoral market-based adaptations are seen in the area of milk marketing, as

pastoralists organize themselves to supply milk to growing urban populations within

pastoral areas (for example, see Abdullahi et al., this book) but also to those who

out-migrated and reside in cities such as Nairobi, Addis Ababa, and even London.

In eastern Ethiopia, camel milk is collected from pastoral producers and ﬂown to

the Gulf, while recent developments in Kenya include the processing and packing

of camel milk for sale in supermarkets and other outlets. All these changes do not

depend on aid or government, are dramatically assisted by technological change in,

for example, the expansion of mobile phone networks or milk processing and

packing, and reﬂect a market response to changing consumer preferences in import-

ing countries. In other words, new pathways are emerging, responding to changing

conditions, but often under-the-radar, and outside the inﬂuence and control of aid

interventions or state policies, yet facilitated by changing technological and market

contexts.4

Some of the fastest growing urban areas in Africa are linked to these pastoral trade

activities. The town of Garissa in north-eastern Kenya has grown from 14,076

people in 19795 to an estimated 250,000 people in 2008, driven by the livestock

trade, but also, refugees from Somalia and destitute pastoralists locally (Gedi et al.,

2008). The price of goats/sheep, camels and cattle for export from the Port of

Bosasso increased threefold between 2000 and 2006.6 And the growing wealth of

cities like Addis Ababa, Nairobi, Khartoum and Kampala, as well as regional towns

such as Mbarara, Nakuru, Isiolo, Kassala, and Adama provide a burgeoning demand

for meat and animal products. The ‘livestock revolution’ (cf. Delgado et al., 1999)

is happening in Africa, and is centred on the Horn. Yet this revolution does not

follow the standard prescriptions. This trade is largely unregulated, and run by a vast

network of producers and traders, ﬁnanciers and transporters who must continually

ﬁnd ways round customs restrictions, excessive taxation, border restrictions, out-

dated veterinary controls and conﬂict in order to make their businesses proﬁtable.

They are the quintessential ‘free marketeers’ so lauded by the liberalizers at institu-

tions like the World Bank, yet are rarely given necessary support or encouragement.

At the same time, major ‘contraband’ trade routes ﬂourish, where vast quantities of

clothes, electronics, cigarettes and household utensils are imported unofﬁcially into

cross-border pastoral areas. Typically, central governments link this trade to the

Development at the margins 9

apparently wayward and illegal tendencies of pastoralists, and overlook the fact that

much ‘contraband’ does not stay in pastoral areas, but ﬁnds its way to capital cities

and major towns with the involvement of government ofﬁcials, politicians, well-

connected business people, as well as the police and military. The political economy

of this trade, and its links to the pastoral economy, remain both under-researched

and highly sensitive. But any analysis quickly reveals how the maintenance of

illegality and instability at the margins in pastoral areas reaps beneﬁts for many non-

pastoral and government actors.

Development challenges: seas of failure, islands of success

Driving through pastoralist areas of the Horn in 2011, a common sight is that of a

dilapidated irrigation scheme, cattle dip tank, livestock market or borehole, all

constructed by aid programmes. In some places, a series of defunct facilities of the

same type are positioned right next to each other, and in various states of decay,

depending on the decade in which they were built – often by the same donor. It

seems that not only did development planners fail to understand pastoralism and its

opportunities in the 1970s (Sandford, 1983), but the same trend continues today.

Taking the example of the highly dynamic and successful pastoral livestock trade

networks outlined above, almost inevitably, a Western aid response is to formalize

and organize, cleanse and control. Rather than seeing a billion dollars of dynamic

trade activity in one of the most hostile regions in the world, the misperception is

one of inefﬁciency, disorganization, disease risks and tax avoidance.

We must ask: should pastoralists really be forced to comply with a set of

international standards developed for European markets with different disease

dynamics and consumer preferences, especially when those same standards are based

on outdated science?7 Even if European consumers wanted meat from pastoral

areas, will African countries ever really compete in these high-value markets when

exporters from Brazil, Argentina, Australia and New Zealand are already so

dominant? Furthermore, what is the appropriate market infrastructure and support

required in pastoral areas if so much trade already takes place in simple market yards

anyway? Would high-cost holding pens and abattoirs, designed for Texas or Utah,

add signiﬁcant value, or instead is there something more appropriate to the ﬂexible,

low-cost marketing systems of the region? If there is one area of development where

the concept of ‘appropriate technology’ was lost for decades, it is pastoral livestock

marketing.

In the same vein, substantial policy and extension effort has been invested in

range management in the dry rangelands of Africa with the aim of replicating the

managed ranches of the US or Australia, with fencing, rotational grazing and other

approaches. Yet traditional mobile pastoral systems have consistently shown

themselves to be more productive than ranch systems in African settings (Western,

1982; Breman and de Wit, 1983; Behnke, 1985a; Cossins and Upton, 1988; Hogg,

1992; Abel, 1993), and external models have consistently failed (Scoones, 1995a;

De Jode, 2010).

10 Catley et al.

Thus development pathways, deﬁned by regulatory, market and technological

dimensions, are repeatedly being constructed through ill-informed and outdated

policy framings, which are out of kilter with the emerging alternative pathways on

the ground. But, while poorly designed projects will inevitably fail, more appropriate

investments may make a big difference. Where designs have taken account of local

circumstances and priorities, and where pastoralists themselves have been involved,

the success rate is much higher. Examples include the development of privatized

community-based animal health worker systems in pastoral areas of Ethiopia and

ofﬁcial endorsement of these systems in 2004 (Admassu, 2002), and, related to these

approaches, the eradication of rinderpest in the Afar region of Ethiopia and South

Sudan in the 1990s (Catley and Leyland, 2001). Other livestock examples include

support to small-scale women’s dairy groups in northern Kenya (Aklilu, 2004), the

introduction of commercial destocking to Ethiopia (Abebe et al., 2008) and working

with pastoralists to design and evaluate livestock feed supplementation during

drought (Bekele and Abera, 2008). Although difﬁcult to design and implement well,

restocking projects after drought can help to shift pastoralists away from food aid,

especially when drawing on traditional restocking systems (Lotira Arasio, 2004;

Wekessa, 2005). Livelihood-based approaches to drought response, such as

destocking and restocking, livestock feed supplementation, and veterinary voucher

schemes, have been incorporated into the global standards and guidelines for

humanitarian crises (LEGS, 2009), offering potential for good practice to be further

applied in pastoral areas. There have also been numerous community-based peace

building initiatives in pastoralist areas, focusing on conﬂict management between

groups within and across borders. These approaches can lead to local peace

agreements and reductions in conﬂict during project implementation, but the gains

are fragile and often undermined by higher-level political interference (e.g. Minear,

2001). Siele et al. (this book) highlight another type of innovation: a distance

learning system for the education of nomadic children developed by the Kenyan

government using a combination of radio programmes, mobile tutors and audio/

print materials. As they explain, the initiative is emblematic of an important shift in

the mindset of state planners in Kenya towards tailoring service delivery approaches

to the fundamental requirements of nomadic pastoralists to be ﬂexible and mobile.

Despite such bright spots demonstrating the possibilities of alternative pathways,

overall, mainstream pastoral development is a litany of failure, involving substan-

tial sums of wasted resources (Hogg, 1987, 1988; Baxter, 1991; de Haan, 1994;

Anderson and Broch-Due, 1999). For many in the aid industry and in national

governments, pastoral areas are poor investments, destined for failure, where no

‘quick wins’ are possible. With such a track record this view appears, on the surface,

to be justified. The response from the capital cities and the donor or NGO

headquarters has been either to abandon such areas, or impose radical new solutions,

including privatization of the rangeland to foster the emergence of a commercial

ranching sector, forced (or semi-voluntary) sedentarization in towns and in irriga-

tion schemes, large scale infrastructure investments (such as dams) to attract

alternative uses (such as irrigated plantations) or selling the marginality of such

Development at the margins 11

places as a tourist destination, with exotic people, charismatic wildlife and dramatic,

‘empty’ landscapes.

As reflected in the chapters of this book, a hot debate exists today about the

relative merits of ‘traditional’ land uses such as mobile pastoralism and ‘modern’

interventions such as irrigated farming. Of course the simplistic contrast between

tradition and modernity does not wash, given that pastoralism has been fast-changing

and responding to contemporary contexts, and irrigation has always been an impor-

tant if small component of livelihoods in dryland areas (Anderson and Johnson, 1988;

Sandford, this book). But this debate raises many issues, including what are the

comparative returns from different land uses and the forms of productive activity

that may be taxed more easily by states. As explained above, the weight of evidence

suggests that ‘modern’, commercialized forms of livestock-keeping and irrigated

farming are not as productive as customary forms of pastoralism (Behnke and

Kerven, this book); although it is equally true that there are severe resource and

practical constraints to continued reliance on ‘traditional’ mobile pastoralism: ‘too

many people and too few livestock’ (Sandford, this book).

This raises the question of why governments seek to replace pastoralism with

alternative land uses? An important reason is the interest of governments in raising

tax revenue and, more generally, to exert greater control over economic and

political life at the margins. By controlling economic activity in the pastoral margins

through resource grabs, ruling regimes are able to capture economic wealth for

national development (see Behnke and Kerven, this book).

Borders and boundaries: sites of innovation

The processes of incorporation, assimilation and integration have long been at the

centre of the politics of the pastoral areas, driven by the imperatives of national elites

located far from the margins. The control of borders and the taming of the

borderlands has been a significant part of both colonial and post-colonial state

building (Young, 1994; Herbst, 2000).8 Indeed, the very identity of the central state,

and its visions and plans, is often presented in opposition to these areas. The central

state thus offers modernity and progress, security and stability, shaped by a settled

highland, crop-farming culture and practice. This is projected as a counter to the

backward, primitive, war-like and threatening mobile livelihoods of the lowlands.

The civilizing mission of development thus becomes associated with settlement

projects, irrigation schemes, road building and the provision of ‘modern’ services.

Such interventions have a political dimension. Settlement means ordering and

control, irrigation means proﬁt and taxation, roads allow for the extraction of surplus

to the metropolitan centres and service provision means disciplining, educating and

incorporating citizens through the attractions of schooling and services. ‘Seeing like

a state’ (cf. Scott, 1998) thus takes on a particular form in the relationship between

a highland-centric state and its peripheral territories in the drylands.

Thus state identity and processes of state formation must be seen in terms of

the relation between the centre and the periphery, the core and the margins, the

12 Catley et al.

metropole and the hinterland. Charles Tilly (1992) argues this in relation to the

origin of nation states in Europe, whose establishment depended on the incor-

poration of the margins through population control and the generation of capital to

support the creation of armies. The capture of land, the appropriation of agricultural

production and the extraction of surpluses provided the wealth to establish city

states, their infrastructure and military force. The very origins of the state were thus

reliant on the control of the margins. And the tools of statecraft (and development)

– taxation, statistics, bureaucracy and military might for example – were all deployed

to this end (Hagmann and Peclard, 2011). In the process of imperial conquest in

Africa, or the establishment of independent states more recently, the processes have

been similar. It is thus no surprise that tensions exist – politically, economically and

culturally – between these poles of authority, despite long periods of attempted

assimilation and incorporation.9

These pastoral borderlands are, in some important senses, beyond the reach of the

state, and so the development industry. Historically, these areas have been seen as

both threats: sites of famine, destitution and impoverishment, and so the origins of

mass migrations to cities, and threatening: undermining political stability through forms

of rebellion and insurrection, as well as a source of demands for services and basic

welfare from the central state, while contributing little tax or tribute to state coffers.

As Peter Little shows for Somalia (2003, 2005), even when a central state is

effectively absent, daily life, relationships and particularly markets are still governed.

Here segmented lineage systems, linked to complex clan-based hierarchies, operate

(Leonard, 2009), providing order amongst apparent disorder. Disintegration of the

Somali Republic precipitated a distinctively Somali-type of economic integration,

in which the free movement of livestock, people, goods and information across

Somali-inhabited territories of the Horn was helped – or was at least unhindered –

by the segmentary clan system (Little, 2003). As discussed earlier, the dynamic cross-

border cattle trade between Kenya and southern Somalia has responded to shifts in

state power and influence: from feeding the export market through Kismayo in

Somalia before the war to supplying Kenya’s domestic markets through Nairobi after

state collapse (Little, 2003, 2005, 2007).

Physically, culturally, economically and politically removed from the calculus of

power of the central state, these people and areas have always resisted incorporation,

avoiding taxation, resisting external imposition, and maintaining an apparently

aggressive war-like stance in relation to state efforts. With reference to the mobile

swidden agriculturalists of the south-east Asian highlands, James Scott explains that

they have developed the ‘art of not being governed’ (Scott, 2009) – or at least not

being governed in ways that the central state desires. A similar story applies to

pastoralists of the Horn of Africa. Scott argues that in south-east Asia, hill peoples

operate outside the reaches of state authority, or at least resisting it at every turn. He

argues that this grouping of peoples requires its own history which needs to be

counterposed with the standard national histories of the rice-growing valley states.

Although in the Horn the topographic distinction is reversed, the differences are

further accentuated by deep, historically rooted cultural and religious differences:

Development at the margins 13

livestock-keeping, nomadic (mostly Suﬁ-adhering) Muslims at the margins, con-

fronting a highland agriculturally based orthodox Christian state in Ethiopia or a

Wahabi-inﬂuenced Islamic state in the former Sudan, having to deal with animist

or Christian pastoralists in the south. The borderlands can thus be seen as places of

opportunity, with borders being a resource, a conduit for exchange, not a threat or

constraint.10

Yet despite the impacts of globalization and shifting notions of territory and

sovereignty (Appadurai, 2003; Ferguson, 2006), borders still have real meaning,

especially as such divisions become the focus for trans-national struggles over security

(Clapham, 1999; Newman, 2006). Thus cast at a global scale, the relationships with

other centres of power and these ‘marginal’ areas have been central to some of the

broader geopolitical struggles of recent times. In the Cold War era the alliances

between east and west were all-important in the playing out of interventions in the

region, with the Derg regime of Ethiopia backed by the East, especially the former

Soviet Union, until the fall of the Berlin Wall, while by contrast Kenya and Uganda

were closely allied with the West (Ottaway, 1982; Luckham and Bekele, 1984).

And, particularly since 9/11 and the emergence of the network of groups associated

with Al-Qaida, the borderlands of the Horn have become a site for a global struggle

over values, identity and power. In the Bush era this was dubbed the ‘war on terror’,

and presented as an epic and deﬁning struggle for Western civilization in the face

of barbaric forces inspiring terrorism, located in the marginal pastoral lands of the

Horn or the Sahel (Howell and Lind, 2009; Lind and Howell, 2010; Bradbury and

Kleinman, 2010; Goldsmith, this book).

Pastoral areas are thus seen as a threat, not just to peripheral states in the global

system, but to the political, security and commercial interests of leading industrial-

ized countries. US Special Forces operations inside Somalia since 2001, and drone

warfare launched from bases in Djibouti and southern Ethiopia against suspected

terror leaders in southern Somalia, as well as US support to Ethiopian proxy forces

to remove the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) from power in Mogadishu in 2006

under the guise of ‘counter-terrorism’ (Barnes and Hassan, 2007; Menkhaus, 2007),

indicates the importance of this region to the post-9/11 global security regime. The

ongoing conﬂict with the Al Shabaab group who occupied the vacuum of power

in Somalia, has helped exacerbate the impact of the 2011-12 famine in southern

Somalia (McVeigh, 2011; LaFranchi, 2011). The stand-off in the region between

the West and the pastoral margins creates a precarious politics, and with this a

rationale for highly top-down development, and sometimes draconian military

intervention (Hagmann and Mulugeta, 2008; Bradbury and Kleinman, 2010).

These geopolitical engagements with the margins have therefore given rise to a

plethora of new ‘development’ projects in pastoral areas, funded by a combination

of US/European conventional aid agencies, foreign affairs and defence/security

ministries. Labelled as ‘peace building’, ‘good governance’ or ‘conﬂict resolution’

efforts, they are often aimed at ensuring that the interests of a larger political-security

regime are upheld, and that development is the best remedy for countering terror

and destabilizing forces.

14 Catley et al.

Thus, to outsiders, whether based in Addis Ababa, Nairobi, London or

Washington, the pastoral borderlands are at once bafﬂing, unruly, threatening and

backward, and in need of taming, controlling, incorporating and civilizing. The

development enterprise over the past century or more has been geared to this

transformation, and informed by these perspectives to modernize the backward

borderlands and banish primitive practices that give rise to rebellion, insurrection

and, in extreme cases, terror. But a perspective that sees the margins as the centre,

borders as zones of exchange, and borderlands as sites of creativity and innovation

in response to adversity, offers an alternative, although one that requires both new

research methods and development practices (Little, 2006).

Future pathways: diverse livelihood options

What is the future for pastoralism in the Horn of Africa? This book is full of

examples of how pastoralists are responding to the diverse drivers of change that are

impinging on them. But, critically, not everyone succeeds, and processes of quite

extreme differentiation are unfolding in some places, with dire consequence for

those who lose out. A much more complex understanding is needed to provide

insight into the nuances and complexities of change.

A first step is to recognize that ‘pastoralism’ does not represent one form of

livelihood. All forms are broadly connected to mobile livestock production, but

pastoralists may have more or fewer animals, different combinations of species,

different levels of engagement with markets (local, cross-border or export), different

types and entry points into livelihood diversiﬁcation and varying objectives for pro-

duction. And these different pathways vary from place to place and over time.11

Some pathways are pushed by long-term processes (such as encroachment of pastoral

lands by agriculturalists or game parks) and some are shaped by sudden shocks, such

as disease epidemics or a large livestock raid. Many are shaped by a series of shocks

and stresses, acting sequentially or in combination, including climatic events such

as droughts and/or ﬂoods, trade bans imposed by veterinary regulations, wars and

conflicts, or sudden shifts in market opportunities. But these cannot be easily

predicted: future pathways are highly contingent and deeply uncertain – pastoralists

must live with uncertainty (Scoones, 1995a) and continuously adapt and innovate

(Scoones and Adwera, 2009).

Given this context, it is useful to think about future scenarios – possible pathways

that might be followed by different people in different places. Figure 1.2 offers a

simple schema for thinking about this. It was originally developed in a workshop

with Ethiopian policy-makers, development practitioners and pastoral leaders

(UNOCHA-PCI, 2007), and proved a useful heuristic tool for thinking about both

the past and the future. The diagram contrasts four ‘ideal type’ livelihood strategies

which are created through the interaction of two different axes: resource and market

access. Of course, access to resources and markets is in turn affected by multiple

intersecting drivers. Thus, for example, climate change may reduce resource access

by reducing effective rainfall (or increasing its variability) and so affect grass/browse

Development at the margins 15

FIGURE 1.2 Four scenarios for the future of pastoralism (adapted from

UNOCHA–PCI, 2007).

production and surface water access (Ericksen et al., this book). Resource access may

also be affected by ‘land-grabbing’ where particularly important ‘key resources’ are

removed for other uses, including private enclosures, irrigated agriculture, game

parks and so on (Tache, this book; Galaty, this book). Market access, in turn, may

be affected by disease outbreaks, preventing access to particular markets, especially

across borders. The quality of roads, holding grounds and port infrastructure may

also affect market access, as well as patterns of demand from urbanizing centres

affected in turn by changing consumption patterns (Catley and Aklilu, this book).

Conﬂict – long-running rebellion, large-scale raiding and disorganized banditry –

may affect both resource and market access (Goldsmith, this book).

Over time for a particular place, we can use Figure 1.2 to trace the changes in

livelihoods. What is clear is that, even if we go back 50 or even 100 years, not

everyone was involved in what is labelled ‘traditional’ or ‘pure pastoralism’. While

the anthropological accounts perhaps focused on the dominant (male) occupations

of the majority (Evans-Pritchard, 1940; Lewis, 1988), pastoralism has always been

much more complex. For example, the long-term engagement of pastoralism with

agriculture, including irrigated agriculture, is well documented (Sandford, this

book), as is the differential participation in markets, including across national borders

(Dietz, 1993; McPeak and Little, 2006). Taking the example of Somalia as a country

long-associated with pastoralism, it also has the longest coastline of any country in

Africa, and from the 1830s Somalis were travelling overseas to ﬁnd work and send

money home to relatives (Geshekter, 1993). Due to links with Arab traders and

merchants, Somalis regularly travelled to the Gulf States in the colonial period,

and were employed as sailors and other workers. Pilgrimages to Islamic centres also

16 Catley et al.

helped to ensure that Somalis were not isolated from news and experiences from

other countries. Rather than describing a nation of nomadic herders, the International

Labour Organization characterized Somali families as multi-occupational, multi-

national production units whereby a family grazing their livestock on the Ethiopian

border could, via the clan system, receive support from relatives abroad (Geshekter,

1993). These remittances were estimated at US$825 million per year, or around 60

per cent of GDP in 2004 (Economist Intelligence Unit, 2006) although some reports

value remittances at up to US$1 billion (Lindley, 2005).

Pastoral systems have long exhibited a boom and bust cycle (Dahl and Hjort,

1976). However, such dynamics are even more important today, and the scenarios,

and associated livelihood options, are both more constrained and more differen-

tiated. As the chapters in this book show, the past dominant livelihood practice

characterized as ‘traditional mobile pastoralism’ is increasingly rare. While in

pastoralist discourse there is a vision of such a lifestyle, and it remains wrapped up

in constructions of identity, the options of regular mobility and reliance on livestock

for subsistence and limited exchange are constrained. Of course, in some more

remote areas, where market access is poor and options of commercialization are

limited, and where resources are still relatively plentiful, this scenario remains

important, now and into the future. Cases might include the various societies within

the ‘Karamoja Cluster’ of north-western Kenya, north-eastern Uganda, and the far

south-eastern corner of South Sudan, as well as neighbouring groups in the Omo

River Delta of southern Ethiopia. But, overall, these are the exceptions, rather than

the rule. In other areas, a combination of factors, all with historical precedents, but

now with greater force, inﬂuence and impact, are shaping pastoral livelihood options

and opportunities.

For example, the phenomenon of ‘land grabs’, discussed by Babiker, Galaty, Letai

and Lind, and Nunow in this book, has increased in intensity in recent years. A

combination of crises – of food, fuel and ﬁnance – has driven speculative investment

in land. The land that new investors want is invariably the best watered and the most

valuable, as their projects focus on irrigated agriculture, for food, fuel and other

commercial cash crops such as sugar cane (Borras et al., 2010, 2012). In Ethiopia,

for example, the government has committed up to three million hectares of land to

1300 foreign investors with licenses for commercial farms (Graham et al., 2009,

p44; Galaty, this book; Lavers, 2012). In Kenya, a range of domestic and foreign

investors have targeted the Tana Delta, the largest wetland in the country, and a

vital drought-grazing reserve for pastoralists from across northern and eastern Kenya

(Nunow, this book). And such investments are not only for agriculture or biofuels,

but also for tourism, a burgeoning and highly proﬁtable industry in Kenya, as Letai

and Lind (this book) discuss in reference to the Laikipia Plateau in Kenya, for

example. External investors may be a combination of local elites, including pastoral-

ists and foreign nationals, operating with the support of national governments, who

see a vision of a green, irrigated land or a wild, natural space in what they regard as

barren, idle drylands. At a smaller scale, range enclosures, where individuals fence

off areas of rangeland for private use, have grown dramatically, as fodder becomes

Development at the margins 17

scarcer and more valuable. This has resulted in the disruption of traditional, common

property-based range management practices, as described by Tache (this book) for

Borana, Ethiopia.

Such land grabs – small and large – remove ‘key resources’ from pastoral

production systems (Scoones, 1991; Oba, this book). Even if they remove only a

fraction of the overall rangeland area, the removal of key resource patches, such as

riparian strips, wetlands and hilltops, undermines the functionality of the whole

system, increasing risk and vulnerability, as Babiker (this book) explains in his

assessment of the impacts of the grabbing of seasonal grazing lands in Gedaref state

in Sudan.

Another factor that has affected future pathways is the changing nature of conﬂict

in pastoral areas. Armed violence is a historical condition of many pastoral societies,

and localized disputes over water and grazing are altogether normal features of

most pastoral production systems. However, far from being skirmishes of little

consequence in distant peripheries, pastoral conﬂicts in the Horn today are closely

entwined with the dynamics of wider political and economic contexts. Further, as

Goldsmith (this book) explains, the future of pastoral conﬂicts in the region will

closely mirror the transitional dynamics overtaking all but the most isolated corners

of the region. The closer incorporation of pastoral areas into national and regional

economies, the shifting calculus of power in the wake of national political change

and the concomitant emergence of new actors in these areas, as well as the spread

of small arms and light weapons linked to conflicts in the region (Gray, 2000;

Mirzeler and Young, 2000; Pike, 2004; Mkutu, 2008), have all changed the timbre

of conﬂict and violence in the pastoral margins.

Forms of conﬂict vary across the region. Conﬂict in the Ogaden region of eastern

Ethiopia is subsumed in a long-running insurrection by various armed factions as

well as counter-insurgency operations by the Ethiopian military (Markakis, 1994,

2011; Lyons, 2008). Conﬂict in Isiolo, an emerging regional hub in northern Kenya,

pits members of several ethnic groups against each other against a backdrop of a

booming local economy and political-administrative transition under Kenya’s new

constitution (Amani Papers, 2010; Salesa, 2011). In Karamoja in north-eastern

Uganda, the state has played a critical role in the latest phase of armed violence

through a disarmament operation by the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces,

which has involved confining livestock belonging to disarmed communities in

the shadow of military barracks where they are assumed to be secure (Stites et al.,

2007). However, the picture of pastoral conﬂict in the region is not one of ever-

escalating violence. There are examples of effective stabilization and peace-building

efforts that build on customary institutions. The government that has developed in

Somaliland is a mix of traditional and modern, and this mix helps to explain the

relative stability of an entire ‘pastoral state’ (Bradbury, 2008). Elsewhere, the

transitional dynamics shaping pastoral conﬂicts in the Horn favour innovation and

reform that promotes the incorporation of minorities and marginal areas, which

might reduce armed violence in the future (Goldsmith, this book; Scott-Villiers

et al., 2011).

18 Catley et al.

The growth of the livestock trade and the opening up and consolidation of a

series of important trade routes building on centuries of trading and exchange across

the region, is a further driver of change. As already discussed, the growth in demand

for meat from rapidly urbanizing centres in the region, and increasingly wealthy,

oil-rich regions such as the Middle East, has helped the formation of strong trade

routes. These mirror older routes in some cases, but others are new. In 2009,

importing countries for pastoral livestock from the Horn included Egypt, Libya,

Chad, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates and

Mauritius (Aklilu and Catley, 2009, this book).

One consequence of a growth in commercial trade is that a number of livelihood

opportunities open up. As several chapters in this book show, pastoralists are taking

full advantage of closer incorporation into national and regional economies to move

livestock and goods across long-standing geopolitical, ecological and land-use

boundaries. This expanding trade is having multiplier effects, promoting diversiﬁca-

tion pathways in the drylands, with increasing demands for trekking and transport

of livestock to fattening lots, sale yards and abattoirs; high value fodder to fatten

livestock for sale; and milk to supply towns where increasing numbers of pastoralists

are moving to engage in trade, marketing and related enterprises (Fratkin, this book).

As Livingstone and Ruhindi (this book) explain, there are gendered dimensions of

such expanding forms of economic life, with women taking on many of the newly

important value added activities.

The net result is that there is a greater spread of livelihood pathways across the

diagram in Figure 1.2. While in the past, the majority concentrated on traditional,

mobile forms of livestock-keeping, with some specializing in supplying larger

markets, others diversifying into enterprises associated with keeping herds, and many

dropping out, today there is even greater differentiation. In particular, as Catley and

Aklilu show (this book), there is a growing gap between those who are able to proﬁt

from the growing opportunities of commercialization and those who cannot, and

so are unable to stay in the traditional pastoral system. These people must exit to

other livelihood activities in the area, or in increasing numbers become reliant

on aid agency support, sometimes in camps, or in the constant movement out of

pastoral areas to towns. For others, exit means movement out of the country into

the diaspora. While data on these processes is difficult to come by, estimates of

population growth and poverty levels in pastoral areas (Catley and Aklilu, this book)

are consistent with estimates of increasing urban populations, both within and

outside pastoral areas of the Horn (Anon., 2010), as the poorest move out of pas-

toralism. Stephen Sandford argues persuasively that there are ‘too many people and

too few livestock’ in pastoral areas, and that the prospects are bleak.12 He argues that

the value of growing trade and the opportunities for diversiﬁcation are too small to

sustain the growing number of people. The result is a growing pattern of differen-

tiation: some moving up, others moving out. Catley and Aklilu (this book) thus

explain the trends in high-export pastoral areas of Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia, less

in terms of the demise of pastoralism in the Horn, more as an expected transfer of

livestock from smaller to larger herds – a process of classic class formation – as

Development at the margins 19

commercialization advances. Forms of mobile pastoralism will continue, they argue,

for those who are able to commercialize while others will seek options elsewhere,

as labourers, entrepreneurs and service providers; a process in common with changes

in pastoralism in other parts of the world (Steinfeld et al., 2010) and agricultural

development in general (Bryceson et al., 2000).

What is certainly clear is that this process of differentiation – the creation of a

relatively elite commercial class within pastoral societies – is occurring at a rapid

pace in some areas. The main herd owners may often be absent, employing labour

or loaning out animals through social networks (Little, 1985a). This process absorbs

labour to some extent, creating livelihoods for those unable to socially reproduce

on the basis of traditional modes of production, such as through contracted herding,

being enlisted as labour on farms owned by pastoral elites, or trekking/transporting

livestock to distant private ranches and sale-yards. With this, we see the expansion

and entrenchment of new pastoral elites, who are well-connected economically and

politically with the centre, as a result, often losing their connections with the

‘margins’.

The implications of this rapid process of socio-economic differentiation are

evident in the erosion of customary safety nets, as Lind and Letai (this book) explain

in the case of the Laikipia Maasai. Nunow (this book) similarly describes the loss of

cooperative herding arrangements in the Tana Delta in Kenya. He explains that,

whereas in the past wealthier and poorer herders would combine their herds and

hire labour to move these to distant grazing, and would be compensated in kind

with an animal belonging to a better-off herder, wealthier herders are now backing

out of such arrangements and paying in cash hired herders to move livestock being

reared for the market. The implication is that poorer herders are losing out, unable

to afford to pay cash to hired herders.

In the past such processes of extreme differentiation were not so evident in pastoral

areas. A tradition of sharing and equity was linked to a ‘moral economy’ reinforced

by cultural and religious mores of inclusion and preventing destitution, embedded in

a strong lineage and clan-based social fabric (Broch-Due, 1990; Storas, 1991; Waller,

1999). There were of course elites, but they often represented positions created

through clan and lineage connections, religious afﬁliation and age, rather than the

harsher dynamics of class formation in a commercializing economy under pressure.

This of course has implications for rural politics. Clan elders may or may not be

coincident with the new economic elites. Traders, brokers, transporters may be the

‘big men’ today and, while negotiating their position with traditional elites, they

may have other routes to access power and resources via alliances with the central

state. Operating outside the local moral economy, they may also have fewer

obligations and reduced qualms about exploitative labour and market practices, and

less commitment to others who drop through any safety net once provided.

It is in this context that aid agencies, NGOs and governments must struggle to

provide ‘social protection’. However, as Catley and Aklilu (this book) indicate,

safety net programmes may be fundamentally ﬂawed in high export pastoral areas if

the objectives include either returning substantial numbers of destitute herders back

20 Catley et al.

to pastoralism, or if the expectation is that many people can ﬁnd alternative liveli-

hoods in these areas. Although livestock commercialization does provide some new

employment opportunities and there are also economic spaces for alternative

livelihoods to develop, the demand far exceeds the supply. Similarly, the level of

assets provided by safety nets and similar programmes may meet some immediate

food security needs (rather like food aid), but in terms of herd re-building are

insigniﬁcant (Catley and Napier, 2010). In addition, as the gap between poorer and

richer households widens, larger herds are needed to enter into and stay in the

commercialized system. Still, Devereux and Tibbo (this book) suggest that in

pastoral areas there is a role for other types of ‘social protection’, which they use

more broadly to refer to social insurance, livelihood support, employment guaran-

tees and conﬂict resolution.

Some development programmes focus on ‘livelihood diversiﬁcation’, attempting

to create alternative livelihoods to help people diversify out of pastoralism. But the

design of these programmes often fails to understand the intimate economic and

cultural connections between diversiﬁed livelihoods and the core pastoral economy.

Many people have the ambition of returning to pastoralism, and will use town-based

livelihoods to accumulate animals, which may be herded by relatives out on the

range. The small towns that are scattered across the pastoral areas are, as we have

already noted, growing fast. This is driven by the pastoral economy locally and often

complemented by diaspora investments in these places – involving not only real

estate and business development, but also, crucially, investments in livestock (Horst,

2004; Lindley, 2007, 2009). Such small towns offer numerous opportunities for

small-scale entrepreneurs, as in the camel milk trade described by Abdullahi et al.

(this book). Such opportunities are especially important for women who are able to

gain independent sources of income (Ahmed, 1999; Hodgson, 2000; Livingstone

and Ruhindi, this book). The connections between economic activities are thus

essential, and the interaction between the four quadrants in Figure 1.2 is important

to highlight, both for individual people at a particular moment, but also across time.

The future of pastoralism?

The central proposition of this book is that by making the margins the centre of our

thinking, a different view of future pathways emerges. A perspective centred on ‘the

margins’ unmasks the continuous innovation, adaptive practices, complex gover-

nance arrangements and entrepreneurial dynamism of these areas. This is not to say

that there is no role for development supported by outside actors, or no need to

improve livelihoods and human development for the vast majority of herders; far

from it. But it does mean that the forms and styles of intervention need to be very

different indeed, and result in a more effective negotiation and accommodation

between the (multiple) centres and the diverse peripheries, in the margins of the

Horn.

As we have seen, the pastoral drylands of the Horn of Africa are simultaneously

sites of accumulating wealth and downward spirals of destitution and displacement.

Development at the margins 21

They are places of increasing specialization in commercial livestock production

as well as foci for entrepreneurial diversification. They are places where social

and technological innovation is constantly happening, but more often than not

undetected by official development agencies. They are places where change of

various types is always unfolding, increasingly in connection to the broader dynamics

of political and economic transition that are sweeping the region. They are today

places of sometimes extreme contrasts and stark differentiation. They are places full

of hope, yet with pockets of real desperation and despair, as the famine crisis in

southern Somalia in 2011–12 makes clear. The contradictions and complexities of

multiple, competing pathways of change make these places difﬁcult to understand,

especially with the mindsets, perceptions and framings of the development elite from

the metropolitan centres, both north and south.

What then needs to happen? How can the hope and optimism, the dynamic

entrepreneurialism and ingenious innovation be capitalized on, spread and

multiplied? And how can the crises, failures and cycles of destitution and human

misery be avoided? The challenges are conceptual and practical. Conceptually, as

emphasized throughout this book, we need to change the way we view the pastoral

areas of the Horn. This requires some very fundamental ‘ﬂips’ in the way problems

are framed, and solutions envisaged. Table 1.1 provides contrasting views of a

number of important development challenges, as seen from ‘the centre’ and ‘the

margins’; shifting from ‘seeing like a development agency’ to ‘seeing like a pas-

toralist’. Of course the world does not exist in bipolar opposites, and shades of grey

always represent the complex reality in between. But as a challenge to normative

perspectives of mainstream development, Table 1.1 offers some contrasts for debate.

Critically, it means changing the way we think about development, not as a singular

pathway to be introduced or pushed by states in the region and their aid partners,

but rather as a plural set of pathways unfolding on multiple fronts in the margins,

driven by the wider dynamics of transition and a diversity of actors, both men and

women: livestock keepers of all types, market traders, foreign and domestic investors,

local entrepreneurs, rural middlemen, customary leaders, armed agents and youth,

among others. But such plural pathways are also thoroughly shaped by pastoral

innovation, ingenuity and aspiration. Thus, by consciously moving our gaze from

the centre to the margins the world begins to look different.

Practically, there are a number of steps that aid agencies and government

departments can take. A first step is to work with and through existing policy

frameworks that support entrepreneurialism and innovation in pastoral areas, and

which suggest moves towards a different conﬁguration of markets and governance.

In particular, as already mentioned, the AU policy framework on pastoralism

provides a progressive vision of development pathways in pastoral areas, and can

be built on by efforts to develop complementary policies – and crucially, resulting

resource allocations – through regional economic bodies and national governments.

Development actors can buttress these efforts by helping to shape strategies for very

different pastoral contexts in ways that resonate with the core ideas of the AU

policy.

TABLE 1.1 Contrasting visions of development at the margins

Issue View from the centre (‘seeing like a development agency’) View from the margins (‘seeing like a pastoralist’)

Mobility Pre-sedentarization, nomadism as a stage in the process Mobility as essential for modern livelihoods – of livestock, people,

of civilization. labour, ﬁnance.

Climate and Pastoralists as villains and victims: environmental Responding to non-equilbrium environments and adaptation to

environmental degradation needs to be curtailed, and pastoralists are in climate variability as a way of life.

change need of support for climate adaptation.

Markets Uneconomic, weak, thin, informal, backward, in need of Vibrant commercial trade, cross-border, linked into regional/

modern facilities and upgraded value chains, and so global markets, constrained by state. Informality as a strength.

formalized, regulated.

Agriculture The future, a route to settlement and civilization, and A temporary stop-gap, but linked to pastoralism, especially if based

more proﬁtable return. on ﬂexible locally controlled small-scale crop production.

Irrigation A sound investment, a proﬁtable enterprise, especially if A risky investment that undermines the core economic opportunity

large-scale and linked to infrastructure development of (livestock production), especially if externally owned and controlled

the region. and large-scale. A land grab, not a land investment.

Technology Backward, primitive, requiring modernization (range Appropriate technology, mixing old (mobile pastoralism) with the

management, breeding, fences, abattoirs and so on). new (mobile phones, Internet etc.).

Services Simple to supply, but difﬁcult, resistant customers Huge demand for health care and schooling, but requires new forms

unwilling to take up education and health services. of service delivery compatible with mobile livelihoods.

Diversiﬁcation A way out of pastoralism; a coping strategy. As a complement to pastoralism, adding value, gaining business

opportunities, a route ‘back in’ to livestock-keeping through

investment of new income.

Social protection Aid programmes and safety nets, externally designed and Focused on mutual support networks and informal interactions,

imposed, difﬁcult to get out once in the net. culturally rooted and highly dynamic, movement in and out of

‘support’.

Small towns Sites of destitution, dropping out; in need of Commercial hubs, foci for growth and private investment,

‘development’ (services and infrastructure). including from diaspora networks.

Borders The edge of the nation, to be controlled and protected. The centre of extended livelihood and market networks.

Conﬂict Destructive, violent and in need managing; external peace Linked to local peace initiatives, rebuilding clan and ethnic

building efforts through disarmament and ‘development’. identities and promoting and improving the inclusion and

representation of pastoralists in national political fora.

Identity Tribes, the ‘other’, not us. In need of development, Trans-national linking clans and groups across nations, into the

civilization, incorporation into the nation. diaspora; diverse citizenships.

State Fragile, weak, collapsed, failed. New networked forms of governance, linking local organization

(clans) and wider polities beyond the state.

Class Homogenous, tribal. Highly differentiated, different socio-economic groups.

Gender Regressive, anti-women. Women as key innovators and agents of diversiﬁcation, promoting

peace by building a network of contacts across social and ecological

borders through trade and exchange.

Youth Dangerous, idle, impoverished – caught up in banditry Important connectors to newly important economic activities,

and raiding, and potential recruits into extremist groups. exploiting new political spaces to negotiate and contest better terms

for pastoral societies in national debate.

24 Catley et al.

A second step is to gear organizations to work over the long-term in the margins.

To shift the vision from the centre to the margins will require more people spending

more time in places such as Gode, Garsen and Gambella. Our knowledge and

understanding of the dynamics shaping development at the margins is constrained

by the fact that so many agencies have their staff concentrated in the region’s political

and commercial centres. Many organizations with national offices make their

decisions based on the limited and sometimes poor quality information availed by

field staff in regional towns or consultants who visit for rapid assessments. For

development organizations seeking to shift to the margins, this means creating new

partnerships with local civil society in these areas, such as customary authorities,

church missions, mosque committees and trade-based groups. Partnerships need to

be less concerned with ‘implementation’ of preconceived plans and more focused

on ﬁnding workable ways of ‘entrusting’ local actors to identify problems, oppor-

tunities and ways of working on these.

A third step is that development actors need to support more long-term analysis

and learning. Under conditions of dynamic uncertainty, adaptive responses, experi-

mentation, piloting and above all research and learning are critical. Yet research

effort, and the resulting evidence base, is limited, due to insecurity, the difﬁculties

of working in such environments and the relative lack of funding. Most donor/

NGO-supported assessments are localized and provide only a snapshot of a very

complex reality, and many extract unreliable information, without building relations

of trust with local communities that allow researchers and development practitioners

to gain ‘a view from the margins’. Development actors need to reinvest in sustained,

high quality participatory analysis with communities which, when done well,

incorporates a differentiated analysis by gender and wealth group and thereby begins

to probe the key issues of social difference; moving beyond a uniform view of

pastoralism to an appreciation of diversity and difference. This change would also

beneﬁt from wider use of participatory approaches for reviewing and assessing the

impact of projects (Catley et al., 2008), especially when impact assessment is linked

to reshaping organizational or government policies.

A fourth step must be an acceptance that many of the issues that remain challenges

at the margins are political. While adopting policies, changing resource allocations,

shifting staff locations, building local partnerships and improving research and

learning processes through participatory approaches are all important, in the end a

rethinking of development at the margins will require some fairly fundamental

changes in power and politics. This requires a renegotiation of the relationships

between the central state – and the associated international development apparatus

– and the margins. Given the long histories of conﬂict, secession and wider distrust

that exist, how can this be possible? Surely the very vibrancy of life at the margins

is based on the ‘art of not being governed’, escaping the disciplining strictures of state

control? And will not an accommodation with the central state likely result in

capture, incorporation and exploitation? These are all certainly risks. But maybe the

centre now needs the margins more than before. There is a growing acceptance of

the importance of the livestock trade as a source of national economic growth, with

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Exploring the spatio-temporal processes of communal rangeland grabbing in Sudan

Article

Full-text available

Apr 2018

Hussein M. Sulieman

The persistent policy of successive Sudanese governments in favouring large-scale agricultural investments at the expense of traditional land use is creating material differences among significant groups of the population. A significant share of this type of investment falls within the territories of the communal rangelands of the country. The aim of this paper is to provide analytical insights of the geographical allocation and the temporal evolution of land grabbing on the expanses of communal land utilized by local inhabitants in Butana area in eastern Sudan. The study relies on multi-temporal Landsat satellite imagery (2000, 2005, 2009, and 2014), ground surveys, and key informant interviews. The results show that large-scale mechanized agriculture (LSMA) in Butana communal rangeland increased incrementally from 2.5% in 2000 to 17.6% in 2014. The starting location of the expansion of LSMA was in surrounding valleys. From the images, it is clear that land grabbing is converting the natural vegetation cover of Butana communal rangeland into spatially fragmented patches. Large-scale farmers (LSFs) involved in the process included wealthy pastoralists who own large numbers of livestock and absentee farmers who rely on hired representatives to manage their agricultural operations. Without a fundamental change in governmental policy, which currently turns a blind eye to the illegal activities of LSFs on communal rangeland, the gloomy scenario of land-based conflict may erupt in the eastern part of the country.

The seasonal imperative: Environmental drivers of livestock mobility in East Darfur, Sudan

Article

Sep 2020
LAND USE POLICY

At their furthest extent, the livestock migrations examined in this paper traverse a distance of 400 km or more along a north-south transect, crossing up to half a dozen distinct ecological zones and, upon occasion, the international border between Sudan and South Sudan. Official Sudanese recognition of the value of migratory livestock production has led in recent years to policy and legal changes that support pastoral mobility, but there remains a gap in the scientific evidence that can be called upon to inform this emerging awareness. This paper uses remotely sensed livestock tracking data to document pastoral behaviour in relation to some of the biophysical factors that are important for livestock survival and production. This research supports several policyrelevant conclusions: 1. In East Darfur, long-distance migratory livestock production is remarkably resilient to rainfall fluctuations, including drought and flooding, because movement cycles are already designed to accommodate this kind of variability. 2. Mobile livestock producers are exposed to human-generated disruption and increasing pressures on their mobility from expanding farms, localized conflict and insecurity, and a new international border. 3. Pastoralists need sympathetic governance to mediate their interactions with other forms of land use, which is unlikely to happen unless authorities appreciate the technical sophistication and economic advantages of migratory systems. 4. Migratory production in East Darfur uses locally available resources which leaves livestock owners and government free to expend cash reserves on other kinds of inputs, investments or activities.

The seasonal imperative: Environmental drivers of livestock mobility in East Darfur, Sudan

Article

Sep 2020
LAND USE POLICY

At their furthest extent, the livestock migrations examined in this paper traverse a distance of 400 km or more along a north-south transect, crossing up to half a dozen distinct ecological zones and, upon occasion, the international border between Sudan and South Sudan. Official Sudanese recognition of the value of migratory livestock production has led in recent years to policy and legal changes that support pastoral mobility, but there remains a gap in the scientific evidence that can be called upon to inform this emerging awareness. This paper uses remotely sensed livestock tracking data to document pastoral behaviour in relation to some of the biophysical factors that are important for livestock survival and production. This research supports several policy-relevant conclusions: 1. In East Darfur, long-distance migratory livestock production is remarkably resilient to rainfall fluctuations, including drought and flooding, because movement cycles are already designed to accommodate this kind of variability. 2. Mobile livestock producers are exposed to human-generated disruption and increasing pressures on their mobility from expanding farms, localized conflict and insecurity, and a new international border. 3. Pastoralists need sympathetic governance to mediate their interactions with other forms of land use, which is unlikely to happen unless authorities appreciate the technical sophistication and economic advantages of migratory systems. 4. Migratory production in East Darfur uses locally available resources which leaves livestock owners and government free to expend cash reserves on other kinds of inputs, investments or activities.

Pastoralism in Africa's drylands Reducing risks, addressing vulnerability and enhancing resilience

Article

Full-text available

Jan 2018

Pastoralism and Land Tenure Transformation in Sub-Saharan Africa: Conflicting Policies and Priorities in Ngamiland, Botswana

Article

Full-text available

Dec 2017

In dryland Africa, access to land and water resources are central to pastoral livelihood activities. Policy intervention in these regions represents the outcome of concerted post-independence processes in which countries have committed to land tenure transformation as a policy objective. This was meant to create private, liberal property rights to replace communal customary tenure systems which were considered to be a constraint to development. Despite these efforts, decades of scientific research indicate that countries are still struggling to meet environmental sustainability objectives. Land degradation where it existed has not been halted and traditional pastoral livelihoods have been disrupted. The overall evidence base for policymaking remains weak as deficiencies in data or information on which management decisions were based led to poor policy performance. In a bid to strengthen understanding in this area, this study has a dual aim: 1. Using a systematic review of the literature, we examine the impact of land tenure transformation in pastoral areas in sub-Saharan Africa; 2. We analyse user-perspectives on land tenure transformation and pastoralists’ rights in Ngamiland, Botswana, so as to draw out the salient issues that must be addressed in order to reconcile pastoral tenure conflicts and land management in sub-Saharan Africa. Results from meta-analysis and case study show that land tenure transformation policies across pastoral areas are subject to similar challenges and consequences. Protecting pastoral land rights requires deliberate policy interventions that recognise pastoralism as a productive and efficient use of resources. Policymakers need to overcome anti-pastoral prejudice and focus on Sustainable Land Management goals. This entails establishing negotiated and flexible tenure frameworks that strengthen pastoralists’ participation in decision-making arenas by working with pastoral communities on the basis of understanding their livelihood system.

The futures of pastoralism in the Horn of Africa: pathways of growth and change: -EN- -FR- Les perspectives d’avenir du pastoralisme dans la Corne de l’Afrique : les voies de développement et de changement -ES- Porvenir del pastoreo en el Cuerno de África: sendas de crecimiento y cambio

Article

Full-text available

Nov 2016
REV SCI TECH OIE

This paper reviews pastoralism in the Horn of Africa region with reference to the basic socio-economics of pastoralism, and the use of mobile livestock production to generate income and food for human consumption. The paper also examines long-term trends in pastoralist areas which, at first sight, appear to be contradictory. The first trend is the growth of a substantial domestic and export trade in livestock and meat across the region, driven largely by supplies from pastoralist areas and local and international demand. This trend indicates robust and responsive livestock production and marketing in pastoralist areas, despite recurrent drought, conflict and weak governance. In contrast, the second trend sees increasing levels of poverty and destitution in pastoralist areas, and continued high levels of human malnutrition. The co-existence of economic growth and increasing poverty in 'high-export' areas is explained by human population growth, drought, and the private control of pastures and water by wealthier producers. All of these factors combine to push poorer producers out of pastoralism. In areas with lower market orientation, other forms of declining land access are often evident, including the appropriation of land for mechanised farming, hydroelectric schemes, and bush encroachment. These changes, plus population growth and drought, also push people out of pastoralism. In all areas, pastoralism will continue to be the main economic activity but, at the same time, increasing numbers of people are seeking other livelihoods.

Influence of Lamu-Port-South Sudan-Ethiopia Transport (LAPSSET) corridor development project planning on pastoral livelihood’s resilience to climate stresses in Kenyan semi-arid: A case study of Isiolo County in Kenya.

Thesis

Full-text available

Aug 2015

Amos Wemanya

This dissertation investigates the synergies and tensions of development interventions and climate adaptation activities in the context of building resilience to climate stresses for pastoral livelihoods. Studies on resilience to climate change for Kenyan pastoralists have demonstrated how climate change is affecting pastoral livelihoods and the coping strategies pastoralists are using to adapt to climate shocks in the Kenyan semi arid. However, little specific analysis exists on the synergies and tensions of development interventions and climate adaptation activities in the context of building resilience to climate stresses for pastoral livelihoods in Kenya. To address this, this dissertation focuses on understanding how LAPSSET corridor development project planning has taken into account the issues of pastoral livelihood’s access to asset capitals and how this may influence pastoral livelihood’s resilience to climatic stresses. The study focused on two areas: Ngaremara and Isiolo peri-urban areas. Document analysis of the Kenyan vision 2030 development strategy for Northern Kenya and other arid lands provided data on the development plans for the Kenyan pastoral regions in the context of pastoral livelihood’s resilience to climate stresses. Further, interviews with key informants and pastoralists provided details on how LAPSSET corridor project planning has taken into account issues of pastoral livelihood’s access to asset capitals. The results indicate that LAPSSET corridor project can provide pastoral livelihoods with opportunities to build resilience to climate stresses if it adequately involves pastoralists in the planning and its implementation processes. However, failure by LAPSSET corridor project planners to engage pastoralists in the planning of its activities has led to much of the pastoralists concerns about their livelihood’s continued access to and utilization of critical asset capitals being overlooked in the project plans. LAPSSET corridor project planners and policy makers need to extensively engage with pastoral communities in Isiolo County to safeguard their continued access and exploitation of key asset capitals to help pastoral livelihoods to build resilience against climate stresses.

The Implication of Land Grabbing on Pastoral Economy in Sudan

Article

Full-text available

Sep 2016

The unprecedented increase in the world population coupled with the great demand for food have encouraged several investors to acquire land and water in some developing countries, Sudan is not an exception. This current phenomenon often referred to as " land grabbing " as it always violates the right of local land users and affects the environment. This paper aims to highlight the process by which local and foreign investors acquire communal lands in Sudan and to underline its implication on pastoral livelihood. The paper is mainly based on desk review and deep analysis of some recent documents. The paper has come out with the fact that under the pretext of development and food security, huge communal lands were taken from local producers and leased " soled " to the investors (grabbers). To facilitate land grabbing, the government of Sudan has frequently been embarked on amending land tenure system several times. The Unregistered Land Act of 1971, Ministerial Act of 1996 and the Investment Act of 2013, have paved the way for more land grabbing in Sudan. These acts ignored completely the historical right of the local communities over land resources. Lacks of transparency, unfair compensation and limited or absent consultation of the local communities are some characteristics shaping land grabbing in Sudan. Land for local producers is the main asset and a source of everything (livelihood) thus, denying such right means lacking everything. This explains why food insecurity, spread of poverty, disputes and conflict are now widely dominated most of pastoral areas. The paper aims to contribute to the ongoing debate on land grabbing and open windows for more research in such hot issue. It provides planners with some ideas that might help in formulating sound policy regarding land acquisition. Like any African country, the government of Sudan has to find rational way to make the investment a win win deal if it is really looking for food security, social peace and sustainable development.

الإيكولوجيا السياسية لتغير نظم الرعي التقليدي في السودان دراسة حالة محليتي الدويم وأم رمتة – ولاية النيل الأبيض 2015-1984

Article

Full-text available

Dec 2019

At the junction between state, nature and capital: Irrigation mega-projects in Sudan

Article

Nov 2019
GEOFORUM

This paper investigates the different ways in which the state can derive value from its control over space and non-human nature. The analysis is based on the Sudanese case and the centrality of land and water in the political ecology of the country, attested by the continual establishment of irrigation mega-projects. There are two main scenarios. In the first one, the state acts directly in the economic exploitation of natural resources; such outright involvement in the production processes can be realised with or without the involvement of private capital. In the second one, it offers preconditions to private investors by establishing a legal framework (for land concessions and exploitation rights) and by providing operative requirements (such as infrastructures and public security). In this way, the state is able to extract rents. In both scenarios the state’s role inevitably changes. In the first case, it is a first-person producer of surplus value. In the second case, it collects income. These different strategies are both forms of an exercise of power that affects the organization of a territory. It is our focus to concentrate on the territorial outcomes of these two scenarios. By analysing the period from the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium to the present times, we were able to observe the changing attitude of the state regarding the exploitation of natural resources and the mobilization of capital. Our starting point is Scott’s insight about the process that transforms inherited “thick” spaces into “state spaces”: he defines the territorial outcomes as “thin spaces”. We want to take a step further by presenting ‘ultra-thin spaces’, spaces that are suitable for mobile investments in the global market. In our perspective, ultra-thin spaces constitute the territorial outcome of a state which derives value by conceding control over natural resources and exploitation rights to others. This approach, taken from an historical perspective, analyses how the different relationships between state, capital and nature have had different outcomes in the territory. Even if applied to the specific Sudanese case, it serves as a means to more broadly understand this phenomenon constitutive of new global geopolitics where even the sovereignty of the state is being redefined.

Challenges facing land tenure system in relation to pastoral livelihood security in Gedarif State, Eastern Sudan

Article

Full-text available

Sep 2010

Land in rural communities is not just a means of livelihood but also a source of wealth, tribal identity, social peace, and also source of conflicts. This paper addresses the issue of pastoral land tenure in relation to their livelihood security in Sudan. The overall objective is to trace the changes in land tenure system and its implications on pastoral communities in Gedarif state, eastern Sudan. In Gedarif like elsewhere in Sudan accessing pastoral land was governed by the system of communal rights. Although, this system has some shortcomings such as lack of transparency and democracy besides being gender bias as woman can access land only through their fathers and husbands, it has proven its efficiency in securing livelihood and reducing conflicts in the country. Several land acts have been introduced since the colonial era and during the national successive governments aiming to provide the state full authority to control land resources and undermining the traditional communal right of pastoral people. Among these was the unregistered act of 1970, this act has given the government the full power to grab and reallocate the land to the public and private sectors most were not from Gedarif state, without taking into account the communal right of utilization and access to land, which is the major source for pastoral livelihood. As a result unplanned mechanized farming has expanded rapidly at the expense of traditional right causing rigorous implications and threat on pastoral economy. These implications include: livelihood insecurity, drop out from traditional sectors, collapse of pastoral adaptation, poverty, rural urban migration, weakening the role of tribal leaders and acute conflict over limited resources.

The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia

Book