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Patriarchal Norms and the Experiences of Intimate Partner Violence of the Women: A Qualitative Case Study in Sylhet, Bangladesh.

  • BRAC James P Grant School of Public Health


In Bangladesh, intimate partner violence against women is a serious problem. This is universal and does not just apply to one society. The present research investigates the patriarchal norm that influences the types of and causes of intimate partner violence against married women, particularly in the Sylhet area in the northeast of Bangladesh. To explore this phenomenon, case studies have been done with ten married women who were violated by their intimate partners. The study's findings showed that there are several forms of violence against women, including Physical, sexual, and psychological abuse. The results of this study showed that the most common reasons for spousal abuse are suspicion, extramarital affairs, having a argue with their husband, not taking care of the family, ignoring their children, and unfulfilled sexual desires Therefore, the age of women is also associated with the high tendency to be violated by their husbands. However, the previous study discovered that, the partners' primary education plays an important role in the prevention of intimate partner violence, but the current study contradicts these findings.
Patriarchal Norms and the Experiences of Intimate Partner Violence
among Women: A Qualitative Case Study in Sylhet, Bangladesh.
Rhidoy Ahmed1, Fariha Tabassum2
1 MSS in Sociology, Shahjalal University of Science and Technology, Sylhet, Bangladesh.
2 MA in Sociology, Western Michigan University, Michigan, USA.
In Bangladesh, intimate partner violence against women is a serious problem. This is universal
and does not just apply to one society. The present research investigates the patriarchal norm that
influences the types of and causes of intimate partner violence against married women, particularly
in the Sylhet area in the northeast of Bangladesh. To explore this phenomenon, case studies have
been done with ten married women who were violated by their intimate partners. The study's
findings showed that there are several forms of violence against women, including Physical,
sexual, and psychological abuse. The results of this study showed that the most common reasons
for spousal abuse are suspicion, extramarital affairs, having a argue with their husband, not taking
care of the family, ignoring their children, and unfulfilled sexual desires Therefore, the age of
women is also associated with the high tendency to be violated by their husbands. However, the
previous study discovered that, the partners' primary education plays an important role in the
prevention of intimate partner violence, but the current study contradicts these findings.
Keywords: Patriarchal norms, gender inequality, Intimate partner violence.
1. Introduction
Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) refers to the behavior that involves physical, sexual,
psychological, or any form of harm to those who are involved in a marital relationship (WHO,
2012). The social phenomenon of intimate partner violence against women is not new. Although
intimate partner violence takes on different forms in different groups and societies, it has always
been a problem. It has become a huge public health issue around the world. While both men and
women can become victims of IPV, Bangladesh's paternalistic culture perpetuates outdated gender
roles and puts women at a heightened risk of being a victim. Studies reveal that 69% of
Bangladeshi women experience IPV at some point in their lives (Heise and Garica-Moreno, 2002).
Both developed and developing nations across the world perpetrate acts of violence against
women. Women are always viewed as the property of males, regardless of the social strata, which
gives men the ability to control women. This is also identical to Bangladesh's situation as well,
which is likewise a developing nation with traditional patriarchal standards and gender-based
violence as a major issue (Hadi, 2009). As a result, males are portrayed as having the most
authority in society while females are portrayed as being weaker, more vulnerable, and dependent
on men. In every social, economic, and political system, this is true. Therefore, the patriarchal
standards perspective feels that the wife's beating and punishment are acceptable for exercising
control over women. Both the physical and mental health of women may suffer because of this
(Jhonston et al. 2008; WHO, 2012).
Several studies have been carried out demonstrating the causes, incidence, and effects of intimate
partner violence around the world, including Bangladesh (Abramsky et al., 2011; Bagchi, 2018).
Recent studies indicate that although Bangladesh has passed laws to lessen and prevent violence
against women, including gender inequality, women are still violated there as a result of dowry,
early marriages, and a number of other causes (Afrin, 2017). Violence against women, according
to Schuler and Islam, is pervasive in all societies but is seen as a family affair, which is why it is
rarely disclosed to the public and is usually ignored (2008). Despite this, the objective of this study
is to learn more about the patriarchal norms causes the intimate partner violence and the factors
that contribute to its occurring among women in the Sylhet district.
1.2 Patriarchal Norms and Justification of Intimate partner violence
The concept of "patriarchy," which literally means "the authority of the father or the patriarch,"
was first used to describe a certain kind of "male-dominated family"a large home where the
patriarch had control over slaves, domestic servants, kids, junior males, and women. The term is
now used more widely "to describe male dominance, the power connections by which males rule
women, and to define a system by which women are kept subordinated in a variety of ways"
(Bhasin 2006, P. 3).
Male dominance in both the public and private realms is referred to as patriarchy. The word
"patriarchy" is mostly used by feminists to refer to the imbalance of power between men and
women. Feminists use the word "patriarchy" to describe a way of thinking that, like other ways of
thinking, can help us understand how women live. Traditional patriarchal norms, according to
researchers, encourage women to follow their male counterparts even when it seems to be against
their best interests (Kandiyoti, 1988). Theoretically, patriarchy is more likely to become
internalized in families where women are expected to be financially dependent and subordinated,
where men are expected to meet their needs and enforce conformity, and where cooperative
women are promised benefits (Kandiyoti, 1988).
Under this view, girls marry into households led by the fathers of their husbands at relatively early
ages. The rural and urban sites of the Bangladeshi marriage market have seen this tendency (Alam,
2007). In theory, Muslim women are legally allowed to choose their spouses, but in practice, their
fathers or elder brothers commonly do so (Alam, 2007; Baden et al., 1994) and the woman's legal
guardianship shifts from her father to her husband (Alam 2007).
In a patriarchal culture, a young woman is subordinate to older women and men, and the
patrilineage appropriates her labor and children. In the traditional view, where there is still a
gendered labor force, men are supposed to work outdoors while women are expected to work
inside. Despite some easing in this disparity, males regularly exploit their working wives' incomes
(Chowdhury, 2009). Accordingly, a woman typically accepts her husband's authority to discipline
disobedience and trades compliance for her husband's maintenance (Kabeer 1988; Yount and Li
2010). Researchers disagreed about the most severe version: any disobedience by a woman to
patriarchal standards is considered disobedience, and a husband's use of force in retaliation is an
acceptable form of punishment (Yount and Li, 2010; Feldman, 2010).
Women may adopt conventional patriarchal norms because they think doing so would benefit them
(Kabeer, 1988). One may provide two "benefits" of the conventional patriarchy for women. A
sense of social position and personal identity within the community is first provided via marriage
(Alam, 2007). Second, a woman's influence on her daughters-in-law replaces the challenges of an
early marriage (Kandiyoti, 1988). Despite beliefs that a wife's disobedience and a husband's
violence are appropriate means of punishment, these conventional patriarchal expectations and
benefits foster conformity (Kabeer, 1988).
In patriarchal cultures, social norms and roles for men and women are taught within the group and
then passed on to the next generation. In many societies, the tradition of male domination is
practiced and maintained by severe gender norms and social customs like polygamy, the selling of
women for marriage, and other customs that deprive women of authority in areas like education,
jobs, economics, and social standing (Sayem et al., 2012). According to Rani et al. (2004), factors
that encourage IPV against women primarily operate through three processes: (1) creating a
conflict between reality and the myth of male superiority; (2) exposing people to more egalitarian
social networks and authority structures than kin-based ones; and (3) exposing people to non-
conformist ideas through contemporary media.
It is likely that people with low socioeconomic status who grow up in disadvantaged communities
are frequently exposed to violence in the home and community, leading to high levels of
justification for using violence to resolve conflicts. Poverty may increase the likelihood of conflict
over resources. Kim and Motsei (2002) say that most of the reasons society accepts IPV against
women is because they don't want to do sexual things and don't care about their kids. Evidence
from a variety of settings, including South African male and female public health care nurses (Kim
& Motsei, 2002), women in a community-based study in Uganda (Koenig et al., 2003), and women
from two regions in India (Jejeebhoy, 1998), shows that 4190% of the female respondents felt
that IPV was justified in at least one situation. It is not surprising that intimate partner violence
against women in Bangladesh is a common phenomenon. Several studies in Bangladesh, like the
2007 Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey (BDHS), found that between 40% and 60% of
women had been beaten by their husbands.
2. Review of the literature
Studies have shown that many forms of intimate partner violence, including physical,
psychological, and sexual violence, occur in various nations across the world (Babu, 2009).
According to Kabir (2014), between 52 and 64% of women in various regions of Bangladesh have
experienced physical violence. Violations against sexually intimate partners ranged from 11% to
65% (Dalal, 2013). A WHO survey found that the percentage of women who had suffered sexual
assault by intimate partners in their former lives was 37% in rural regions and 50% in metropolitan
areas, respectively (Garca-Moreno, 2005). Abuse in intimate relationships can take many different
forms, from physical to verbal, from sexual to psychological.
According to Dalal, Rahman, and Jansson's (2009) research, 79% of women experienced verbal
abuse. In prior research, 54% of those who reported psychological abuse reported being threatened
with divorce or death. According to research comparing the frequency of violence in urban and
rural areas, rural women are more likely to experience domestic abuse than women in urban areas
(Naved, 2006). In a study, Naved (2006) shows that 40% of lifetime physical assaults occur in
metropolitan settings, compared to 42% in rural ones. The types of infractions that took place in
rural Bangladesh were described in another investigation. It was shown that rural women
experienced two types of violence from their intimate partners: verbal abuse (66.8%) and physical
abuse (50.8%). The survey also revealed that the woman was engaged in her husband's daily
activities, neglected to perform her fair share of chores, had subpar care, had a veil that didn't fit,
and was unable to bring money from her birthplace (Bhuiya et al., 2003).
Most studies have discovered that 39% of pregnant women experience abuse (Murphy et al.,
2001; Cambell, 2002; Shah et al., 2017). Such violence was identified as a growing concern in
South Asia in a 2004 study that was conducted in a few South Asian nations, including Pakistan,
Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Afghanistan. It was discovered that 15,000 women are
abused for dowry and that 80% of Pakistani women experience violence in their families,
compared to 50% of Indian women. 40% of women in Bangladesh and 60% of women in Sri Lanka
experience physical abuse at the hands of intimate partners. This study also found some other
factors, such as a patriarchal society (Mehta, 2005; Hadi, 2010), men's influence over decision-
making, inadequate policies, policies that encourage men to act submissively, religion, being
abused as a child or seeing marital violence as a child, alcohol and drug use, and seeing marital
violence as a child (Mehta, 2005).
Women are often abused in personal relationships, and the main reasons for this violence are
gender inequality and women's lower standing in society (Puri, Shah & Tamang, 2010; Xu, Kerley
& Sirisunyaluck, 2011). Between the years of 2000 and 2003, 24097 women took part in a
quantitative study that was done in 10 different nations. Women's positive attitudes toward
husbands' violence, extramarital affairs, partners' abuse histories, alcohol use, age differences,
younger women, educational level, unemployment (Abramsky et al. 2011), dowry (Abramsky et
al. 2011; Khan et al. 2000; Khatun et al. 2012), and other factors were discussed in the study. Men
and women who misuse alcohol are more likely to be victims of violence than those who do not.
For younger women, the risk of IPV was quite high. Abramsky et al. (2011) and Ackerson (2011)
both cite education as one of the most important strategies for preventing domestic violence. The
highest socioeconomic status, obtaining a formal education, being married, and choosing the guy
of your choice to marry are all protective factors against intimate partner violence.
In the years between 2000 and 2003, 24097 women took part in a quantitative study that was done
in 10 different nations. Women's positive attitudes toward husbands' violence, extramarital affairs,
partners' abuse histories, alcohol use, age differences, younger women, educational level,
unemployment (Abramsky et al. 2011), dowry (Abramsky et al. 2011; Khan et al. 2000; Khatun
et al. 2012), and other factors were discussed in the study. Men and women who misuse alcohol
are more likely to be victims of violence than those who do not. For younger women, the risk of
IPV was quite high. Abramsky et al. (2011) and Ackerson (2011) both cite education as one of the
most important strategies for preventing domestic violence. Abramsky et al. (2011) say that having
the highest socioeconomic status, getting a formal education, being married, and choosing the guy
you want to marry to avoid intimate partner violence are all protective factors. Only in Bangladesh,
Ethiopia, and Tanzania did domestic violence drop a lot after people got a basic education.
According to a quantitative study conducted in Nepal, women's lack of formal education, their
exposure to violence as children, and their lack of decision-making autonomy are some of the
causes of violence. In 2011, another quantitative study with 181 married women was conducted.
It became clear from this that both economically dependent and free-choice women, as well as
both groups of women, were subjected to abuse. They experienced both physical and sexual
assault. It is also shown that promoting women's autonomy could result in an increase in violence
against women (Rahman, 2011). Browne (1999) says that there are also bad links between a
woman's ability to work and abuse from a close partner.
Qualitative research on the three social classes of lower class, middle class, and upper class was
carried out in Karachi, Pakistan. Interruption in IPV in the lower class is usually caused by a lack
of education, poverty, unemployment for both the husband and wife, women's low status, outside
interference, a patriarchal society, men's patience, etc. Most of the risk factors for domestic
violence against women were present in the middle and upper classes, including caste differences,
outside interference, marriages of convenience, dowries, and patriarchal society (Khurram, 2017).
However, in the upper class, another risk factor, "extramarital affairs," was also a factor (Khurram,
2017; Abramsky et al. 2011). Research shows that early marriage, verbal fights, and not being able
to meet a partner's sexual needs all increase the risk of intimate partner violence.
According to studies, dowry, family strife, excessive drug use, extramarital relationships, the
husband's second marriage, having a daughter, the husband's love of gambling, and family disputes
were the main causes of intimate partner violence (Fardosh, 2013; Dalal, 2009). The majority of
those who suffered (33.4%) were women between the ages of 16 and 20, who had been beaten by
their mother-in-law. Due to dowry demand, those between the ages of 21 and 25 suffered the most.
A family dispute caused the greatest pain for those between the ages of 26 and 35. Also, it was
clear that women were being treated badly for no obvious reason (Fardosh, 2013).
Research has discovered a link between gender inequality and domestic abuse (Gridley, 2016).
The likelihood of intimate partner violence against women is increased by patriarchal standards
and women's lower position (Khurram, 2017). According to research done in Afghanistan,
physical and emotional IPV were linked to childhood trauma and food poverty, respectively
(Gibbs, 2018).
3. Methodology
The qualitative method was used for an exploratory case study. The exploratory case study is
appropriate when there are various outcomes and we try to find the answer to how, why, and what
(Hyet, 2014). Ten case studies were conducted to see how the patriarchal norms affected the nature
and factors of intimate partner violence in the division of Sylhet, Bangladesh. This research used
semi-structured, face-to-face interviews to get more clear understandings of intimate partner
violence. With the help of one local woman, through snowball sampling, the victims of intimate
partner violence were identified. The study was conducted in two slums in Sylhet city at word no.
9, known as Laddu Miah Colony (Slum) and Sayed Colony, in the district of Sylhet, Bangladesh.
An audio-recording was made of each conversation of 10 (case) respondents with the permission
of the respondents. Then it was transcribed and translated into English. An amount of BDT 500 (1
US dollar = 84 BDT) was given to each respondent as a gift of token and gesture of appreciation
for contributing to the research study. Each respondent's name is used as a pseudonym to ensure
privacy and confidentiality.
4. Findings and Discussion
4.1 The Socio-Demographic Background of the participants
The findings reveal that, all the women were between the ages of 15 and 30. Their average age
difference from their spouse was eight years. Since they belonged to a lower socioeconomic level
with an average income of 6,000 BDT, almost all the family members experienced poverty. Only
two of the women had finished elementary school; the rest were illiterate. Apart from one
responder, who learned to read Al-Quran (the holy book of Islam), Unlike their spouses, only one
of them had finished elementary school, one had completed high school, and the others were
illiterate. The fact that all the women were married at young ages (15 to 16) is another contributing
factor to the intimate partner violence that has been identified in earlier research (Bagchi, 2018).
All the women who responded to the study were under 20 when they all got married in Bangladesh.
According to this study, the average age difference between each respondent and their spouse was
8 years. Previous research found that one factor contributing to the rise in intimate partner violence
against women was the age difference (Abramsky et al. 2011). The results also show, as the
previous study (Mehta, 2005) did, that all respondents are limited by their religious beliefs and
patriarchal standards.
4.2 The Nature of Intimate Partner Violence
4.2.1 Physical Abuse
A survey discovered that, over 60% of married men in Bangladesh abuse their spouses physically
or sexually, and 35.7% of respondents agreed with views that justify spousal abuse (M. J. Islam,
Rahman, et al. 2017). Victims of IPV who live in patriarchal settings without social or legal
protection may use victimization as a coping technique. According to Haj-Yahia (2000), the Arab
family structure and larger sociocultural framework restrict Arab women from seeking assistance
when they are victims of IPV since doing so would bring shame to their family. It is simpler for
women to defend IPV as a means of demonstrating who is in control since they listen to their
families and put up with the harsh actions of their husbands.
According to a survey, women were regularly subjected to abuse by their spouses. Women suffered
from health issues because of being kicked, burned, and assaulted in several ways. But it was
astonishing that they continued with such behavior even though their wife was pregnant. The
results of this investigation support the findings of Abrahams et al. (2006). They argued in South
Africa that male partners with poorer educational levels were more prone to committing physical
violence. The situation of one responder was worse; she was unable to get out of bed because of
physical abuse she had experienced throughout her pregnancy. These results support previous
investigations (Murphy et al., 2001; Cambell, 2002; Shah et al., 2017). According to Rahima (18):
When I was 5 months pregnant, and I couldn’t maintain a sexual relationship with him due
to the pregnancy, my husband got furious, and he tended to be more violent. One day in
the afternoon, he started to beat me and push me against the wall while my abdomen got
hurt and started bleeding; I lost my baby. It has been one month, but I still can't even walk
because of weakness. Sometimes I feel like going to my parents' house but cannot. If I go
there, people will taunt me. That is why I am unable to abandon him (Laddu Miah Colony,
4.2.2 Sexual Abuse
Women were compelled to satisfy the sexual demands of males. Sexual abuse was not as common
as physical abuse in this area. Many women were forced to have sexual activity during
menstruation. This finding is consistent with previous research (Abramsky et al., 2011, Babu &
Kar, 2009, Khan et al., 2011). Kohinoor (19) and Mahbuba (17) stated
I am tired of this torture; he always tries to lock me up in the room; he doubts I will talk
and roam with other boys when he will go to work and abuse me by calling me 'Prostitute';
he often forces me to have a sexual relationship even during my menstruation, for which I
have become so weak (Sayed Colony, 19.02.2022).
My family married me to an older man at the early age of 13. When I came to his house, I
feared his abundant desire for sex. For me, it was never pleasurable as he liked to hurt and
dominate me during intercourse. He always pushes me to have sex with him, even if he
notices that I am sick. I cannot refuse him because if I deny having sex with him, he utters
some dishonorable words and sometimes he beats me (Laddu Miah Colony, 09.02.2022).
4.2.3 Verbal and psychological abuse
Almost all the women were being verbally abused by their husbands along with sexual and
physical violence. They threaten women for leaving or divorcing, taunting them for feeding them.
This also reflects other findings (Dalal et al., 2009). Jharna (18) shared:
He always taunts me and says, "I am unable to fulfill his sexual needs. He always threatens
to leave me. I feared his words. I am not willing to have sexual relationships with him every
day, but I have no path I do this from the fear that if he leaves me, no one will take care of
me. I will lose everything. (Laddu Miah Colony, 06.02.2022).
In sum, these findings reveal how men exercise their power over women. They view women as
sexual objects and torture them verbally, physically, and psychologically by beating and taunting.
Whether sexual and physical abuse, it was common to face verbal and psychological abuse in all
4.3 Factors Responsible for Intimate Partner Violence
According to Kishore and Johnson (2004), 84% of women mentioned one or more situations in
which they believed IPV was acceptable, and 67% reported having personally experienced IPV.
Both men and women claim that IPV is acceptable in a variety of situations in surveys taken in a
broad range of locations throughout the globe. Although it is linked to patriarchal norms, the
origins of intimate partner violence are complicated and there are no inherent causes. There are
several variables that affect violence between intimate partners across the world; Bangladesh is no
exception. A male views woman as their belongings and inferiors. Violence against intimate
partners is a product of patriarchal standards and gender inequality (Gridley, 2016). According to
Tasnim (19):
It has been two years since our marriage. Whenever my husband wants me in bed to have
a sexual relationship, I must do it. If I avoid doing it, he forces me to and says, "You are a
woman, and your work is to satisfy your husband only. I can marry any girl whom I want
to, but nobody will marry you since you are a woman. So, you should satisfy my desire. He
is also right; I am his wife. It is my duty to satisfy him (Sayed Colony, 23.02.2022).
Available Research shows that countries where using violence is often a societal norm are those
where women are most vulnerable to IPV (Jewkes, 2002). Because they were informed, "A woman
who repeatedly disobeys and doesn't listen to her husband is begging to be hit." Most of the
participants had to cope with IPV. This demonstrates how gender imbalance and patriarchal
standards enable males to take advantage of women as they see fit. Men may even harm women
out of mistrust. Due to suspicion, two of the respondents suffered verbal, psychological, and sexual
abuse. Mahbuba (17), a respondent, said:
We had a love marriage. It has been almost eight months, but he always suspects me and
says I am in contact with other boys. One day, he returned home and continuously checked
my mobile. On another day, he did the same and became furious. He started to abuse me
verbally, then forced me to have sexual relationships with him during my menstruation,
saying, "Am I not enough for you?" I feel like I am in jail. Last month, I had an abortion.
The doctor said the reason behind this was my tension (Laddu Miah Colony, 09.02.2022).
According to research, violence is one way to create and enforce gender hierarchy and punish
disobedience (Burazeri et al., 2005). In addition, some theorize that men who perpetrate IPV
towards women do so as a method to resolve conflict and to strengthen their sense of masculinity
by providing a sense of power (Burazeri et al., 2005). By perpetrating IPV towards a female
partner, men may be attempting to resolve the interpersonal conflict as well as their own conflict
of masculinity by taking power over a woman and enacting a gender hierarchy. Men are sexually
forcing women. Gender inequality, patriarchal norms, and any suspicion of men towards women
are responsible for men’s violent behavior. Women's socio-economic dependency on men is also
a factor for which men violate women. Shafikun (23) stated,
My husband beats me with shoes, sticks, and whatever he finds; when I warn him to leave,
he replies, "Are you warning me? If you had that courage, you would have left me long
ago. But you know well that your parents are unable to take care of you and your child.
You must be with me at any cost. (Sayed Colony, 27.02.2022)
A study found that the higher the age of women, the greater the tendency to justify IPV. This is
consistent with some previous work (Khawaja et al., 2008) but inconsistent with others (Rani et
al., 2004; Haj-Yahia & Uysal, 2008). This may be because of the development process in
patriarchal societies, whereby younger women are taking part in different activities, managing
their own place in society, and attempting to play an equal role to older men. This may be for
several reasons, such as education in schools, colleges, and universities encouraging them to be
self-reliant. In some cases, the husband's being unemployed, using drugs, or drinking a lot of
alcohol were big risk factors for physical violence. Rahima, a pregnant woman, lost her baby at 5
months, and another lost her thumb. According to the respondent called Ratna (30),
We used to take drugs and alcohol together, and this is how we met each other. I do not
take it now, but he often does, and whenever he comes by taking excessive drugs, he beats
me up. One day, we quarreled with each other; he cut my thumb with a knife; it started to
bleed immediately (Sayed Colony, 03.03.2022).
It has changed since ancient times from generation to generation. Most males see violence as a
means of dominating women and view women as inferior to them. Shumi (17) described it so,
Even yesterday he beat me, saying, ‘I know how to control women like you. I didn't beat
you for a long time, which is why you got out of control' (Laddu Miah Colony, 12.02.2022).
The findings show that men think that abusing their wives is a tool of control. For this reason, they
abuse women physically as a controlling force. A wife's failure to perform household work is also
a reason for this kind of violence. This study opposed Abramsky's study (2011), as though Chumki
(20) and Jharna (18) had completed primary school and Chumki’s husband had completed
secondary school, they were violated. As Chumki (20) said,
Whenever I am late serving him and become unable to do household work, he beats me up.
A few days ago, while I was cooking, he got mad at me and intentionally burned my hand
with hot water (Sayed Colony, 06.03.2022).
Due to extramarital relationships and unemployment, there were less physical abuse cases
involving women. They were not aware of their legal obligations or the laws prohibiting violence
against intimate partners. Rumia (25) said her husband beat her often because he was in love with
another woman. She said,
My husband is involved with another woman; whenever he lives with her, he does not work.
When I protest, he physically tortures me, sometimes tying me up with rope in my room. If
there were some rules to give him punishment, I would do that (Laddu Miah Colony,
5. Conclusion
This study is an adequate effort to understand the patriarchal norms that affect intimate partner
violence against women in lower social strata families of slums in Sylhet, Bangladesh. Due to the
traditional patriarchal norm, men treat their intimate partners badly and don't care about them. This
study discovered that all the participants experienced physical, sexual, and psychological
violations from their male partners. There are various causes which have an impact on intimate
partner violence. The results of this study showed that the most common reasons for spousal abuse
are suspicion, extramarital affairs, having a fight with their husband, not taking care of the family,
ignoring their children, and unfulfilled sexual desires Therefore, the age of women is also
associated with the high tendency to be violated by their husbands.
Besides that, according to the previous study, partners' primary education plays an important role
in the prevention of intimate partner violence, but the current study contradicts these findings.
Despite having had primary education, women are still being violated by their partners. The
primary strength of this research paper is its nature. Being a qualitative case study, a detailed and
deep understanding of intimate partner violence could be revealed promptly. Though the study has
limitations due to the small number of cases and considering the issue as familial, the respondents
might have suppressed or felt uncomfortable revealing details about intimate partner violence,
especially about sexual violence, as it is seen as taboo in a country like Bangladesh. However,
despite the limitations, the study revealed significant findings about the nature and factors of
intimate partner violence in Bangladesh. It was shocking to reveal that women were not even safe
during their pregnancy. They had faced vulnerability at that time when they needed more care.
Because of these physical, sexual, and mental abuses, they have problems with their physical
health and mental health. These women are unaware of the law and policy against violence. Some
women are tolerating such acts because of socio-economic dependency; some for-society’s
benefit. Women are living vulnerably throughout their lives. Even if there are no fixed causes for
such violations, in all societies, patriarchal and gender inequality are the reasons for such violations
against women.
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In Bangladesh, the patriarchal capitalism puts women in such a position within their communities that they always remain subordinate under male domination and in many cases this is reflected through violence (Hadi, 2009). Thus a woman commonly has risk of experiencing domestic violence within her family and it is not very surprising that the husband is more likely to assault and/or batter his wife if she fails to meet his dowry demands or to perform household work. Given the scale of the human rights violation against women within family this article concentrates on the socio-legal concerns of domestic violence problem in Bangladesh. The study in the beginning focuses on the socioeconomic cost due to domestic violence in Bangladesh and then finds out the domestic violence prevention mechanisms through national law and international human rights obligations of the state.
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Introduction: Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) has unfavorable consequences for women as well as for newborn babies, which is very serious and preventable public health problem. It is believed to have an excessive occurrence in lives of women in South Asia. The objective of this study is to describe the prevalence, risk factors and consequences of IPV in Bangladesh. Methods: A scoping review was carried out based on the past 12 years of posted and gray literature about IPV in Bangladesh using Arksey and O'Malley's framework. Only the literature addressing abuses or violence in households or outside including physical, sexual or mental violence on the married woman in Bangladesh were taken into consideration for the study. Results: The overall prevalence of IPV in Bangladesh, the latest reviews of rates ranging from 15.5-82.7%.Most of the IPV in Bangladesh was based totally on the experience of legally married women. The main risk factors of IPV in Bangladesh were women being younger, from lower socioeconomic reputation, from lower academic attainment and lower education of husband, dowry, child marriage, perceived disobedience of wives, family conflict, children had recently been ill, and incapability of to furnish sexual satisfaction. Maternal depressive symptoms, signs of stress, anxiety and constraint to the better health of young children are the main consequences of IPV in Bangladesh. Besides, IPV causes unwanted pregnancy, pregnancy loss in the form of miscarriage, induced abortion, or stillbirth and termination of pregnancy in Bangladesh. Conclusions: Woman's empowerment may reduce IPV and understanding attitudes towards IPV in cultural context could be crucial for developing interventions to reduce IPV and its consequences.
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This article examines how domestic violence impacts the lives and education of young children, children, and young people and how they can be supported within the education system. Schools are often the service in closest and longest contact with a child living with domestic violence; teachers can play a vital role in helping families access welfare services. In the wake of high profile cases of child abuse and neglect, concerns have been raised about the effectiveness of multi-agency responses to children living with abuse. In the United Kingdom, the case of 4-year-old Daniel Pelka who died in 2012 following abuse and starvation by his mother, who experienced domestic violence, and her partner, led to a serious case review. It found recording systems in Daniel's school were not used consistently, and details held by different agencies were not collated to enable the formation of a coherent assessment. The lack of integrated working cited in the report echoes findings from previous serious case reviews. A strong correlation exists between domestic abuse and child abuse, with approximately half of all domestic violence situations involving direct child abuse. Children can also be affected indirectly by violence occurring in their home by seeing or hearing it taking place. This article examines the impact of domestic violence on the mental health of children, and the impact on their education. Violence in children's lives often causes disruption to their schooling and harms the quality of their educational experiences and outcomes. The abuse children experience can result in emotional trauma, physical and psychological barriers to learning, and disruptive behavior in school, while the underlying causes of these problems remain hidden. Knowing when and how to seek advice from multi-agency professionals is an essential part of effective practice among school staff. Despite their vital role in identifying signs of abuse and signposting referral pathways, research indicates teachers often lack confidence and knowledge for such work. The article examines how the professional learning and professional confidence of teachers can be developed, and how recent policy and practice developments in the United Kingdom have the potential to influence work in this area.
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Background Intimate partner violence (IPV) is exceedingly common in conflict and post-conflict settings. We first seek to describe factors associated with past 12 month IPV amongst currently married women in Afghanistan, focused on the factors typically assumed to drive IPV. Second, to describe whether IPV is independently associated with a range of health outcomes. Methods Cross-sectional analysis of currently married Afghan women, comprising the baseline study of a trial to prevent IPV. We use multinomial regression, reporting adjusted relative-risk ratios to model factors associated with the different forms of IPV, comparing no IPV, emotional IPV only, and physical IPV and emotional IPV. Second we assessed whether experience of emotional IPV, and physical IPV, were independently associated with health outcomes, reporting adjusted ß coefficients and adjusted odds ratios as appropriate. Results Nine hundred thirty five currently married women were recruited, 11.8% experienced only emotional IPV and 23.1% experienced physical and emotional IPV. Emotional IPV only was associated with attending a women’s group, greater food insecurity, her husband having more than one wife, experiencing other forms of family violence, and more inequitable community gender norms. Experiencing both physical IPV and emotional IPV was associated with attending a women’s group, more childhood trauma, husband cruelty, her husband having more than one wife, experiencing other forms of family violence, more inequitable community gender norms, and greater reported disability. Emotional IPV and physical IPV were independently associated with worse health outcomes. Conclusion IPV remains common in Afghanistan. Economic interventions for women alone are unlikely to prevent IPV and potentially may increase IPV. Economic interventions need to also work with husbands and families, and work to transform community level gender norms. Trial registration NCT03236948. Registered 28 July 2017, retrospectively registered.
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Background: The prevalence of intimate partner violence (IPV), a gross violation of human rights, ranges widely across the world with higher prevalence reported in low- and middle-income countries. Evidence related mainly to physical health shows that IPV has both direct and indirect impacts on women's health. Little is known about the impact of IPV on the mental health of women, particularly after childbirth. Objective: To describe the prevalence of IPV experienced by women 6-8 months after childbirth in rural Bangladesh and the factors associated with physical IPV. The study also aims to investigate the association between IPV and maternal depressive symptoms after childbirth. Design: The study used cross-sectional data at 6-8 months postpartum. The sample included 660 mothers of newborn children. IPV was assessed by physical, emotional, and sexual violence. The Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale assessed maternal depressive symptoms. Results: Prevalence of physical IPV was 52%, sexual 65%, and emotional 84%. The husband's education (OR: 0.41, CI: 0.23-0.73), a poor relationship with the husband (OR: 2.64, CI: 1.07-6.54), and emotional violence by spouse (OR: 1.58, CI: 1.35-1.83) were significantly associated with physical IPV experienced by women. The perception of a fussy and difficult child (OR: 1.05, CI: 1.02-1.08), a poor relationship with the husband (OR: 4.95, CI: 2.55-9.62), and the experience of physical IPV (OR: 2.83, CI: 1.72-4.64) were found to be significant predictors of maternal depressive symptoms among women 6-8 months after childbirth. Neither forced sex nor emotional violence by an intimate partner was found to be significantly associated with maternal depressive symptoms 6-8 months postpartum. Conclusions: It is important to screen for both IPV and depressive symptoms during pregnancy and postpartum. Since IPV and spousal relationships are the most important predictors of maternal depressive symptoms in this study, couple-focused interventions at the community level are suggested.
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Despite on-going debate about credibility, and reported limitations in comparison to other approaches, case study is an increasingly popular approach among qualitative researchers. We critically analysed the methodological descriptions of published case studies. Three high-impact qualitative methods journals were searched to locate case studies published in the past 5 years; 34 were selected for analysis. Articles were categorized as health and health services (n=12), social sciences and anthropology (n=7), or methods (n=15) case studies. The articles were reviewed using an adapted version of established criteria to determine whether adequate methodological justification was present, and if study aims, methods, and reported findings were consistent with a qualitative case study approach. Findings were grouped into five themes outlining key methodological issues: case study methodology or method, case of something particular and case selection, contextually bound case study, researcher and case interactions and triangulation, and study design inconsistent with methodology reported. Improved reporting of case studies by qualitative researchers will advance the methodology for the benefit of researchers and practitioners.
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This study aims to examine the associations between microfinance programme membership and intimate partner violence (IPV) in different socioeconomic strata of a nationally representative sample of women in Bangladesh. The cross-sectional study was based on a nationally representative interview survey of 11 178 ever-married women of reproductive age (15-49 years). A total of 4465 women who answered the IPV-related questions were analysed separately using χ(2) tests and Cramer's V as a measure of effect size to identify the differences in proportions of exposure to IPV with regard to microfinance programme membership, and demographic variables and interactions between microfinance programme membership and factors related to non-economic empowerment were considered. Only 39% of women were members of microfinance programmes. The prevalence of a history of IPV was 48% for moderate physical violence, 16% for severe physical violence and 16% for sexual violence. For women with secondary or higher education, and women at the two wealthiest levels of the wealth index, microfinance programme membership increased the exposure to IPV two and three times, respectively. The least educated and poorest groups showed no change in exposure to IPV associated with microfinance programmes. The educated women who were more equal with their spouses in their family relationships by participating in decision-making increased their exposure to IPV by membership in microfinance programmes. Microfinance plans are associated with an increased exposure to IPV among educated and empowered women in Bangladesh. Microfinance firms should consider providing information about the associations between microfinance and IPV to the women belonging to the risk groups.
Patriarchy is the prime obstacle to women’s advancement and development. Despite differences in levels of domination the broad principles remain the same, i.e. men are in control. The nature of this control may differ. So it is necessary to understand the system, which keeps women dominated and subordinate, and to unravel its workings in order to work for women’s development in a systematic way. In the modern world where women go ahead by their merit, patriarchy there creates obstacles for women to go forward in society. Because patriarchal institutions and social relations are responsible for the inferior or secondary status of women. Patriarchal society gives absolute priority to men and to some extent limits women’s human rights also. Patriarchy refers to the male domination both in public and private spheres. In this way, feminists use the term ‘patriarchy’ to describe the power relationship between men and women as well as to find out the root cause of women’s subordination. This article, hence, is an attempt to analyse the concept of patriarchy and women’s subordination in a theoretical perspective.DOI: The Arts Faculty Journal Vol.4 July 2010-June 2011 pp.1-18
Domestic violence (DV) is a significant social problem in Bangladesh. Studies in the context of Bangladesh identify patriarchal norms and beliefs as the main factors behind DV. The current study analyzes some patriarchal justifications and perceptions of Bangladeshi men and women using the 2004 Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) as the data source. The data source consists of a nationally representative probability sample from 10,811 households. Both multinomial and binomial regression analysis was computed. The results indicate that rural wives were more likely to respond that the husbands had final say even in their own health decisions compared to their urban counterparts. Also, rural husbands were more likely to justify wife beating. Increased age, education, and active employment status of the wives were associated with their having greater say in their own health care. However, interestingly, some of the outcomes in the multinomial analysis revealed that men's economic independence gives him more power of domination. From the binomial analysis, it is found that with increased education (both of wives and husbands) the odds of husband justifying wife beating decreased.
The magnitude of intimate partner violence in Bangladesh has driven many Bangladeshi researchers to examine this social problem since the early 80's. Although IPV is an issue both in marital and non-marital relationships, Bangladeshi researchers have focused mainly on marital relationships in exploring IPV. This paper reviews some important work by Bangladeshi researchers and notes a few patterns in the issues revealed by their work from rural vs. urban context. Notably, Bangladeshi researchers blame the patriarchal social, cultural, and family norms as the main factor behind IPV. Within this family system, the rural couples are influenced more by the religious beliefs, combined with patriarchal beliefs, when it comes to IPV. Although the urban couples have not received as much attention as the rural couples by researchers, evidence suggests equal prevalence of physical violence in both these contexts. The urban IPV victims, however, reveal suffering more in the form of psychological abuse compared to the rural victims. Micro-credit programs, effective in the rural context, are often observed to have positive consequences for the IPV victims. The overall help-seeking behavior of the IPV victims is similar both in urban and rural context. Regardless of where they are from, majority of the IPV victims prefer not to reveal their sufferings to anyone outside the families. IPV is considered to be private matter and thus dealt with by the members of the family.