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“ Tokowa po ya ekolo ”: The Military Body Within the Congolese Army
Abstract
This article explores the conceptualization of the body among former Congolese soldiers living as refugees in Johannesburg. The article draws on extensive fieldwork in Johannesburg, South Africa and employs the concept of deterritorialization and reterritorialization to explain the bodies of those who have decided to join the Congolese Army. The article reveals the complex ways in which the army manipulates soldiers’ bodies to generate diverse lines of connection, coalition, and removal (or disconnection). We support that the soldiers’ bodies are not necessarily owned by the country, but that soldiers’ bodies become owned by military institutions, who employ nationalist rhetoric to justify their existence and actions. The act of joining the army could be considered a way of cutting ties with civilian life and joining a new world in which the individual is socialized into military culture. Through initiation, the soldier’s body is reterritorialized; it becomes a national asset. While this study focuses on former Congolese soldiers, it has broader relevance, giving insight into how soldiers perceive their body shifting from individual possession to be reterritorialized as the body of the nation.
This article analyzes the effects of patronage networks on cohesion in the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It shows that while patronage networks provide support to individual military personnel, they undermine both peer and commander–subordinate bonding. They promote unequal service conditions and statuses and link these to extra-unit and extra-military forms of social identification, which are further reinforced by soldiers’ living and generating revenue among civilians. Furthermore, they impair meritocracy and frustrate the extent to which commanders live up to their subordinates’ expectations. As they fuel internal conflicts, often around revenue generation, and foster bad service conditions and distrust toward the political and military leadership, patronage networks also undermine institutional cohesion. The article concludes that cohesion formation in the FARDC follows different patterns than in well-institutionalized and well-resourced militaries. Given that cohesion impacts combat performance and norm enforcement, these findings are relevant for defense reform efforts and military cooperation.
In early 2012, Congolese army deserters formed the M23 rebel movement. This article analyses the insurgency and other armed
group activity in the eastern DRC in the light of the politics of rebel-military integration. It argues that military integration
processes have fuelled militarization in three main ways. First, by creating incentive structures promoting army desertion
and insurgent violence; second, by fuelling inter- and intra-community conflicts; and third, by the further unmaking of an
already unmade army. We argue that this is not merely the product of a ‘lack of political will’ on behalf of the DRC government,
but must be understood in the light of the intricacies of Big Man politics and Kinshasa's weak grip over both the fragmented
political-military landscape in the east and its own coercive arm. Demonstrating the link between military integration and
militarization, the article concludes that these problems arise from the context and implementation of integration, rather
than from the principle of military power sharing itself. It thus highlights the crucial agency of political-military entrepreneurs,
as shaped by national-level policies, in the production of ‘local violence’.
This article suggests a new perspective for examining the particular social and organizational characteristics of military reserves forces and the special experiences of serving in the reserves. To illustrate the unique social position of reservists, the authors develop a theoretical model that likens them to transmigrants. Accordingly, the authors suggest that society may benefit from looking at reserves both as sorts of social and organizational hybrids or amalgams—they are soldiers and civilians, they are outside yet inside the military system, and are invested in both spheres—and as continual migrants journeying between military and civilian spheres. The authors end by suggesting that it may be fruitful to study three segments of the military, each of which has its own dynamics: regulars, conscripts, and reserves. This differentiation allows society to examine different patterns of motivation, cohesion, political commitment and awareness, and long-term considerations that characterize each segment.
Xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa has become a major issue. Much of the hostility is directed at Africans from countries north of Southern Africa who are often easily distinguishable due to their physical features, distinctive dress and inability to speak the indigenous languages. This article focuses on immigrants and asylum seekers from two countries, Nigeria and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Both groupings have experienced significant antagonism and prejudice from the local population, more especially from black South Africans. The article describes and analyses the interaction of the two groupings in question with the local populace and authorities. What is argued is that during the apartheid era the restrictions on black immigration meant that the number of black foreigners was limited. Since 1990, however, there has been a substantial increase in illegal and legal migration from Southern African countries and countries further north. This increase, in a context of growing unemployment and crime, limited infrastructural growth and fiscal resources, has intensified xenophobia against foreign Africans. The article is mainly based on in-depth interviews with Nigerian and Congolese informants living in Johannesburg's inner city.
Thematic analysis is a poorly demarcated, rarely acknowledged, yet widely used qualitative analytic method within psychology. In this paper, we argue that it offers an accessible and theoretically flexible approach to analysing qualitative data. We outline what thematic analysis is, locating it in relation to other qualitative analytic methods that search for themes or patterns, and in relation to different epistemological and ontological positions. We then provide clear guidelines to those wanting to start thematic analysis, or conduct it in a more deliberate and rigorous way, and consider potential pitfalls in conducting thematic analysis. Finally, we outline the disadvantages and advantages of thematic analysis. We conclude by advocating thematic analysis as a useful and flexible method for qualitative research in and beyond psychology.
This paper is designed to provide a critical engagement with Michael Billig's seminal thesis of Banal Nationalism (1995), perhaps the most influential study of everyday forms of nationhood. With an increasing number now focusing on the (re) production, dissemination and negotiation of the national through routine texts and practices (cf Foster, 2002; Edensor, 2002; Madianou, 2005; Brubaker et al., 2006; Bratsis, 2006) and others employing the concept of banality in relation to non-national (Gorringe, 2006) and post-national identities (Aksoy and Robins, 2002; Szerszynski and Urry, 2002; Beck, 2006; Cram, 2001), it would seem like an opportune moment to assess Billig's contribution and also the limits of his approach.
This article explores the ways soldiers in the Congo speak about the massive amount of rape committed by the armed forces in the recent war in the DRC. It focuses on the reasons that the soldiers give to why rape occurs. It discusses how the soldiers distinguish between “lust rapes” and “evil rapes” and argues that their explanations of rape must be understood in relation to notions of different (impossible) masculinities. Ultimately, through reading the soldiers’ words, we can glimpse the logics—arguably informed by the increasingly globalized context of soldiering—through which rape becomes possible, and even “normalized” in particular warscapes.
Military experience is an important turning point in a person's life and, consequently, is associated with important life outcomes. Using a large longitudinal sample of German males, we examined whether personality traits played a role during this period. Results indicated that personality traits prospectively predicted the decision to enter the military. People lower in agreeableness, neuroticism, and openness to experience during high school were more likely to enter the military after graduation. In addition, military training was associated with changes in personality. Compared with a control group, military recruits had lower levels of agreeableness after training. These levels persisted 5 years after training, even after participants entered college or the labor market. This study is one of the first to identify life experiences associated with changes in personality traits. Moreover, our results suggest that military experiences may have a long-lasting influence on individual-level characteristics.
The increasing embeddedness of religious issues within contemporary global phenomena has increased the role religion plays in migrants’ spiritual, social, and economic lives. Drawing on the findings of the study, conducted within one of the Pentecostal migrant churches in Johannesburg, this paper explored ways in which a (migrant) church shapes a refugee’s motivation to integrate and his resultant quest for a transient alternative belonging and inclusion within diasporic communities through church affiliation. Through interviews with members of the Word of Life Assembly (WOLA), one of the independent churches established by forced migrants in Yeoville, the study revealed that refugees tend to integrate themselves within their own churches, while the refugee church itself – labelled a ‘foreign’ entity by South African community members – works to garner approval and acceptance from South Africans and faith-based institutions. Cultural and linguistic problems were identified as major barriers to a refugee’s attempts to integrate into local churches, thereby becoming important issues that need to be considered in the establishment of migrant churches within the South African host community.How to cite this article: Nzayabino, V., 2010, ‘The role of refugeeestablished churches in integrating forced migrants: A case study of Word of Life Assembly in Yeoville, Johannesburg’, HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 66(1), Art. #290, 9 pages. DOI: 10.4102/hts.v66i1.290
Deleuze and Guattari discuss the rhizome as being "absolutely different from roots and radicles" 6. The rhizome is explained via principles. 1 and 2: connection and heterogeneity.: "any point of a rhizome can be connected to anything other, and must be". Principle 3: "Principle of multiplicity" "There are no points or positions in a rhizome, such as those found in a structure, tree, or root. There are only lines". Principle 4: "Principle of asignifying rupture" "There is a rupture in the rhizome whenever segmentary lines explode into a line of flight, but the line of flight is part of the rhizome." Principles 5 and 6: Principle of cartography and decalcomania: Where traditional thought is 'tracing', a rhizome is a map. Tracing involves laying onto reality the pattern of structure, itself a construct. "The map does not reproduce an unconscious closed in upon itself; it constructs the unconscious". They take the term plateau from Gregory Bateson, it refers to a sustained intensity. "We call a 'plateau' any multiplicity connected to other multiplicities by superficial underground stems in such a way as to form or extend a rhizome".
"Write with slogans: Make rhizomes, not roots, never plant!"
In January 2012 the residents of an inner-city tenement building in Doornfontein, Johannesburg, were evicted on a court order. The building was situated in a post-industrial neighbourhood in which thousands of South Africans and foreign nationals, many blind or disabled, live in unlawfully occupied buildings without access to water, basic sanitation, electricity and waste management services. Such buildings are known in policy discourse as ‘bad buildings’, and informally as ‘dark buildings’, invoking both a sense of developmental failure and spiritual insecurity. In this paper I analyse how urban renewal policies created social divisions and alliances not only among the residents of Chambers, which were channelled along nationalist lines, but also between the able-bodied and disabled, and produced new social alliances. In particular, I document how a group of blind Zimbabweans experienced threats of violence and accusations of betrayal, as they were offered alternate accommodation by the evicting company because of their disability. I argue here that the pressures of private-sector housing developments intersected with the insecurities and divisions of inner-city social spaces and also fostered new alliances. Following the work of Deleuze and Guattari, I invoke the concept of ‘decoding dispossession’, proposing that ongoing evictions and dispossessions are characterized by simultaneous movements of ‘decoding and deterritorialization’ and ‘overcoding-reterritorialization’.
Violent Accounts presents a compelling study of how ordinary people commit extraordinary acts of violence and how perpetrators and victims manage in the aftermath. Grounded in extensive, qualitative analysis of perpetrator testimony, the volume reveals the individual experiences of perpetrators as well as general patterns of influence that lead to collective violence. Drawing on public testimony from the amnesty hearings of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the book interweaves hundreds of hours of testimony from seventy-four violent perpetrators in apartheid South Africa, including twelve major cases that involved direct interactions between victims and perpetrators. The analysis of perpetrator testimony covers all tiers on the hierarchy of organized violence, from executives who translated political doctrine into general strategies, to managers who translated these general strategies into specific plans, to the staff-the foot soldiers-who carried out the destructive plans of these managers. Vivid and accessible, Violent Accounts is a work of innovative scholarship that transcends the particulars of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to reveal broader themes and unexpected insights about perpetrators of collective violence, the confrontations between victims and perpetrators in the aftermath of this violence, the reality of multiple truths, the complexities of reconciliation, and lessons of restorative justice.
This paper argues that international relations in Africa have changedespecially in content since the abatement of the Cold War. These changeshave been accelerated by the pressures unleashed by the internationalenvironment, including the reality of Africa’s marginalisation and the forcesof globalisation. These, along with domestic factors, including debt, internal conflicts, the impact of the ubiquitous structural adjustment programmes (SAPs), HIV/AIDS and human insecurity in general have combined to underscore foreign aid and economic assistance as key driving forces of the continent’s foreign policies and diplomacy towards the North. Yet, the new thrust of foreign policies, informed by the need for foreign aid, has not occurred without a price. Among other things it has elevated technocrats in central or reserve banks and finance ministries to positions of prominence vis-à-vis officials from foreign ministries and in the process introduced extra- African actors into the foreign policy making process of the continent. This in turn has undermined Africa’s increasingly tenuous economic sovereignty. But above all, it has led to the strengthening of ties with the North and international creditors in particular at the cost of intra-African relations. The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and the African Union (AU) recently inaugurated, promise to open a new chapter in Africa’s international relations. It is argued, however, that against a background of a confluence of factors, these new continental projects will make only a minimal impact in terms of mitigating the consequences of the aid-driven foreign policies and thus altering the donor-oriented postures of African states.
This paper seeks to understand Somali migration to South Africa and the lives of Somalis living and working in Johannesburg, a city that has provided economic opportunities and risks to life and livelihoods. Based on interviews with Somali leaders in Johannesburg, participant observation, a desktop study and secondary analysis of migration surveys, this paper is part of a doctoral thesis on livelihoods and empowerment amongst these migrants. It explores concepts of identity and integration within and amongst these migrants. Evidence suggests that national and religious identity is central to Somali settlement and integration, spawned out of social networks that play an important role in migrating, settling and maintaining connections with home.
Barry R. Posen is Professor of Political Science at MIT and a member of its Defense and Arms Control Studies Program.
The author would like to thank Omer Bartov, Liah Greenfeld, Jack Snyder, and Stephen Van Evera for comments on earlier drafts. The Committee on International Conflict and Cooperation of the National Research Council arranged for several helpful reviews. The Levitan Prize and the Carnegie Corporation of New York provided financial support.
1. For an example of such views, see Michael Howard, War in European History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976), pp. 109-115; Carlton J.H. Hayes, Nationalism: A Religion (New York: Macmillan: 1960), pp. 120-124.
2. This definition is consistent with that offered by Ernst Haas, "What is nationalism and why should we study it?," International Organization, Vol. 40, No. 3 (Summer 1986), p. 709. It also draws on Karl W. Deutsch, Nationalism and Social Communication: An Inquiry into the Foundations of Nationality, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1966), chap. 4, "Peoples, Nations, and Communication," pp. 86-105. I have also borrowed from Ernest Gellner, who posits that a shared "high" or literary culture is the fundamental element of nationalism. Because he views culture as the glue that holds industrial capitalism together, he sees the spread of capitalism as the main cause of modern nationalism. Below I develop a different argument. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983); for a useful summary, see pp. 139-143; and for elaboration, pp. 35-38.
3. The standard work is Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1979); see esp. pp. 123-128. "Contending states imitate the military innovations contrived by the country of greatest capability and ingenuity," p. 127. This is also the theme of Charles Tilly, ed., Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975). The essays in Tilly's collection stress competition and imitation in the development of the whole administrative apparatus of states, including their military; they address the development of nations less directly. See also Stanislav Andreski, Military Organization and Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), pp. 68-71.
4. William H. McNeill, The Pursuit of Power (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), pp. 123-124, views the Thirty Years War as the event marking the institutionalization of a "professional" officer corps in the sense of a Europe-wide, self-conscious group of technical experts in the "management" of violence, dedicated to the improvement of their craft. After the Thirty Years War, the institution of the standing army spread throughout Europe, providing regular employment for these professionals. As noted elsewhere in this article, the notion that one plied one's trade for a single state throughout one's career had not yet caught on.
5. Louis XIV put the largest ancien regime army into the field; at 450,000 it represented a feat unequalled by his royal successors. Russell F. Weigley, The Age of Battles (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), p. 260. By late 1793, the revolutionary government had 700,000 soldiers. Jean-Paul Bertaud, The Army of the French Revolution, trans. R.R. Palmer (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), p. 243. Under Napoleon strength fluctuated, but between 1800 and 1812, 1.3 million conscripts were reportedly absorbed. McNeill, The Pursuit of Power, p. 200.
6. The germ of this argument is found in Carl Von Clausewitz, On War, ed. and trans. Michael Howard and Peter Paret (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976, 1984), pp. 591-593. Of France he notes, "in 1793 a force appeared that beggared all imagination. Suddenly war again became the business of the people . . . all of whom considered themselves to be citizens. . . . The full weight of the nation was thrown into the balance." Of the consequences, he wrote, "Since Bonaparte, then, war, first among the French and subsequently among their enemies, again became the concern of the people as a whole. . . . There seemed no end to the resources mobilized; all limits disappeared in the vigor and enthusiasm shown by governments and their subjects."
7. Most historians date the problem to the appearance of muzzle-loading percussion-fired rifles in the mid-1800s, but I find...
Social scientists and historians usually focus on the impact of politics on ethnicity and nationalism, and their political uses for elites. The impact of ethnicity and nationalism on politics is less commonly treated, because most analysts adhere to an instrumentalist and modernist view of ethnicity and nationalism. We need rather to explore the relationship between culture and politics, and between premodern ethnic ties and modern nations, through an examination of three major trends: the purification of culture through authentication, which can lead to cultural and social exclusion; the universalization of ethnic chosenness through nationalist ideology, which engenders national solidarity and self-assertion; and the territorialization of shared memory, which inspires historical claims to historic homelands and sacred sites. These processes can be found throughout history, but they are particularly marked and widespread in the modern epoch; and they underlie many current political conflicts.
Depuis ses origines, l'uniforme militaire, qui a connu une utilisation générale avec l'apparition de grandes armées nationales au XVIIe siècle, avail une fonction primaire d'identification. L'appartenance à une force armée particulière distinguait les soldats de lews ennemis. En outre, l'uniforme militaire avait et a d'autres fonctions complémentaires comme la promotion de l'obéissance, la camaraderie et la manifestation de la force. Le droit international humanitaire ajoute à la fonction d'identification une autre dimension, à savoir la distinction entre combattants et civils. Les combattants engagés dans des opérations militaires doivent se distinguer de la population civile pour protéger celle-ci des effets des hostilités et limiter la conduite de la guerre aux objectifs militaires. Dans cet article, l'auteur montre les ramifications juridiques liées au port de l'uniforme militaire et le principe de distinction. Il postule en particulier que les membres de forces armées régulières — par opposition aux forces armées irrégulières — ont le droit de participer aux hostilités de par leur affiliation avec une partie à un conftit armé international et ils ne doivent pas remplir des critères constitutifs spécifiques — comme un signe distinctif (généralement le port d'un uniforme militaire) — pour être prisonniers de guerre en cas de capture. L'auteur considère que refuser collectivement le statut de prisonnier de guerre à des combattants capturés qui appartiennent à des forces armées d'un État en se basant sur le seul fait qu'ils n'ont pas endossé l'uniforme militaire est une interprétation erronée des Conventions de Genève. Les membres individuels des forces armées peuvent cependant violer l'exigence de distinction de la population civile s'ils ne portent pas l'uniforme militaire — en particulier, dans le cas de la perfidie — et perdre en conséquence leur droit à être considérés comme prisonniers de guerre. Pour la protection de la population civile l'uniforme militaire peut et doit jouer un rôle important pour satisfaire l'exigence de distinction entre combattant et civil.
The collapse of Mobutu's Zaïre in 1996/97 was the
result of an unprecedented
correspondence of domestic, regional and international interests.
The Zaïrean state was established and sustained during the Cold War
with
Western support as a bulwark against communism and source of raw materials.
It maintained itself after the Cold War by playing on external fears of
state
collapse and by supporting French regional interests. By 1996, with the
failure of French credibility and US refusal to intervene, it had no reliable
external protector. Internal support was non-existent, and an opposition
alliance was constructed under Kabila's leadership. Regional states,
notably Rwanda and Angola, intervened to protect their own security.
Though successful, this regional alliance itself proved to be unstable,
leading
to a recurrence of war in 1998.
The usual juxtaposition of qualitative research against quantitative research makes it easy to miss the fact that qualitative research itself encompasses at least two traditions: positivist and interpretivist. Positivist work seeks to identify qualitative data with propositions that can then be tested or identified in other cases, while interpretive work seeks to combine those data into systems of belief whose manifestations are specific to a case. In this paper, I argue that discovering causal relationships is the province of positivist research, while discovering causal mechanisms is the province of interpretivists. I explain why absolutist claims for one or the other approach are mistaken, and argue that the combination of both makes more sense. Finally, I offer suggestions for combinations of positivist and interpretive work, both at the level of thought experiment and in actual data collection and analysis. Throughout, I draw my examples from recent studies of poverty, a field in which a small but distinguished tradition of qualitative studies of the poor has been joined by a growing body of both positivist and interpretive work.
All nationalisms are gendered, all are invented, snd all are dangerousdangerous, not in Eric Hobsbawm's sense as having to be opposed, but in the sense of representing relations to political power and to the technologies of violence. Nationalism, as Ernest Gellner notes, invents nations where they do not exist, and most modern nations, despite their appeal to an august and immemorial past, are of recent invention (Gellner, 1964). Benedict Anderson warns, however, that Gellner tends to assimilate 'invention' to 'falsity' rather than to 'imagining' and 'creation'. Anderson, by contrast, views nations as 'imagined communities' in the sense that they are systems of cultural representation whereby people come to imagine a shared experience of identification with an extended community (Anderson, 1991: 6). As such, nations are not simply phantasmagoria of the mind, but are historical and institutional practices through which social difference is invented and performed. Nationalism becomes, as a result, radically constitutive of people's identities, through social contests that are frequently violent and always gendered. But if the invented nature of nationalism has found wide theoretical currency, explorations of the gendering of the national imaginary have been conspicuously paltry. All nations depend on powerful constructions of gender. Despite nationalisms' ideological investment in the idea of popular unity, nations have historically amounted to the sanctioned institutionalization of gender difference. No nation in the world gives women and men the same access to the rights and resources of the nation-state. Rather than expressing the flowering into time of the organic essence of a timeless people, nations are contested systems of cultural representation that limit and legitimize peoples' access to the resources of the nation-state. Yet with the notable exception of Frantz Fanon, male theorists have seldom felt moved to explore how nationalism is
We not only own our bodies, we are our bodies. Can we simply alienate parts of them? Both a theology of stewardship and the principle of self-ownership would seem to permit or even encourage us to do this.
The theatre of war. Or ‘La Petite Mort
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Why do African migrants with a tertiary education do menial jobs in Cape Town?
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La précarité des conditions de vie et la survi des militaires dans la ville de Bukavu (Precariousness of living conditions and the survival of military in the city of Bukavu
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Sovereignty and personal rule in Zaire
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Armée nationale et groupes armés dans l'est du Congo: trancher le noeud gordien de l'insécurité (National army and armed groups in eastern Congo: Cutting the Gordian knot of insecurity)
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