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Chapter Title: WALKING THE KALDERIMI: EMBODIED KNOWLEDGE AND HERITAGE
NARRATIVES IN A PARTICIPATORY BUILDING WORKSHOP AT ZAGORI (NW GREECE)
Chapter Author(s): Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou and Ionas Sklavounos
Book Title: Pathways
Book Subtitle: Exploring the Routes of a Movement Heritage
Book Editor(s): Daniel Svensson, Katarina Saltzman, Sverker Sörlin
Published by: White Horse Press. (2022)
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv2p5zn1t.22
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CHAPTER 15.
WALKING THE KALDERIMI: EMBODIED
KNOWLEDGE AND HERITAGE NARRATIVES IN
A PARTICIPATORY BUILDING WORKSHOP AT
ZAGORI (NW GREECE)
Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou and Ionas Sklavounos
Standing on the kalderimi, I already felt the fever of departure.
(Lymberopoulos, 1972)
Walking heritage is a new, growing eld in heritage studies.1 Although pathways
are ephemeral and dicult to handle within heritage management systems,
they constitute the physical and cultural infrastructure of human memory and
past practices.2 In that sense, pathways not only reveal how cultural landscapes
are shaped through the activities of (more-than) humans, through historically
dened taskscapes3 but they may also function as analytical tools to understand
and interpret change.
e Zagori (NW Greece) is a mountainous cultural landscape including
46 traditional and protected settlements. e region possesses more than sixty
Ottoman-style early modern stone-arched bridges, the result of large-scale
mobility mainly towards Wallachia and Central Europe in the later phase of
the Ottoman period (eighteenth, nineteenth and early twentieth centuries).
is large-scale mobility, ethnographically known as ‘the travels’, or ‘travel-
ling’, shaped the cultural landscape of Zagori; wealthy emigré merchants
were channelling the surplus of their entrepreneurial activities back into their
homeland for the creation of private mansions and commonwealth structures
(e.g., bridges, schools, churches).4
1 Solnit, Wanderlust: A History of Walking; Macleod, ‘Cultural Routes, Trails and the Experience of
Place’; Hall et al., e Routledge International Handbook of Walking.
2 Svensson et al., ‘Introduction’.
3 Sensu Ingold, ‘e Temporality of the Landscape’.
4 Dalkavoukis, Γράφοντας Ανάμεσα. Εθνογραφικές Δοκιμές με Αφορμή το Ζαγόρι [Writings in between.
Ethnographic Essays Emerging from Zagori]; Μετοικεσίες Ζαγορισίων (1750–1922) [Zagorisian
Relocations (1750–1922)]; Stoianovich, ‘e Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant’.
PATHWAYS: 295–315 doi: 10.3197/63787710662654.ch15
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Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou and Ionas Sklavounos
296
On the other hand, intensive regional-scale mobility shaped the internal
peasant landscape of Zagori.5 Pathways in the microscale of the communities
connected the core of the village with the wider agropastoral taskscapes,6 while
trails passing through the same famous bridges linked the nexus of settlements,
weaving together a set of culturally dened taskscapes, trans-communal re-
sources (e.g., watermills), and more-than-human actors such as the rivers and
their sometimes annually-changing courses.
Consequently, the mountainous cultural landscape of Zagori is better appreci-
ated through walking, trekking and hiking. However, there are various ways of
walking and only a few of them result in the reenactment of this cultural land-
scape in the present.7 Post-Civil War abandonment and subsequent permanent
migration of the local population, following the trends of the Gastarbeiter and
the wider urbanisation of the 1970s, led to large-scale aorestation covering the
imprint of the agropastoral cultural landscape.8 Contrastingly, the monuments
that emerged as a by-product of the large-scale mobility of ‘travelling’ have become
commemorative tropes of a canonical history addressing the importance of Zagori
in the national narrative (i.e., prosperous Orthodox communities within a sea of
Ottoman-Turks). Local mobility (taskscapes) is gradually being forgotten, and
the touristic development followed a strict division into cultural (settlement) and
natural (everything else) landscape. Such an understanding leaves no space for
hillside cultivation, terraces, threshing oors, pens and various other traces of more-
than-human activities in the wider landscape beyond settlements. is polarisation
between loci of the cultural and natural landscape follows the constitution of
modernity9 and has aected pathways, walking and understanding the cultural
landscape of Zagori. ‘Traditional’ swimming pools are emerging, while tourists
gaze at the young dense forests of prickly oak and perceive timeless woodlands.
At present, the Greek Ministry of Culture and Sports is drafting the appli-
cation to inscribe Zagori in the UNESCO World Heritage List, as a Cultural
5 Moudopoulos-Athanasiou, e Early Modern Zagori of Northwest Greece. An Interdisciplinary Ar-
chaeological Inquiry into a Montane Cultural Landscape.
6 For the neighbouring area of Konitsa, see Nitsiakos, Peklari: Social Economy in a Greek Village.
7 Moudopoulos-Athanasiou, ‘Pathways to Remember, Sidetracks to Forget: Walking and the Ar-
chaeological Landscape of Zagori’.
8 Stara, Tsiakiris and Wong, ‘Valuing Trees in a Changing Cultural Landscape: A Case Study from
Northwestern Greece’; Moudopoulos-Athanasiou, ‘Woodland Values in Zagori, NW Greece (19th–
21st Century): Between Heritage and History’; Green et al., ‘Landscape Perception in Epirus in the
Late 20th Century’; Nitsiakos Χτίζοντας τον Χώρο και το Χρόνο [Constructing Space and Time];
Dalkavoukis, Γράφοντας Ανάμεσα. Εθνογραφικές Δοκιμές με Αφορμή το Ζαγόρι [Writings in between.
Ethnographic Essays Emerging from Zagori].
9 Latour, We Have Never Been Modern.
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15. Walking the Kalderimi
297
Landscape.10 UNESCO promotes community engagement within World
Heritage Sites and local stakeholder inclusion in the decision-making processes
is deemed important – if not compulsory.11 In this context, we organised the
First Participatory Stone Masonry Workshop in Zagori, entitled ‘Reappear-
ances: New Kalderimi (cobbled pathway) in Aristi, Zagori’,12 abiding by our
approach committed to grass-roots heritage management.13 In a settlement
with less than fty permanent inhabitants, we explored the notion of places
of origin as a foundation for the development of participatory models in the
heritage management of cultural landscapes. Drawing from our eldwork, this
contribution reects on the potencies of the kalderimi in rekindling communal
memories, histories and modes of craftsmanship, through embodied practices
such as, but not limited to, walking.14
The case of ‘reappearances’: walking between dwelling and
the touristic Gaze
‘Reappearances’ emerged beyond the context of strict disciplinar y and formative
boundaries. Our backgrounds15 lay in archaeology, architecture and civil engi-
neering, while our positionalities in the eld presented radical dierentiations,
increasing the potential of the project, and facilitating the fusion of dierent
approaches resulting in one methodology, as the subsequent sections reveal.
e archaeologist of our group (Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou), while vice-
president of the local cultural club (Aristi Youth Club) and Ph.D. researcher
at the Department of Archaeology at the University of Sheeld, invited the
interdisciplinary research collectivity ‘Boulouki’16 to survey the current status
of the existing kalderimia (plural) at the village of Aristi and co-organise a
participatory workshop.
10 Moudopoulos-Athanasiou, ‘Woodland Values in Zagori’.
11 Ripp and Rodwell, ‘Governance in UNESCO World Heritage Sites: Reframing the Role of Man-
agement Plans as a Tool to Improve Community Engagement’.
12 More information available at https://www.boulouki.org/projects-reapperances (accessed 22 March
2021).
13 Sklavounos et al., ‘Kalderimi X2, Tzoumerka, Epirus: Paving the Way for a New Generation of
Craftspeople’; Moudopoulos-Athanasiou, ‘Τοπικά Αφηγήματα, Τοπική Ιστορία και Αρχαιολογία’
[Local narratives, local history and archaeology].
14 See Acknowledgements for the full list of collaborators in this endeavour.
15 See Acknowledgements.
16 In Greek, Boulouki means ‘gaggle’, a travelling group; a word evoking the tradition of itinerant
companies of stone masons and craftsmen. See Sklavounos et al., ‘Kalderimi X2, Tzoumerka, Epirus:
Paving the Way for a New Generation of Craftspeople’, p. 101.
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Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou and Ionas Sklavounos
298
e study of the archaeological landscape of Zagori, full of pre-and early
modern dry-stone structures, had led the local researcher to argue that cur-
rent trends in regional touristication, as described above, signicantly alter
the cultural landscape both within and beyond the settlements (Figure 1). e
researchers of ‘Boulouki’, having deep knowledge of the values and variations
of the dry-stone technique had reached the same conclusion through their
exposure to the making of such structures and through critically observing the
places they had worked previously.
In that sense, critical ethnography combined with hands-on approaches and
an autoethnographic sensibility17 proved in practice to surpass the unproductive
division between insider/outsider;18 and, through the unifying themes of time
and landscape,19 we identied two dierent modes of walking in Zagori. e
17 After Chang, Autoethnography as Method.
18 As hinted by Reed-Danahay, ‘Bourdieu and Critical Autoethnography: Implications for Research,
Writing, and Teaching’.
19 Ingold, Making: Anthropology, Archaeology, Art and Architecture, p. 11.
Figure 1.
A mixture of dierent techniques, from dry-stone kalderimi (left) to concrete-paved slabs (right). Source:
© Ionas Sklavounos / Boulouki.
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15. Walking the Kalderimi
299
rst way of walking abides by the rules of single-visits and weekend expedi-
tions20 in line with the infamous tourist gaze,21 while this model of develop-
ment generates new pathways.22 In contrast to the above, our research regards
walking as a fundamental aspect of dwelling,23 thus having the potential to
rekindle memories, histories and knowledge of forgotten beliefs and activities.
Walking as a primary expression of dwelling
Walking the kalderimi is situated within the context of dwelling. e name of
the kalderimi itself (turk. kildirim) means causeway or footway.24 Pathways of
this sort in their original sense were linguistically related to a vagabond mobile
life in the pre-and early modern Ottoman world of the Balkans; leading the
life of the kalderimi (turk. kaldirim üstünde sürün) means to lead a vagabond
life of poverty, while kildirimcilik is the profession of a paver but also the ac-
tion of picking pockets25 and the expression ‘dağa kaldir’ is translated as ‘to
seize and take to the mountains’.26 Consequently, the ontology of the dry-stone
kalderimi is bound with a heritage of dwelling and mobility especially in, but
not limited to, the mountainous landscapes of the Southern Balkans and the
various modes of mobility occurring in that space.
Kalderimia articulated connections within the settlements, but also linked
the inhabited spaces with their surrounded taskscapes. Subsequently, in the
present, they have the potential to rekindle memories of past practices and
generate histories forgotten due to the advent of the touristied modernity,
as discussed previously. ‘Reappearances’ evolved around the notion of place.
While working ‘in place’ – that is a xed point within the settlement – our
work facilitated movement, reestablishing a forgotten connection between two
20 Stara, Tsiakiris and Wong, ‘Valuing Trees in a Changing Cultural Landscape: A Case Study from
Northwestern Greece’; Moudopoulos-Athanasiou, ‘Woodland Values in Zagori’; Nitsiakos, Χτίζοντας
τον Χώρο και το Χρόνο [Constructing Space and Time].
21 Dalkavoukis, Γράφοντας Ανάμεσα. Εθνογραφικές Δοκιμές με Αφορμή το Ζαγόρι [Writings in
between. Ethnographic Essays Emerging from Zagori]; U rry, e Tourist Gaze.
22 New pathways have emerged following global trends: the Zagori Mountain Running (80 km) https://
zagorirace.gr/en/ and Epirus Trail, a network of new hiking pathways in the region of Epirus (370 km
total) http://www.epirustrail.gr/en/. Furthermore, the ecological movement against the creation of
new dams in the river of Aoos (Vjose in Albanian) resulted in the creation of the annual Protect Aoos
Mountain Bike Ultra, through an initiative of the local community of Vovousa http://aoosmtbultra.
gr/?page_id=3318 (accessed 22 March 2021).
23 For example Ingold, ‘Culture on the Ground: e World Perceived through the Feet’; Ingold and
Vergunst, ‘Introduction’.
24 Av ery, New Redhouse Turkish-English Dictionary, p. 585.
25 Ibid., p. 585.
26 Ibid., p. 265.
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Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou and Ionas Sklavounos
300
dierent neighbourhoods (mahalle) of the village. Furthermore, our practice
directed us towards ‘the road’ – practically, as raw material for the construc-
tion came from small forgotten quarries located in the wider landscape, and
metaphorically, following the stories of place as the following sections reveal.
Reconstructing the kalderimi
‘[W ]hile we academics are fond of convening so-called “workshops” to discuss
our ideas, ... apart from much earnest tapping on keyboards ... no handwork ever
gets done’.27 Such was the conclusion of Tim Ingold in a chapter expressing his
thoughts on the embodied dimension of knowledge and its transmission.28 Our
team formed a heterogeneous community including stonemasons, beekeepers,
ceramists, Ph.D. researchers in archaeology and architecture, undergraduate
students and locals.29
Our workshop immersed in an aective eld, in which our group recon-
structed the kalderimi within an environment of ‘communal’ labour closely
linked to the past practice when paving the cobbled pathways was a manifes-
tation of dwelling, through bodily immediacy and by taking on active roles in
the shaping of the local cultural landscape. Far from a folkloric revival, or the
quest for the discovery of an idealised past, we aimed to approach dwelling
and placemaking through the lens of embodied and collective action. at is
why we opted for the term aective eld (collective), rather than sensorial
(individual), as our group formed a new community within the village and
our practice aimed at dierent temporalities than the dominant (albeit quasi
dormant due to the pandemic) touristic gaze.
We framed our own taskscape, which included walking and working in
place, with a quite strict working schedule (08:00–16:00), shared meals, and
jaunts in the wider landscape. Following the lead of three experienced crafts-
men, day by day, our group (of apprentices and volunteers) moved deeper into
the knowledge of drystone building, as well as the knowledge of the landscape
itself. Engaged in such multisensorial eldwork, we witnessed rst-hand the
27 Ingold, Making: Anthropology, Archaeology, Art and Architecture, p. 124.
28 Ibid., pp. 109–24.
29 e reception of the local community in Aristi was far from singular. Community engagement always
requires time, and although we presented our project in two open discussions long before the imple-
mentation, we did not manage to secure unanimous support. is could be partly due to the advent of
COVID-19 and relevant reluctance to welcome a large group of people in a small village with mostly
elder inhabitants, despite the strict health and safety measures implemented and communicated with
local stakeholders. Nevertheless, the volunteers and discussants from Aristi, as well as the support of
all the local businesses, point towards a successful engagement, given the circumstances.
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15. Walking the Kalderimi
301
tacit nature of traditional craftsmanship, as our fellow stonemasons could
articulate, and transmit, more knowledge than their verbal instructions. Fur-
thering this thought, feeling the cobblestones, and tuning with the repetitive
movements and sounds produced by hammers and chisels and the echo of this
action in the silent neighbourhood, provided the more-than-human ‘milieu’
of our work and learning experience.
Such aective energy gradually became part of the material and mnemonic
history of the neighbourhood30 bringing us closer to the latent rhythms of the
local community. us, alongside the sensorial assemblages generated by the
work taking place, it was the participatory ethos of this workshop that allowed
it to move beyond the revival of dead practices, or the simulation of an idealised
past. As we argue below, it is this atmosphere that brought new interpretations
of the place to the fore, while rekindling the memories of locals in relationship
to the pathway and the forgotten regional ways of walking.
The narrative of the topsoil
As topsoil, we dene the surface where walking was occurring before our
intervention and the very textures that we disturbed to level the ground for
the reconstruction of the kalderimi.31 is thin layer of soil, and the past layers
of walking it entailed, bridged our dierent backgrounds, methodologies and
aspirations. For the archaeologist, topsoil is the layer to be removed, often in
haste, to dive into the deeper layers of the human past buried underneath, while,
for the architect and the civil engineer, it is the debris in need of riddance in
order to lay the foundations of a structure. Although the soil in general bears
great signicance in branches of archaeology (e.g., geoarchaeology and soil
chemistry) and material science, topsoil is broadly neglected in both. Hence,
our interest in this layer imposed a level of sincere awkwardness, challenging
our practice and institutional knowledge.
Walking the path of decay and oblivion
While dealing with this layer and levelling the ground, we collected evidence
of material culture dating to the nineteenth and twentieth centuries from the
surface. As in some instances we uncovered the stone-paving layer of the original
30 Hamilakis, ‘From Fields of Discourse to Fields of Sensoriality: Rethinking the Archaeological
Record’, p. 247.
31 Petra Lilja (this volume) also puts the soil – mineral in her case – at the core of the argument. Our
cases suggest that the soil and its qualities (composition, stratigraphy, etc) oer another layer to reect
on the ‘feet rst engagement with the world’ (Ingold and Vergunst, ‘Introduction’, p. 8).
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Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou and Ionas Sklavounos
302
Figure 2.
e architectural drawing of the eastern side of the pathway, showing the remains uncovered during the
project. e surviving patches of the nineteenth century paving layer are visible among other structures. e
suggested chronologies are preliminary and relative, based on the combination of a) the material culture
retrieved from each area, b) archival research and c) oral histories. Source: © Grigoris Koutropoulos / Boulouki.
Figure 3.
Left: imported nineteenth and early twentieth century potsherds from Apulia and Corfu. Right: A material
culture assemblage of the Anthropocene. Photograph by Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou.
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15. Walking the Kalderimi
303
kalderimi we reconstructed (Figure 2), nineteenth and twentieth-century frag-
ments of imported wares from Apulia and Corfu, with their fairly recognisable
linear and ower decorative motifs pointing to the time this kalderimi passed
into oblivion. e topsoil bore more indications of decay, forming an assem-
blage of the Anthropocene (Figure 3). On top of the forgotten kalderimi, we
uncovered a set of unwanted, deposited, twentieth-century trash: metal parts
of wooden doors, medicine injections for sheep and goats, gun cartridges and
pill-boxes of one of the most commonly used painkillers. As these objects were
uncovered above the nineteenth-century stone-paving layer, they portrayed a
picture of forgetting and neglect, evolving in parallel to the gradual decay and
depopulation of the local mountainous communities of the Zagori, Greece,
and the Mediterranean, over the course of the twentieth century.32
Despite this image of abandonment, the pathway continued to be walked,
but without any elder inhabitant remembering the existence of the paved
kalderimi. is prolonged neglect of the village infrastructure coincides with the
shift from dwelling to the touristic perception of this landscape: the shift from
kalderimia linking neighbourhoods and taskscapes to asphalt roads facilitating
the needs of single-visit tourists, as outlined in the introduction. Our pathway is
situated very close to the (touristied) village centre, but its main value derives
from its placement within the local taskscape. is dual characteristic played a
signicant role in choosing the location of our intervention, aiming to enhance
the local taskscape and present an alternative to mass tourism, through poten-
tially reiterating part of the visitor’s movement away from the village square.
Topsoil and the memory of the elite ‘travelling’ mobility
On the western side of the pathway, we reconstructed the collapsed dry-stone
wall of a private courtyard, a necessary step to pave the new kalderimi. While
piling the old stones, we discovered at the foundation of the wall a small hoard
of coins placed in between the stones. is practice, a rite for good fortune,
transcends the borders of Zagori and is also empirically recorded in Southern
Yorkshire (UK) and plausibly in other areas with a dry-stone tradition. e coins
discovered were from Russia, China and Korea, dating to the nal quarter of
the nineteenth century (Figure 4). Like all objects, these discoveries have their
32 For some cases in Epirus, see, inter alia, Nitsiakos, Η Κόνιτσα και τα Χωριά της [Konitsa and its
Villages]; Damianakos et al., Εξουσία, Εργασία και Μνήμη σε Τρία Χωριά της Ηπείρου. Η Τοπική
Δύναμη της Επιβίωσης [Power, Labour and Memory in ree Villages of Epirus: e L ocal Power of
Survival]; Green, Notes from the Balkans: Locating Marginality and Ambiguity on the Greek-Albanian
Border. For a Mediterranean synthesis, see McNeill, e Mountains of the Mediterranean World.
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Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou and Ionas Sklavounos
304
peculiar itineraries,33 being the tangible proof of the entrepreneurial activities
of that family. From a common destination for the elites of Zagori, such as
Russia, to the Chinese provinces of Fujian and Hubei, the nexus of mobility
would have emerged on foot at our very own kalderimi. At the porch, they
would have performed a ritual securing the ties to their homeland and then the
procession of the ‘travellers’ and their families would have walked the kalderimi
up to the liminal point of the village, at the location called ‘Pigadouli’. at
liminal location, spiritually represented by a shrine, is the nal point to which
families were allowed to follow the procession of the ‘travellers’, who then
33 Bauer, ‘Itinerant Objects’.
Figure 4.
e small assemblage of coins from Russia, China and Korea. Photograph by Faidon Moudopoulos-
Athanasiou.
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15. Walking the Kalderimi
305
would continue their journey on foot to essaloniki, the main railway town,
to continue their entrepreneurial journeys.
Walking the kalder imi, therefore, unites dierent modalities of past dwelling.
ose striding along the local agropastoral taskscapes and those wandering the
entrepreneurial pathways of the globalised ‘long nineteenth-century’ world-
system. e reconstruction of the kalderimi and the attitude of researchers
towards the potentialities of the topsoil to generate historical narratives of
walking, albeit awkward at rst, led to some profound observations, otherwise
described in theoretical network analyses.
Beneath the topsoil: rekindling the memory of place
e eastern edge of the pathway is marked by the existence of a fountain es-
tablished in 1958. is fountain is a manifestation of the communal eort to
distribute owing water in all the neighbourhoods, through the installation of
permanent water tanks within the settlement. Villages in the Zagori mostly
suer from aridity34 and Aristi is not an exception. Consequently, when this
fountain was established, our pathway became the focal point of the neigh-
bourhood: all households would walk the path to obtain drinking water from
its edge. However, by that time the nineteenth-century kalderimi was already
covered with debris.
While clearing the topsoil at this part of the pathway, we uncovered a decent
part of the nineteenth-century kalderimi. We also discovered that the fountain
was established on top of a collapsed structure, tangentially linked with another
dry-stone wall, a courtyard dening that long-forgotten private property buried
beneath the public fountain and pathway (Figure 5). Underneath the foundations
of the twentieth-century wall attached to the fountain, we uncovered a copper
coin of Sultan Abdulmecit I (1823–1861), thus establishing the approximate
date for the ruination of the nineteenth-century courtyard. Topsoil on that part
of the pathway contained a lot of charcoal and bones of sheep and goats. Inside
the collapsed structure we uncovered a decorative part of the lower arm of a
intlock pistol (in use during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Figure 6).
ese newly discovered archaeological layers triggered a round of ethnographic
inquiry from the locals that participated in our project. is way, we learned that
elders had heard of the hut and, although destroyed before their time, they knew
that it collapsed after it accidentally caught re. is narrative would partially
explain the concentration of charcoal in the area adjacent to the ruined structure.
34 Dalkavoukis, Γράφοντας Ανάμεσα. Εθνογραφικές Δοκιμές με Αφορμή το Ζαγόρι [Writings in between.
Ethnographic Essays Emerging from Zagori].
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Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou and Ionas Sklavounos
306
Figure 5.
e eastern edge before (above) and after (below) the intervention. Photographs by Faidon Moudopoulos-
Athanasiou.
Furthermore, our activity rekindled childhood memories, producing histories of
past uses of space around the pathway. e area above the fountain, for example,
was called ‘the grove’ and, as it was situated next to the school, children would
play there during weekdays in the pre-and immediately afterwar period.
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15. Walking the Kalderimi
307
Scraping the surface of modernity
Having in mind the above, ‘Reappearances’ highlighted how working on – and
around – a kalderimi facilitates the discourse of movement and pathways as
heritage. One might suggest that this is partly because, in the case of a cobbled
pathway, the footpath takes on the stability and permanence of a cultural arte-
fact.35 Paved and maintained by a community’s own hands, kalderimia emerge
as structures carefully – and laboriously – woven into the landscape, laden
with meanings and evocative potential. However, as we saw earlier, this status
as tangible object is not sucient to recognise the cobblestone as a cultural
artefact worth preserving, as its ties with practices, memories and narratives
fade: kalderimia follow similar processes of abandonment to other ‘natural’
pathways, due to the occurring shifts in the cultural landscape.
35 Tuan, ‘e Signicance of the Artifact’.
Figure 6.
Left: a coin with the value of 10 Para, printed in year 19 of Sultan Abdulmecit I’s reign (1858). Right: the
decorative part of the intlock pistol, partly preserved. Photographs by Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou.
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Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou and Ionas Sklavounos
308
Beyond modernity: the memory of place
A kalderimi is usually perceived as a humble structure, produced by non-
experts and their communal labour, which, fortunately, does not easily qualify
it for monument status. Such ‘ordinary’36 structures placed at the thresholds
of institutionalised heritage are highly advantageous for exploring a direct,
aective relationship with inherited artefacts and landscapes and developing
an experimental approach to the potentialities of local memory.37 Even more,
they invite us to rethink the modern paradigm of ‘heritage making’: rather than
arguing for the consideration of the kalderimi as yet another static artefact
of heritage, we may reconsider heritage as a dynamic body of place-making
practices, such as restoring or building a kalderimi anew.
Such a claim is supported by observing how the process of constructing the
cobbled pathway – and engaging in the related aective eld – has a multidi-
rectional eect. In this case, ‘Reappearances’ created a short-lived and diverse
community whose members engaged bodily and laboriously with a pathway
belonging to the realm of the commons, tracing the outlines of a collective
ethos that is similar in principle, but not identical, to the traditional forms of
social solidarity and communal labour, of the mountainous communities of
Epirus in the past.38
It is this very process that rekindled local memories of the place, from the
time Aristi was densely populated and functioning within the context of the
cultural landscape – that is, up to the 1970s. It is the ripple eects of a slow
rediscovery of local knowledge, reverberating across the working site, as well
as the sounds of chatter, chisels and laughter during communal meals, that
encouraged the memories of elder inhabitants to resurface. Such rhythmical
movements appeared to trigger aspects of a habitus39 that was dormant, due
to the ways modernity forgets: caught up in a ight to the future, in a radical
denying of tradition, while obsessively turning to the past in nostalgia.40 Is it
not such an antinomy that also drives the superhuman speeds at which we are
36 For the category of ‘everyday heritage’, see Pendlebury and Townshend, Conservation in the Age of
Consensus; Mosler, ‘Everyday Heritage Concept as an Approach to Place-Making Process in the
Urban Landscape’. e absence of grand narratives and legal protection regimes leaves room for a
given community to step in and claim the appropriation of its own heritage, as well as to assume the
responsibility for its protection, exploring the right to use, repair and even reshape it, according to
practical and symbolic needs.
37 After Connerton, How Modernity Forgets, pp. 4–5.
38 For a case study on such laborious practices, see Nitsiakos, Peklari: Social Economy in a Greek Village.
39 After Bourdieu, Outline of a eory of Practice.
40 Benjamin, ‘eses on the Philosophy of History’; Connerton, How Modernity Forgets.
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15. Walking the Kalderimi
309
called to visit places that have since become ‘destinations’ and capture them
through the detached gaze of the driver-tourist? (a gaze that persists even when
s/he leaves the automobile behind).
Bridging social and disciplinary memory
If ‘the narrative of the topsoil’ suggested that our aective eld was stretch-
ing backwards in time, the multitemporal narratives of mobility (from elite
‘travelling’ to the walks of subsistence) as represented by the dierent layers of
uncovered kalderimi guided our practice in the present. is is manifested on
the eastern edge of the pathway, which provided the most fruitful conguration
during ‘Reappearances’. Our team treated the uncovered remains of the old
kalderimi, the discovered ruins of the mid-nineteenth century dry-stone hut
beneath the topsoil and the superimposed fountain of the 1950s synthetically,
assembling them into a new composition (see Figures 2 and 5). More speci-
cally, we converted an area associated with many dierent ways of walking into
a resting place: we elevated the contour walls of the ruined hut and reshaped
its interior to form a small square and drystone seating around the fountain.
e cognitive and aective value of such an experimental approach, elaborated
on the borderlines of established restoration standards, can be assessed when
seen to mediate between ‘social’ and ‘disciplinary’ memory, as follows.
Practices of additive transformations based on the reuse of building mate-
rial and architectural spolia are rooted in the history of both ‘vernacular’ and
‘pedigreed’ architecture,41 while the attenuation of this tradition seems to keep
pace with the rise of the authoritative gure of the modern architect. In archae-
ology, an equivalent case can be found in the legacy of the ‘cultural historical’
approaches to the discipline, or in the ways some ‘processual’ archaeologists
have interpreted the past through a static set of evidence, the archaeological
record. John Barrett illustrated well the problem for both disciplines in 1988:
time and space, he argued, are not merely descriptive and they constitute a
eld occupied by the practice of a particular discourse that is not devoid of
the agency of the people.42
Indeed, the development of such discourses and their reiteration into
society produced a profound cultural gap between the collective memory of
communities and the disciplinary memory of knowledge systems that were
constituted as modern ‘scientic’ elds. In the words of Stanford Anderson,
‘vernacular architecture represents at least a close cohesion of social and dis-
41 Rudofsky, Architecture without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-Pedigreed Architecture.
42 Barrett, ‘Fields of Discourse: Reconstituting a Social Archaeology’, p. 11.
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Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou and Ionas Sklavounos
310
ciplinary memory [while] it is the advent of writing and history that invited
the increasing distinction between these memory systems’.43
In this connection, the emphasis on disciplinar y memory encourages a liter-
ate way of reading the past through systems of precedents and references, codes
and conventions, thus tending to x it in irrevocable narratives. On the other
hand, social memory collocates with an oral culture allowing for a perpetual
reinterpretation carried out through processes of collective remembering as
well as forgetting.44 Importantly, in the case of social memory, this dynamic
relationship with the past is consistent with the systematic reuse and adapta-
tion of architectural artefacts; with a ‘workable’ – and ‘walkable’ – conception
of the built environment, rather at odds with our modern historical sensitivity
inviting us to ‘protect’ cultural landscapes and ‘admire’ them from afar.
In the context of Anderson’s scheme, the layered anities between Ottoman-
era stone-arched bridges and their surrounding kalderimia would describe
the proximity of social and disciplinary memory, manifested in vernacular
architecture. However, things get more complicated when we think of which
category is ocially recognised as a monument in the present. With the advent
of modernity, many such bridges were annexed into monuments, perceived as
vessels communicating the values of the auent early-modern historical past
and the wealthy benefactors that nanced their constructions. ese names are
carved in stone, placing the bridges within the modern disciplinary genealogy.
In contrast, the ‘humble’ kalderimia are not considered monuments, although
the processes of their collective creation and the stories of mobility they entail
evoke critical aspects of the same heritage. us, if monuments, in general, ap-
pear to be cut o from modern societies, the artefacts of this ‘modest’ heritage
are even more marginalised, fading away along with the practices and memories
that held them in place and which evolved with – and through – them.
‘Reappearances’ opened a multitemporal and transdisciplinary eld aim-
ing to reestablish the links between academics, communities and volunteer-
ing participants, from the bottom up. In this connection, we tried to explore
‘hands-on’ the values of the – often praised but rarely studied – modalities of
vernacular building, while opening new ways for their reinterpretation. e
successful engagement of various stakeholders argues that the time has come
for serious and deep community engagement, co-creation and reconguration
of heritage beyond the social and disciplinary divide.
43 Anderson, ‘Memory without Monuments: Vernacular Architecture’, 15.
44 Le Go and Nora, Constructing the Past : Essays in Historical Methodology.
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15. Walking the Kalderimi
311
Heritage as the process of the kalderimi
rough specic episodes of ‘Reappearances’, we aimed to show how our
practice invited a profoundly embodied engagement with heritage. is we
explained through the intertwined practices of walking, working and narrating.
As the aective eld of our engagement with the place was multidirectional,
we suggest that oral histories and ethnographic and archaeological inquiries
are not to be set apart from the beats of the chisels or the sound of strides
along the kalderimi, but rather that they should be seen (or heard) as ele-
ments of the same multi-sensorial ambience that enveloped this community
of knowledge. rough this analysis, we also recognised the importance of
enactment and orality as key concepts for alternative understandings of herit-
age that put forth the embodied aspect.
Our approach derived from the very ‘nature’ of kalderimi as a footpath,
which invites us to walk and explore the settlement and its surrounding land-
scape. Such a ‘feet-on’ approach evokes a dierent temporality than the passing
tourist, also emphasising the depth of the world, accessible primarily through
bodily movement.45
By the same token, the manual labour involved in the restoration of the
kalderimi empowers the embodied relation with heritage, already promoted
by walking. is way, multisensorial engagement with heritage generates the
aective eld(work) of presence. e footpath not only invites us to explore
the landscape with all our senses but also ‘comes into our hands’ and is placed
at the centre of our creative work. e perspective of craftsmanship which
focuses on the dialogue ‘between hand and head’46 builds on the perspective
of walking and is thus presented as the key to further discussing heritage in
terms of bodily engagement.
Our practice pointed to the idea that the various landscapes of developed
societies are neither continuous nor homogenous, but hybrids including, in
varying degrees, both orality and literate culture, myth and history, tradition
and modernity. Such landscapes appear as ‘patches’ where dierent realities of
the Anthropocene survive, interbreed and evolve.47
us ‘Reappearances’, as a project centred around hands-on reinterpreta-
tions of heritage, encouraged the community to (claim its right to) engage in
an eective dialogue with its past. e aective eld of our workshop reached,
45 Merleau-Ponty, Phenomenology of Perception; Koch et al., Body Memory, Metaphor and Movement.
46 Sennett, e Craftsman.
47 Tsing et al., Arts of Living on a Damaged Planet; Tsing, ‘Contaminated Diversity in “Slow Distur-
bance”: Potential Collaborators for a Liveable Earth’.
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Faidon Moudopoulos-Athanasiou and Ionas Sklavounos
312
to an extent, its goal, rekindling memories and discourses of a past when com-
munities were responsible, and proactive, in the interpretation and apprecia-
tion of their common cultural heritage. is was made possible through the
sensorial assemblages emerging at our taskscape, and the welcoming reception
of some local actors.
However, the conceptual depth of embodied knowledge becomes more
apparent when it incorporates the act of speaking, as inextricably twined with
our breath, tongue and body; our habits, customs and culture.48 In this sense,
the stories of the ‘travels’ from the Zagori to China and their material culture
footprint are part of the embodied and aective multitemporal expression of
dwelling, observed through its pathways.
Acknowledgements
e research was organised by ‘Boulouki’ and the Aristi Youth Club. Our team
consisted of Panagiotis Kostoulas, Grigoris Koutropoulos, Christophoros
eocharis, Mina Kouvara and the authors. Four experienced craftsmen,
Kostas Tarnanas, Pavlos Vichas, Michalis Besiris and Christos Tsekas, guided
the three apprentices and introduced twenty volunteers to the craft of the dry-
stone walling and kalderimi-making. e Ministry of Culture and Sports, the
District of Epirus, and the Greek National Committee for UNESCO endorsed
the project, and we received grants from the White Rose College for the Arts
and Humanities (AHRC - Grant No. AH/L503848/1) and the Technical
Chamber of Epirus, while 199 individuals contributed to our crowdfunding
campaign. e former public school in Aristi, hotels and companies hosted
the team and the volunteers, while the stone-masons and their apprentices
lived in the neighbouring village of Ano Soudena, at the research facilities
Lambriadeios School (Ano Soudena Cultural Foundation & PALASE, the
University of Ioannina). e Aristi Youth Club, together with local restaurants
and Agrifarm Premium Products, provided the meals for the team. We thank
them all for their support.
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