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26 Dialect vs. standard: a typology of scenarios in Europe

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... The phonological features analysed in Section 4 point at Type B of the relation between dialects and standard according to Auer (2011) and already mentioned in Section 2. The evidence is consistent with that found in the domain of morphology, and already analysed in Dols (2020a). The chances are that the situation will turn into Type C, i.e., a situation in which dialects are displaced by the use of regiolects (as in Cerruti and Regis 2014 7 ) for functions previously assigned to them. ...
... The chances are that the situation will turn into Type C, i.e., a situation in which dialects are displaced by the use of regiolects (as in Cerruti and Regis 2014 7 ) for functions previously assigned to them. Although Auer (2011) warns against the oversimplification of attributing the whole responsibility for the generation of regiolects to the dialects-standard advergence, the opening of the relationship between Balearic dialects and their endodialectal standard to a new agent, i.e., the standard of other eastern Catalan dialects, entails consequences affecting not only the shaping of the standard in use in the region, but also the general direction of language change. The evolution of project Corpus Oral de la Llengua Catalana will help us measure the pervasiveness of central Catalan standard solutions into the Balearic dialects. ...
... The evolution of Majorcan Catalan as described here is not at all uncommon. On the contrary, alongside the cases from the Low Countries contributed by Grondelaers et al. (2016), and other cases from all over Europe by Auer (2011) (already cited above), the theoretical frame produced by Cerruti and Regis (2014) is based on the observation of Italian and Occitan dialects and regiolects, just to cite three instances of theoretically comparable proposals. The situation of Majorcan Catalan depicted here differs from those in Cerruti and Regis (2014) in a way explainable by means of the concept 'alternative endoglossic standard' (see Section 2 above). ...
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The mutual influence between dialects and standard language in terms of upward or downward convergence, the creation of a diaglossic repertoire, and a typology of relations dialects/standard is of utmost importance for the analysis of language evolution. Majorcan Catalan is an eastern Catalan dialect, traditionally considered as archaic. Data from television programs show a tendency to adapt pronunciation to a standard mainly based on central Catalan dialects, even disregarding concessions granted by the prescriptive grammar. This article is focused on the causes of this centripetal movement and on the function either accelerating or decelerating of (para)prescriptive works in the process. Data from an annotated oral corpus (Corpus Oral de la Llengua Catalana) are used. The results are consistent with a centripetal movement in the construction of the standard Catalan as used in formal registers in the Balearic Islands. A proposal is made for the interpretation of the relevant data as evidence of an evolution from a gliding access to standard to a shifting access.
... Auer (2005Auer ( , 2011 presents a typology of present-day dialect/standard constellations in Europe, thereby reintroducing the concept of diaglossia, which refers to a situation with intermediate variants between dialect and standard. Characterizing the sociolinguistic landscape in many languages in Europe today, diaglossia is assumed to be a relatively recent phenomenon dating back to the late nineteenth or early twentieth century, following a previous stage of diglossia. ...
... Such intermediate forms enable language users to act out, in the appropriate contexts, an identity which could not be symbolised through the base dialects (which may have rural, backwardish or non-educated connotations) nor through the national standard (which may smack of formality and unnaturalness and/or be unable to express regional affiliation). (Auer 2005: 23) To refer to these intermediate forms, Auer (2005Auer ( , 2011 uses diaglossia and diaglossic repertoire instead of regiolect and regional dialect, because 'the implication [of the morpheme -lect] that we are dealing with a separate variety is not necessarily justified ' (2005: 22). Like diglossia, the notion of diaglossia conceptualizes a community's sociolinguistic repertoire at a given place and time. ...
... In Europe today, diaglossic repertoires are found everywhere, from Norway to Cyprus and from Poland to Spain (Auer 2005). Auer (2005Auer ( , 2011 presents a typological and historical analysis of the rise of diaglossic repertoires in Europe. The typological development runs from a previous state of diglossia to diaglossia. ...
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Auer (2005, 2011) presents a typology of present-day dialect/standard constellations in Europe, thereby reintroducing the concept of diaglossia, which refers to a situation with intermediate variants between dialect and standard. Characterizing the sociolinguistic landscape in many languages in Europe today, diaglossia is assumed to be a relatively recent phenomenon dating back to the late nineteenth or early twentieth century, following a previous stage of diglossia. Drawing on a range of case studies of post-Medieval English, German and Dutch, this article argues that the sociolinguistic situation in the Early and Late Modern period cannot be described in terms of diglossia, and is characterized by a ubiquity of intermediate variants instead, that is, by diaglossia. This means that diaglossia should be extended much farther back in time and is not a recent development following a state of diglossia. Auer (2005, 2011) legt eine Typologie von gegenwärtigen Dialekt/Standard-Konstellationen in Europa vor, wobei das Konzept der Diaglossie für die Beschreibung von Varianten zwischen Dialekt und Standard wiedereingeführt wird. Diaglossie ist heute kennzeichnend für die soziolinguistische Landschaft in zahlreichen Sprachräumen Europas. Auer nimmt an, dass Diaglossie ein rezentes Phänomen ist, das erst Ende des 19. oder Anfang 20. Jahrhunderts eine frühere Phase von Diglossie ablöste. Auf der Grundlage von Fallstudien zum neuzeitlichen English, Deutsch und Niederländisch wird in diesem Artikel argumentiert, dass die soziolinguistische Situation in der frühen und jüngeren Neuzeit nicht als diglossisch beschrieben werden kann, sondern wegen der Allgegenwart von Formen zwischen Dialekt und Standard als diaglossisch konzeptualisiert werden sollte. Diaglossie ist somit kein junges Phänomen, sondern geht wesentlich weiter in der Zeit zurück.
... Auer (2005;2011) distinguishes five types of dialect/standard constellations in Europe, which stand in a diachronic relationship and of which the diaglossic repertoire, marked by intermediate forms between standard and dialect, would be the most widespread in Europe today. While a lot of current research focuses on contemporary shifts in diaglossic situations towards dialect loss (cf. ...
... 3 From diglossic to diaglossic repertoires Auer (2005;2011) distinguishes five macrotypes of dialect/standard constellations. The first two types, the exoglossic diglossia and the medial diglossia, will not be elaborated on here, as these are rare in Europe and do not occur in Flanders. ...
... Auer (2005: 25) suggests dialect change targeted towards the standard language as one of the main driving forces in the emergence of intermediate variations, but also highlights that this process may co-occur with destandardisation, implying that regional features are increasingly tolerated in the standard variety. In dialect loss situations, the fifth repertoire type discussed by Auer (2005;2011), destandardisation would occur even more frequently. It appears that the disappearance of the linguistic forms with the most restricted geographical reach stimulates pro-39 cesses of divergence from the national standard (Auer 2005: 30). ...
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Auer (2005; 2011) distinguishes five types of dialect/standard constellations in Europe, which stand in a diachronic relationship and of which the diaglossic repertoire , marked by intermediate forms between standard and dialect, would be the most widespread in Europe today. While a lot of current research focuses on contemporary shifts in diaglossic situations towards dialect loss (cf. Vandekerckhove 2009), shifts from diglossia to diaglossia remain relatively understudied (cf. Auer 2005: 23). The present paper reports on the West Flemish area, where the language is said to be evolving from a diglossic to a diaglossic situation (De Caluwe 2009, Willemyns 2007: 272). In order to tap into the structure of this West Flemish repertoire, the language use of 10 speakers from Ypres is analysed systematically by means of a correspondence analysis of 26 phonological and morphosyntactic variables in five speech settings. These analyses show that in West Flanders, the emerging intermediate variations are mainly used in supraregional informal settings , illustrating the need to focus on this at present understudied speech setting when studying changing repertoires. The data clearly indicate that in the incipient transition from diglossia to diaglossia, both dialect and (an intended form of) standard language are still vital as means of regional informal and supraregional formal communication respectively. Structurally, the intermediate variations mainly result from dialect-to-standard convergence, but some speakers also show horizontal dialect convergence.
... Thus far, we have examined some dynamics which characterise the language space of Italian with respect to the dialect-standard dimension. As mentioned above (Section 2), similar dynamics characterize diaglossia, the type of linguistic repertoire that seems to be the most widespread in Europe, Type C in Auer ( , 2011, as shown in Fig. 1: Coseriu (1980), the model depicts dialect "as a purely relational concept" (Auer 2005:2), generically referring to a language variety which has less geographical reach than the standard variety; according to the Coserian conception, the term 'dialect' covers not only primary dialects (that is, coeval geographical varieties of the dialect from which the standard language derives, e.g. Italo-Romance dialects), but also secondary and tertiary dialects (the latter resulting from the geographical differentiation of the standard language after its social diffusion, e.g. ...
... Piedmontese-Turinese also underwent a certain degree of elaboration (Ausbau in Kloss' 1967 terms), given its widespread use in written form (especially in poetry and drama). Piedmontese can be said to have developed a sort of endoglossic standard (Auer , 2011, "naturally" modelled on the most prestigious variety, the one spoken in Turin; nevertheless, as rural dialects oriented themselves towards Turinese, Turinese oriented itself towards Italian. In fact, the aforementioned codices were never monolingual, but rather bilingual (Piedmontese-Italian, for the most part), serving mainly as a means to learn or improve Italian (through Piedmontese) rather than as a way to describe (and set a standard variety for) Piedmontese. ...
... Starting from the types of repertoires outlined in Auer ( , 2011, we have revised some of them to better fit in with a specific situation observable in north-western Italy, that of Italian, Piedmontese and Occitan in Piedmont. ...
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This article is inspired by the typology of “dialect/standard constellations” outlined in Auer (2005, 2011), which aims to detect common dynamics in the current processes of dialect/standard convergence in Europe. The specific sociolinguistic situation addressed in this article involves Italian, Piedmontese, and Occitan in Piedmont, a northwestern region of Italy. We analyze a set of linguistic features with the aim of depicting the dynamics of intralinguistic and interlinguistic convergence as they relate to the ongoing standardization processes in these languages. Some adjustments to the two types of repertoires drawn by Auer (diaglossia and endoglossic medial diglossia) are proposed to better suit them, respectively, to the Italo-Romance continuum between Piedmontese rural dialects and standard Italian (which actually consists of two separate subcontinua with intermediate varieties) and to the relationship between Occitan dialects and their planned standard variety (as well as that between Piedmontese and its “Frenchified” standard variety). (Language standardization, dialect/standard convergence, Italian, Piedmontese, Occitan.)*
... The term 'demoticisation' was coined in Mattheier (1997), but borrowed in Auer's account of standard change (which runs largely analogous to ours). According to Auer (2011: 500), 'speakers develop intermediate forms, which results in the emergence of new ways of speaking that avoid the negative social prestige now attached to the dialects but nonetheless display regional identity'. In a more advanced situation still, Auer (2011: 501f.) ...
... According to Auer (2011: 500), 'speakers develop intermediate forms, which results in the emergence of new ways of speaking that avoid the negative social prestige now attached to the dialects but nonetheless display regional identity'. In a more advanced situation still, Auer (2011: 501f.) goes on to argue, this development engenders a multi-stylistic standard variety which is 'demoticised', 'extended from a spoken version of the written standard to a variety suitable for spoken, face-to-face interaction, also by less educated speakers' (Auer 2011: 500). ...
... In a more advanced situation still, Auer (2011: 501f.) goes on to argue, this development engenders a multi-stylistic standard variety which is 'demoticised', 'extended from a spoken version of the written standard to a variety suitable for spoken, face-to-face interaction, also by less educated speakers' (Auer 2011: 500). In order to steer clear of negative associations, we continue to use the term 'standard stratification' (also implied in Auer 2011: 501) instead of demoticisation. ...
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This chapter introduces and pools speaker evaluation data in support of empirical criteria to measure abstract concepts such as ‘standard language ideology’ and ‘standard language ideal’. The four criteria – speaker prestige, accent status, perceived beauty, and communal consensus – are subsequently invoked to answer (controversial) questions about the current standard language status of Netherlandic and Belgian Dutch. The basic hypothesis to be tested in this respect is the suggestion that Netherlandic Dutch has retained but relaxed its standard, while Belgian Dutch is currently a standardless variety. (Edited from first paragraph)
... Obviously, convergence requires that speakers of different origin interact with each other in their vernaculars, which may not apply to minority languages whose use is limited to closed social networks (e.g., in family contexts) in urban centers. Vertical convergence applies to asymmetric situations, in which a variety converges to a different variety that has a privileged status, e.g., a norm, a hegemonic variety, a variety with cultural prestige or even a different language having dominant role in public life; [15][16][17]. The reflexes of vertical convergence in a gravity model depend on the centers in which the 'converged-to' variety is represented. ...
... The reflexes of vertical convergence in a gravity model depend on the centers in which the 'converged-to' variety is represented. In the typical case of vertical convergence, dialects converge to a standard that is better represented in the administrative and educational institutions of urban centers ('dialectto-standard advergence' in [17]). In such cases, population size correlates with the linguistic distance, reflecting convergence processes in and between urban centers; see British English [18], Dutch [19], Swedish [20], Norwegian [21]. ...
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Linguistic variation in space reflects patterns of social interaction. Gravity models have been successfully used to capture the role of urban centers in the dissemination of innovations in the speech community along with the diffusion of variants in space. Crucially, the effects of the factors of a gravity model (distance and population size) depend on language situation and may result from different sources, in particular processes of vertical and horizontal convergence. In the present study, we investigate lexical variation in contemporary Yucatec Maya, an indigenous language of Mexico, spoken in a situation of generalized bilingualism. This language situation lacks some crucial ingredients of vertical convergence: no variety of Yucatec Maya has the status of a standard variety: the language of administration and education is Spanish (diglossia-with-bilingualism). The present study finds evidence of convergence processes that can be exclusively attributed to horizontal convergence. The lexical distance between speakers decreases in and between urban centers, variants with a large distribution are more likely in areas with a maximum of interactions with other areas. Even Spanish variants are distributed in the sample with a pattern that reveals processes of horizontal convergence: their distribution is accounted for through an areal bias (widespread in areas with a stronger exposition to Spanish) rather by influences from the urban centers (as centers of administration/education) to the rural areas in their surroundings.
... The objective of the current study is to explore to what extent the two MHG phonemes, /i:/ and /ei/, are undergoing change in Swabian within the lifespan of the individual speaker, explicitly losing their historical phonetic contrast and merging or becoming more similar to each other. Investigating the loss of phonetic contrast across the lifespan of individual speakers allows us to explore evidence for the principle that speakers can and do change their grammars post-adolescence, and that such structural changes are not restricted to generational change (Sankoff & Wagner 2006;Buchstaller 2015) Given that the two MHG diphthongs have merged in standard German and considering the effects of dialect levelling occurring across Germany (Auer 2011;Schwarz 2019), we expect to see a greater loss of phonetic contrast in the later recordings from our panel speakers than in the earlier ones, indicating that speakers do change their grammars across their lifespan (HYPOTHESIS 1). In addition, given that metropolitan areas are more likely to promote innovations than smaller communities (Trudgill 1986;Nerbonne & Heeringa 2007), we expect to observe a greater loss of phonetic contrast for speakers who live in the large urban centre of Stuttgart rather than in the mid-sized, semi-rural town of Schwäbisch Gmünd (HYPOTHESIS 2). ...
... We contend that this change is a reflection of the immense societal transformation that has occurred in Germany (indeed across western Europe) over the last 30 years. Rising levels of education (e.g., Ammon 2001; Schwarz 2019), ever-increasing mobility (e.g.,Auer 2007;Britain 2013Britain , 2016, pervasive dialect contact and levelling (e.g.,Auer 2011;Buchstaller et al. 2017), and ubiquitous peer-pressure (e.g., Conrad 2017) are restricting the role of Swabian in daily life. Hence it is not surprising that this change is further advanced with speakers who have lost (or are losing) their Swabian identity. ...
... Dit heeft implicaties voor het taalsysteem, dat niet langer autonoom is en als zodanig wordt verworven, maar dat bestaat uit een set tussenliggende systemen: een continuüm van taalvariëteiten met als extremen het lokale dialect en de standaardtaal. Deze taalsituatie met tussenvormen tussen standaard en dialect wordt ook wel aangeduid met de term 'diaglossie' (Auer 2005(Auer , 2011. Binnen het continuüm komen (standaard-)Nederlands, lokaal en regionaal dialect en andere talen (bijvoorbeeld Engels) bijeen zodat er een hybride taalvorm is ontstaan (Cornips, Marzo & Swanenberg 2018). ...
... Het taalgebruik waar het hier om gaat is een repertoire van regionale omgangstaal, dat zich op het continuüm bevindt dat zich uitstrekt van lokale dialecten tot aan een Brabants gekleurd Algemeen Nederlands (zie paragraaf 1: diaglossie; Auer 2005Auer , 2011. Hoewel de lokale dialecten op hun retour zijn en allerlei dialectkenmerken vervagen en verdwijnen, zien we dat de geslachtsmarkeringen standhouden, omdat ze een belangrijke rol spelen in lokale of regionale identificatie door middel van het taalgebruik (Johnstone & Kiesling 2008). ...
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The present paper discusses gender marking, i.e. the morphological marking of masculine, feminine and neuter lexical gender in the adnominal domain, in Brabantish dialects spoken in the southern Dutch province North-Brabant. Gender markers belong to the most salient features of North-Brabantish, but with a process of dialect levelling well on its way for at least fifty years, knowledge of lexical gender is fading away. This study delves into these variation patterns. The results of a quantitative analysis of written questionnaires (mainly filled out by elderly dialect speakers, N=700) triggered us to conduct a small in-depth study of speech data from adolescents in the Eindhoven region (N=15). Based on these data, we argue that there is a high level of heterogeneity when it comes to adnominal gender marking. In this paper, we aim at describing and categorizing the various types of variation. The data includes omissions of the traditional Brabantish masculine gender marking, indicating that speakers are converging towards Standard Dutch. However, the data also reveals that in 30% of all utterances speakers apply gender marking in multiple ways. We find three types of variation: 1) masculine gender marking is only partly applied in comparison to the traditional rules of dialect grammar (compromise-constructions), 2) masculine gender markers appear in noun groups where they should not appear according to the dialect grammar (e.g. feminine, neuter, plural), so-called hyperdialectisms, and 3) speakers use innovative gender marking constructions: accumulate forms with two masculine suffixes, so-called hypermarkings. Based on previous research, we argue that typical dialect features, such as gender markers, are part of a regional speech style and play an important role in identity formation. As shibboleths of such a speech style, gender markers are over-generalized by speakers who want to profile themselves as ‘genuinely’ Brabantish. Also, individual patterns of gender marking indicate that salience in non-canonical sentence structures (e.g. focus) might be an important factor when it comes to emphasizing a deviation from the standard language, in line with (regional) identity construction through the use of shibboleths. Future research is necessary to validate these initial findings.
... Pel que fa al codi lingüístic que s'ensenya a les escoles, cal advertir que les opcions elegides són majoritàriament les que s'identifiquen amb aquests intents d'acostament de l'estàndard a les formes dialectals, és a dir els "regiolectes" en el sentit d 'Auer (2005'Auer ( , 2011 esmentat més amunt. El procediment per a la validació dels llibres de text va canviar l'any 2006, però a la pràctica, els resultats són els mateixos. ...
... Dit d'una altra manera: s'observa una tendència a ajustar el discurs a formes que ultrapassen les propostes normatives d'adaptació de l'estàndard. Es tracta, en termes d 'Auer (2005'Auer ( , 2011 de convergències dins el contínuum diaglòssic, en aquest cas -i complementàriament als esforços d'adaptació de la norma estàndard que hem vist a l'apartat anterior -, casos d'infiltració de trets propis de l'estàndard o d'un dialecte amb més pes dins la parla o bé coŀloquial o bé formal, però amb negligència de la norma adaptada. És d'aquesta manera com apareixen traces del que podríem qualificar de "regiolecte", un parlar a mitjan camí entre el dialecte de base i l'estàndard, format per confluència de dues tendències. ...
... In the tested population of young adults, it was rather difficult to find bilectal participants with active dialect knowledge, and inclusion in the group was therefore also based on passive dialect competence (as necessary for the processing of the text stimuli spoken in the traditional dialect) and dialect exposure in the family context. This observation is in line with general sociolinguistic changes in Germany, which include a decline of traditional dialects in contact with the standard language (Auer, 2011;Auer & Schwarz, 2015;Auer & Spiekermann, 2011). As the importance of Standard German or standard-near ways of speaking (Auer, 2011) increases, active dialect knowledge of younger speakers decreases (e.g. ...
... This observation is in line with general sociolinguistic changes in Germany, which include a decline of traditional dialects in contact with the standard language (Auer, 2011;Auer & Schwarz, 2015;Auer & Spiekermann, 2011). As the importance of Standard German or standard-near ways of speaking (Auer, 2011) increases, active dialect knowledge of younger speakers decreases (e.g. Auer, Breuninger, Huck, & Pfeiffer, 2015). ...
Article
Dialect comprehension has rarely been studied on the text level. Using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), the neuronal processing of auditory story comprehension was compared in 17 bilectal listeners who spoke Standard German and High Alemannic dialect, and in 19 monolectal listeners who did not speak dialect but only Standard German. 24 fairy tales were translated and recorded by speakers of both varieties. A text-related Extended Language Network (ELN) was more active for intelligible conditions compared to an unintelligible baseline. When High Alemannic fairy tales were presented, bilectal listeners activated the left aTL significantly more than monolectals. This activation was stronger for listeners who rated the dialect more pleasant. It increased over the duration of the stories, but more so for the familiar varieties. These results confirm the importance of the left aTL for text comprehension and add to our understanding of the functional neuroanatomy of dialect comprehension.
... While the present-day situation of European dialect/standard constellations is often described in terms of diaglossia, it is also argued that this stage of diaglossia only recently developed from a previous period of diglossia (Auer, 2005(Auer, , 2011Grondelaers and van Hout, 2011). In this paper, I argue that historical sociolinguistic research shows that the supposed historical development from diglossia to diaglossia cannot be found in western European languages such as Dutch, English and German. ...
... In this paper, I have argued that the history of Dutch does not display the assumed development from diglossia to diaglossia (cf. Auer, 2005Auer, , 2011Grondelaers and van Hout, 2011). Already in the Early and Late Modern period, sociolinguistic space as evidenced in the written record was diaglossic. ...
... By the same token, the data also show that diglossia between Standard and Cypriot Greek is still going strong (Papapavlou, 1998;Papapavlou & Sophocleous, 2009;Arvaniti, 2010;. The koiné is part of the Cypriot dialect continuum, be that horizontal or vertical (or possibly both); although the data may be taken to indicate an ongoing move towards Type C diaglossia (Bellmann, 1998;Auer, 2005Auer, , 2011; see also Rowe & Grohmann, 2014)-i.e. the development of a mixed, hybrid system, and the concomitant resolution of the diglossic situation-Standard Greek still by and large remains a continuum-external variety; the partial advergence of the koiné to the standard variety, as described in this section, suggests gradient bi(dia)lectalism and imperfect second dialect acquisition, possibly dependent on the area of the grammar (cf. Grohmann, 2014b;Grohmann et al., , 2017Tsiplakou, 2017). ...
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It is generally assumed that learning to read involves a straightforward learning of the mappings from speech to spelling. Yet, the majority of the world’s children learn to read frst in a language or dialect that is not what they speak at home or in the neighborhood with their families and friends. Some of these children must learn to read frst in a foreign language (e.g., Bemba speakers in Zambia learning to read in English), but many are learning to read in a dialect that shares some similarities with the formal written word but that also differs substantially from it. Positioned within an extended ecological approach to literacy development (McBride, 2016), this Handbook highlights some of the theoretical and practical issues that a mismatch between dialect and literacy requirements involves. These include a variety of lin�guistic aspects, but they also affect individuals demonstrably at many levels, includ�ing psycholinguistics, neurolinguistics, education, and many aspects of social interactions. A broad understanding of the interface between dialects and literacy acquisition is fundamental for all research that highlights interactions among lan�guage, literacy, and society. The current Handbook studies literacy acquisition at the intersection of sociolin�guistics and psycholinguistics by addressing literacy acquisition in diglossia and in dialectal contexts. The Handbook emanates from an international conference orga�nized in 2018 by Elinor Saiegh-Haddad and Lior Laks at Bar-Ilan University, Israel, under the auspices of the Israel Science Foundation (Grant number 2346/17) and the Arabic Language Academy in Israel. The conference brought together researchers from various regions across the world including Asia, Europe, the Far East, and North America to share research questions, methods, and fndings on literacy devel�opment in diglossic and in dialectal contexts. The Handbook at hand features some of the talks presented at the conference in 2018 and additional chapters addressing similar questions in various other regions and languages in the world. Some of the questions that are addressed include the following: How does dialect factor into literacy development and disorder in children? Which sociolinguistic features of dialectal contexts affect literacy acquisition? Is the role of sociolinguistic features of dialectal variation similar or different in different contexts and languages? Do dif�ferent dialectal contexts differ in the settings and functions of language, and do the differences yield different literacy outcomes for children? What are the milestones of literacy development in different dialectal contexts? How should educational assessment of language and literacy address sociolinguistic features of dialectal contexts? What are the most benefcial instructional practices for children raised in dialectal contexts. Given that the majority of the world’s children learn to read in a context that includes diglossia, dialectalism, and multilingualism, much more of an understand�ing of the complexities of these contexts is needed. The various perspectives offered in this Handbook underscore some of the most important issues in the feld of lit�eracy in relation to diglossia and dialectalism. We hope that this Handbook contrib�utes critically to inquiry that will beneft our children’s well-being and their prospects for success.
... By the same token, the data also show that diglossia between Standard and Cypriot Greek is still going strong (Papapavlou, 1998;Papapavlou & Sophocleous, 2009;Arvaniti, 2010;. The koiné is part of the Cypriot dialect continuum, be that horizontal or vertical (or possibly both); although the data may be taken to indicate an ongoing move towards Type C diaglossia (Bellmann, 1998;Auer, 2005Auer, , 2011; see also Rowe & Grohmann, 2014)-i.e. the development of a mixed, hybrid system, and the concomitant resolution of the diglossic situation-Standard Greek still by and large remains a continuum-external variety; the partial advergence of the koiné to the standard variety, as described in this section, suggests gradient bi(dia)lectalism and imperfect second dialect acquisition, possibly dependent on the area of the grammar (cf. Grohmann, 2014b;Grohmann et al., , 2017Tsiplakou, 2017). ...
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Arabic is considered a classical case of diglossia because conventionally, one form of Arabic is spoken (SA) and another is used in the domain of written language (MSA). In the recent past, globalization of English-based technology, together with the absence of Arabic supporting keyboards, had resulted in the reliance on Latin script as the main writing system when communicating through computers (CMC). This writing was known as ‘Arabizi’, which represents Spoken Arabic (SA). The advent of Arabic supporting software has allowed the writing of SA in Arabic letters, but has not completely eradicated Arabizi. Although the use of Arabizi today is less ubiquitous than it was half a decade ago, its effects on the cognitive processes involved in literacy are scientifically interesting. The present chapter explores the way that Arabizi affected reading, writing, and personal and social dynamics in a sample of Arabic-speaking adolescents in 2014. We focused on three areas of inquiry: The first aimed to provide a description of writing practices, perceptions, and attitudes for the two writing systems, Arabizi and MSA. The second examined literacy skills and abilities in MSA and Arabizi. And the third tried to evaluate the stability of the Arabizi orthography in order to evaluate to which extent it is standardized.
... En cuanto a la lengua italiana, encontramos algunos paralelismos con el caso del alemán (Berruto, 2018), pero presenta sus peculiaridades. La relación entre el italiano, entendida como lengua estándar, y los dialectos o lenguas regionales se ha representado como una doble pirámide (también un doble cono), cuyo elemento superior ofrecería un vértice con el estándar (escrito y hablado) y una base con los estándares de cada uno de los dialectos, que, a su vez, son vértice del segundo elemento, en cuya base estarían las hablas locales y rurales (Auer, 2011). Esta situación da lugar a una constelación jerarquizada de variedades que, en la sociolingüística estadounidense podría ser catalogada como 'diglosia de esquema doble'. ...
Article
This study offers reflections and comments on the way in which variation is captured and reflected in linguistic corpora. On some occasions, corpora are built with specific attention to the variable phenomena of languages and their modalities; on other occasions, corpora are not specifically interested in language variation, but this does not mean that they do not have the capacity to reflect it in its different manifestations. These analyze the dialectal dimension of the linguistic corpora, paying special attention to the way in which the geographical configuration is reflected in them and to the representativeness of the linguistic areas. Attention is also paid to the social and stylistic dimensions of the corpora. To this end, the treatment given to these dimensions in both specialized corpora and general or reference corpora is explained. Finally, some reflections are proposed on fundamental questions concerning the methodology of corpus elaboration, such as the representation of dialectal diversity within larger geographical spaces or its relation to the size of the corpora.
... The variety of Dutch spoken in the west of the country is most often deemed "standard Dutch." A standard variety of a language is a variety that is used as a common language with minimal geographical variation, is codified, has overt prestige, and is used in situations such as education, politics, and national news broadcasts (Auer 2011;Ryan, Giles, and Sebastian 1982). In the Netherlands, as dialect use seems to decrease, regional variation in the standard language is becoming more accepted (Grondelaers, Van Gent, and Van Hout 2015). ...
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This article addresses the influence of the interpreter's regional accent on the perception of deaf signers by their hearing interlocutors in a Netherlandic Dutch context. Language attitudes regarding spoken languages have been well-researched, and the categories superiority, integrity, and dynamism that have been applied to attitude studies on spoken Dutch formed the basis of this study. This research explores whether or not those attitudes play a role in interpreted conversation, by using a modified version of the speaker evaluation paradigm for measuring spoken language attitudes. It reveals that hearing people without any sign language knowledge are influenced by the accent of the interpreter when forming their opinion of the deaf signer. Accents from the west, north, and south areas of the Netherlands were used. The results are largely, but not entirely, in line with effects found in spoken Dutch experiments: deaf people interpreted by someone with a western accent are judged to be more dynamic across the board, while in the west, deaf people with an interpreter from the south are judged to score lower on qualities like intelligence than those with northern or western interpreters. These findings may have implications for interpreter training and selection.
... As has been argued in previous work, this alternation can hardly be treated as code-switching, since it does not serve any ostensible prag-8. Auer (2005Auer ( , 2011 has proposed a typology of dialect-standard constellations ranging from Type 0 (exoglossic diglossia, where the standard is usually a genetically and historically unrelated language) to Type D (where the infiltration of the standard in the dialect is so strong that it results in dedialectalisation). In between these two extremes lie Type A (endoglossic medial diglossia, where the standard is used exclusively in writing, Type B (endoglossic diglossia, where the standard is also used orally, albeit in specific, clearly delimited domains) and Type C (diaglossia, where regiolects, i.e. intermediate varieties between standard and base dialects emerge, forming a standard-dialect continuum). ...
... One of the main disadvantages of Auer's (2011) criteria is that standard languages are thus represented as 'non-vital, virtual' varieties that are merely a point of reference for correct language use (Grondelaers et al. 2016: 128). In everyday speech, however, this standard ideal is inevitably affected by linguistic variability and, in this respect, never produced in its purest form. ...
... Such documents of the patriarchal chancellery that are to attribute to the low(est) register with elements of spoken language evince that a general register definition is illusory. An alternative way of managing the problem of nomenclature might be to use the terms "standard" and "dialect" (and thus to met the term diaglossic, as outlined in Auer 2005Auer , 2011); the latter term, however, is reserved in Greek for the classical local dialects as Attic, Ionic, Doric etc. It would produce more confusion to employ these terms in a level / register differentiation. ...
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A unique collection of about 900 Greek documents, issued by the chancellery of the Patriarch of Constantinople in the 14th c., provides insight into the linguistic level at one place in the capital of the Byzantine Empire. So far research focussed nearly exclusively on their historical or juristic interpretation, the big data for historical sociolinguistics - a general desideratum for Byzantine literature (Hinterberger 2015) - were not taken into account, only some text pragmatic aspects and the use of spoken Greek elements in letters sent abroad were addressed in studies and did unfortunately not entail further investigation. This article focusses on a sociolinguistic point of view and outlines two aspects of variations: a) in order to meet the addressee’s linguistic level and b) to “exclude” the addressee from the learned community (see also Hickey 2012). Three case studies exemplify the emphasis that is put on the intentional use of linguistic variations even in a chancellery with more or less rigid forms.
... 9 So legen beispielsweise Maehlum (2009) und Papazian (2012 die Existenz eines funktionalen, wenn auch nicht kodifizierten oder institutionell verankerten gesprochenen Standards nahe, der mehr oder minder einer Leseaussprache des Bokmål in Oslo und Umgebung entspricht (manchmal wird daher der Begriff ‚Standardostnorwegisch' gebraucht, der allerdings aus dialektologischer Perspektive etwas irreführend ist). Mindestens für diese Region lässt sich das Verhältnis zwischen dem präferierten Standard und den lokalen Dialekten statt als Diglossie also durchaus als Diaglossie charakterisieren, bei der die Sprecher in der gesprochenen Sprache aus einem Spektrum bokmålnäherer und -fernerer Varianten wählen können (Typ C nach Auer [2011]; vgl. Abb. 3). 10 Damit steht das Norwegische zumindest hier der prototypischen europäischen Entwicklung gar nicht mehr so fern (vgl. ...
... This book investigates the ideological dimensions of the various (de)standardisation processes conspicuously present in contemporary Europe. It is a welldocumented fact (for overviews, see Deumert and Vandenbussche 2003;Kristiansen and Coupland 2011) that all European standard languages are currently undergoing extensions which are considered a threat to the uniformity in their usewhich is one of the commonly accepted criteria for standardness (see for instance Auer 2005;2011). Professional linguists are increasingly attesting systematic variabilityin the form of, for instance, regional or social accentsin standard speech produced by the 'best speakers' (such as news anchors of official broadcasting institutions) in the most formal contexts. ...
... This book investigates the ideological dimensions of the various (de)standardisation processes conspicuously present in contemporary Europe. It is a welldocumented fact (for overviews, see Deumert and Vandenbussche 2003;Kristiansen and Coupland 2011) that all European standard languages are currently undergoing extensions which are considered a threat to the uniformity in their usewhich is one of the commonly accepted criteria for standardness (see for instance Auer 2005;2011). Professional linguists are increasingly attesting systematic variabilityin the form of, for instance, regional or social accentsin standard speech produced by the 'best speakers' (such as news anchors of official broadcasting institutions) in the most formal contexts. ...
... In der deutschen Philologie, ebenso wie im öffentlichen Diskurs in Deutschland, wird der Begriff "Dialekt" dagegen oft enger verstanden und auf die regionalen Varietäten begrenzt, die die historische Basis für die Entstehung des Standarddeutschen bildeten. So schlägt beispielsweise Auer (2011) in einem Überblick zu Dialekt-vs. Standardszenarien in Europa vor, "to reserve the term '(traditional) dialects' for the varieties under the roof […] of a standard variety which preceded the standard languages and provided the linguistic material out of which the endoglossic standard varieties developed". ...
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Sprache ist eine wesentliche Domäne zur Aushandlung sozialer Klassifikationen und Legitimationen und der Zuschreibung unterschiedlicher Gruppenzugehörigkeiten. Der Beitrag untersucht Prozesse in der sprachlichen Konstruktion sozialer Gruppen an einem spezifischen Fallbeispiel, nämlich der öffentlichen Diskussion zu Kiezdeutsch. Diese Diskussion liefert durch ihre vielfältigen Bezüge zur deutschen Sprache, zum Status deutscher Dialekte und der mit ihnen verbundenen Sprechergemeinschaften eine besonders interessante empirische Domäne für eine solche Untersuchung. Die Basis für die Untersuchung bildet ein Korpus, das Leserkommentare zu Medienberichten und Emails, die in Reaktion auf solche Berichte eingegangen sind, versammelt. Der Beitrag analysiert die unterschiedlichen Prozesse der Aushandlung und Zuschreibung von Gruppenidentitäten, die hier deutlich werden, und untersucht ihre sprachideologische Basis. Die Analyse weist auf eine spezifische Konstruktion von Kiezdeutsch-Sprecher/inne/n als die „Anderen“, die sie von der „wir-Gruppe“ ausschließt, und deckt zwei zentrale wir/sie- Dichotomien auf, die hierbei wirksam werden: eine Abwertung auf der Basis sozialer Hierarchisierung und eine Ausgrenzung auf der Basis ethnischer Zuschreibungen. Im ersten Fall werden Kiezdeutsch-Sprecher/innen in einer niedrigeren sozialen Schicht verortet und so von einer in der Selbstwahrnehmung höher stehenden wir-Gruppe unterschieden. Im zweiten Fall werden Kiezdeutsch- Sprecher/innen als nicht-deutsch konstruiert und damit von einer wir-Gruppe ausgeschlossen, die die alleinige Eigentümerschaft für deutsche Dialekte für sich beansprucht.
... The answer to this question necessitates a set of criteria which can be used to gauge the degree of standardization of language varieties, but the nature of these criteria is strongly dependent on the object whose status has to be determined — written language, for instance, is much easier to standardize than spoken language (see Milroy & Milroy, 1999) —, and on one's approach to standardization. When used by linguists in a narrow sense (see Ammon, 2004; Auer, 2011;), the term 'standard language' is prototypically used to refer to: 1. a common variety which is general and uniform within the territory it is used and ideally does not contain social or regional variation which indexes subgroups in that territory; ...
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Like other European standard languages, Dutch is currently undergoing destandardization processes which excite concern on the part of the linguistic and cultural establishment, and inspire uncertainty in school teachers of Dutch. In the face of the progressing variability in a variety which should (in theory) be uniform, the question which norm should be taught in the schools is becoming increasingly legitimate, though theoretical linguists do not typically concern themselves with it. This paper first pools and reviews the available evidence in favour of a more positive account of ongoing developments in Netherlandic Standard Dutch (NSD). It then proposes a concrete division of labour between formal and less formal varieties of Dutch. Our principal conclusion is that the norm relaxation observed in NSD must not engender lawlessness in language teaching.
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This article investigates a public debate in Germany that put a special spotlight on the interaction of standard language ideologies with social dichotomies, centering on the question of whether Kiezdeutsch , a new way of speaking in multilingual urban neighbourhoods, is a legitimate German dialect. Based on a corpus of emails and postings to media websites, I analyse central topoi in this debate and an underlying narrative on language and identity. Central elements of this narrative are claims of cultural elevation and cultural unity for an idealised standard language ‘High German’, a view of German dialects as part of a national folk culture, and the construction of an exclusive in-group of ‘German’ speakers who own this language and its dialects. The narrative provides a potent conceptual frame for the Othering of Kiezdeutsch and its speakers, and for the projection of social and sometimes racist deliminations onto the linguistic plane. (Standard language ideology, Kiezdeutsch, dialect, public discourse, Othering, racism by proxy)* Open Access: doi:10.1017/S0047404515000226
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We will discuss the maintenance of the heritage dialect coronal fricatives in the speech of Italian-Australian trilinguals (dialect/Italian/English) originating from North Veneto, Italy, as compared to the variability found in the productions of comparable Italian-Australian trilinguals originating from Central Veneto. Results on coronal fricatives' distribution based on narrow phonetic trancriptions and on their acoustic characteristics based on spectral moments analysis show that the immigrants have generally maintained the fine-grained features of their dialect. After more than five decades of residence in Australia, traces of interlinguistic influences exerted by L3-English are evident in one speaker only. We consider both internal (linguistic) and external (sociolinguistic) factors for this difference in maintenance of first language speech features between immigrants from two geographical areas of the same province of origin in Italy (Veneto).
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This paper falls within the line of research dealing with the role of intralinguistic variation in contact-induced language change. Two constructions are compared in terms of their respective degrees of grammaticalization: the progressive periphrasis ese lì c/a+Verb, which is widespread in some Northern Italo-Romance dialects, and the corresponding Italian construction essere lì che/a+Verb. The study focuses on the presence of such constructions in Turin, the capital of the north-western Italian region of Piedmont, in which the former periphrasis is less grammaticalized than the latter. It contends that the grammaticalization process of essere lì che/a+Verb was triggered by the contact between Piedmontese dialect and Italian, whereas the pace of grammaticalization of this periphrasis is affected by the contact between different varieties of Italian. The paper points out that the case study may provide insight into more general issues concerning not only the interplay of contact and variation in language change but also the role of sociolinguistic factors in shaping contact-induced grammaticalization phenomena.
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In this paper, it is shown that the language repertoire in Flanders is in need of thorough macro-research. In the last decades, many researchers have focused on the form and function of parts of the diaglossic language repertoire, such as the Flemish dialects, the standard language and what is called tussentaal (textquoteleftin-between-languagetextquoteright). While these studies have yielded interesting sociolinguistic insights in aspects of the linguistic repertoire, they often tend to neglect the macro level, hence leaving several questions about the language repertoire in Flanders and by extension about repertoires in general unanswered. The present paper tracks some key lacunae in the current literature on the structure of the Flemish diaglossic situation, continuing with a status quaestionis about its dynamics. This double overview will ground a plea for more empirical research into language repertoires as macro-entities. To conclude, a concrete example will be given of how such empirical research might be conducted, taken from a project at Ghent University on the Flemish language repertoire.
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This papers investigates the discursive processes at work in public debates on a type of new urban dialect that has been under intense, often heated public discussion in recent years: variants of majority languages that emerged in multiethnic and multilin-gual neighbourhoods in urban Europe. Against the background of findings from a range of European countries, I present a case study from Germany based on a corpus of emails and online readers' comments posted in the context of a media storm on such a new dialect. I analyse key topoi in the debate, the thematic strands linked to them, and some underlying ideologies supporting them, and argue that a particular construction of Standard German as a "Hochsprache" 'High language' establishes a powerful case of standard language ideology that reinforces a social and ethnic 'us'/'them'-dichotomy to provide a potent conceptual frame for the devaluation of such urban dialects and their speakers.
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