No full-text available
To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.
Serial verb construction in Thai /
Abstract
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Michigan, 1986. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 250-253). Photocopy.
... Chapter 2 concerns types of the SVCs in Thai. This chapter reviews the definition of Thai SVCs in Thepkanjana 1986, Wilawan 1993, and Muansuwan 2002 Chapter 3 discusses the syntactic structures of the SVCs in Thai. By applying the negation test and the topicalization test to Thai SVCs, it is found that they have the different structures from the co-ordinate structures. ...
... In section 2, I review three previous literature: Thepkanjana 1986, Wilawan 1993, and Muansuwan 2002, which study the SVCs in Thai. I show that some constructions that ...
... There are three studies about the SVCs in Thai: Thepkanjana (1986), Wilawan (1993), and Muansuwan (2002), as the followings: ...
Not available Linguistics
... Thai is a language that makes much use of a serial verb construction (Filbeck 1975;Thepkanjana 1986;Takahashi 2000Takahashi , 2018Muansuwan 2002;Kessakul 2005, etc.), which some have claimed lacks a single head or main verb (Takahashi 2000(Takahashi , 2018see Filbeck 1975 for a differing view). In motion event descriptions, this serial verb construction can be used with a manner verb and path verbs of various types and a deictic verb in a specific order (Thepkanjana 1986;Takahashi 2000Takahashi , 2018Zlatev and Yangklang 2004). ...
... Thai is a language that makes much use of a serial verb construction (Filbeck 1975;Thepkanjana 1986;Takahashi 2000Takahashi , 2018Muansuwan 2002;Kessakul 2005, etc.), which some have claimed lacks a single head or main verb (Takahashi 2000(Takahashi , 2018see Filbeck 1975 for a differing view). In motion event descriptions, this serial verb construction can be used with a manner verb and path verbs of various types and a deictic verb in a specific order (Thepkanjana 1986;Takahashi 2000Takahashi , 2018Zlatev and Yangklang 2004). ...
The purpose of this chapter is to present a new typology of path coding used in motion event descriptions in various languages. The crucial starting point for the new typology is how Path is expressed across different constructional types of motion event representations. The constructional types considered are Self-motion, Caused motion, and Emanation. The study suggests that path-coding devices can be divided into two major kinds: one kind with broad distributional potential across different constructional types of representations, and the other specialized for a particular constructional type of representation. Languages tend to have preferences toward adopting which kind of path-coding devices is predominantly used. Languages that utilize the former can be called neutral path-coding languages, and those utilizing the latter, specialized path-coding languages. Path and Deixis coding in several languages are examined in these terms. Some patterns of intralinguistic and interlinguistic variations are also discussed.
... But do all of the world's languages follow either the Swedish or the French type in coding motion events? Particul arly troublesome are se rial-ve rb languages, found among Niger-Congo, Hmong-Mien, Sino-Tibetan, Tai-Kadai, Moo-Khmer and Austronesian languages (Stahlke 1970;Thepkanjana 1986;Bisang 1995;Durie 1997;Senft 200 l ). What c harac teri zes these languages, especially in comparison to the more familiar Indo-European languages, is that a single clause representing the same general event can contain two or more verbs with shared nominal arguments. ...
... 5 Though arguably not the most natural one, which would rather be (i): (i) chan khaw pay nay h5IJ l sg enter go in room 6 Save for the lack of morphological markers for tense and definiteness, it is similar to the non-prototypical Eng lish sentence with a Romance-borrowed motion verb I entered the room 7 Though this can be done if the landmark is clearly obvious from the context as in (ii) (13). As originally observed by Thepkanjana (1986), there is a requirement in this case for Direction verbs such as won ('curve') and y:l::m ('reverse') wh. ere the motion is not specified in relation to a landmark to precede the Path verbs proper, making e.g. ...
Talmyʼs influential typology of verb-framed/satellite-framed languages has recently been shown to be insufficient (Strömquist and Verhoeven 2003), in particular with respect of serial-verb languages (Zlatev and Yangklang 2004; Slobin 2003). In this paper, we compare motion event constructions in three languages, where two are clear representatives of Talmyʼs two types: French and Swedish, and the third is a serial-verb language, Thai. As expected, Thai turns out to resemble French in some respects, Swedish in others but also to possess structural (i.e. syntactic and semantic) characteristics which distinguish it from the two Talmian types. This reinforces, but also clarifies, previous proposals for regarding serial-verb languages as belonging to a third “equipollent” type.
... (2) When a wider sample of languages was considered, this simple pattern became questionable. In serial verb languages like Thai (Zlatev and David 2003;Zlatev and Yangklang 2004) and Ewe (Niger-Congo) Essegbey 2006 and, both Path and Manner are expressed by full verbs, none of which are subordinate, with Manner typically preceding Path, as shown in (4) and (5) (Ameka and Essegbey 2006: 394) In addition, Thai serial verb phrases like the one in (4) also show the need to distinguish between Path verbs like khâw ('enter') and Deictic verbs like pay ('go') and maa ('come'), the latter always appearing in the last position in the verb complex (Zlatev and Yangklang 2004) 2 , and in some cases used in their grammaticalized senses as markers of perfective aspect (Thepkanjana 1986). This is apparently very similar to the way motion events are expressed in Mandarin Chinese (Chen and Guo 2009). ...
... Ibarretxe-Antuñano and Hijazo-Gascón 2012), making them hard to fit in any binary, or ternary, motion event typology. 1986. During 1987 she was on the teaching faculty of the Department of Linguistics at Osmania University in Hyderabad. ...
Leonard Talmy’s influential binary motion event typology has encountered four main challenges: (a) additional language types; (b) extensive “type-internal” variation; (c) the role of other relevant form classes than verbs and “satellites;” and (d) alternative definitions of key semantic concepts like Motion, Path and Manner. After reviewing these issues, we show that the theory of Holistic Spatial Semantics provides analytical tools for their resolution. In support, we present an analysis of motion event descriptions by speakers of two languages that are troublesome for the original typology: Thai (Tai-Kadai) and Telugu (Dravidian), based on the Frog-story elicitation procedure. Despite some apparently similar typological features, the motion event descriptions in the two languages were found to be significantly different. The Telugu participants used very few verbs in contrast to extensive case marking to express Path and nominals to express Region and Landmark, while the Thai speakers relied largely on serial verbs for expressing Path and on prepositions for expressing Region. Combined with previous research in the field, our findings imply (at least) four different clusters of languages in motion event typology with Telugu and Thai as representative of two such clusters, languages like French and Spanish representing a third cluster, and Swedish and English a fourth. This also implies that many other languages like Italian, Bulgarian, and Basque will appear as “mixed languages,” positioned between two or three of these clusters.
... The examples of researches that study serial verb constructions in Thai are [2], [3], [4], and [5]. Factors relating to properties of serial verb constructions absolutely affect translating structure which mean translating a language to another couldn't be perfectly translated in every single word. ...
... In general, the conceptual framework to analyse properties of serial verb constructions in Thai language, most of the researches will study the unit of serial verb constructions based on syntax and semantics. Most of the researchers have mutually agreed on these following properties of serial verb constructions [2] (1) No conjunctions between serial verb constructions (2) Every verb in serial verb constructions is mutual in term of aspects, timing, rejection. (3) Verbs in serial verb constructions that are mutual will contain at least one argument (4) Serial Verb Constructions will indicate only a circumstance at a time, but complicated. ...
The objective of the research is to classify the serial-verb constructions in Thai automatically by using the
word classes from Thai WordNet to classify verbs in the sentence. Due to the Thai language has the extendto-the-right
structure and put the adjective after the noun. Its overall grammar characteristic is the
"Subject-Verb-Object" or SVO type. And Thai language can be communicated using one verb after another
within the same sentence, that we called "Serial Verb". Today we already have many researches about this
serial-verb constructions, but no research is about its automatic classification.
... In addition to the serial verb construction shown in (16), which implies a causative and a resultative, Thepkanjana (1986), as well as Wilawan (1993), Muansuwan (2002) and Sudmuk (2005), have discussed other functions of serial verb constructions. These functions, as shown in (17), (18), and (19), include the expression of direction and aspect and indicate simultaneous actions. ...
This study is dedicated to the reinvestigation of the role of the particle l w45 in Thai. It raises speculations over the conventional claims according to which l w45 plays a role in temporality as a perfective aspect marker (Kanchanawan, 1978; Boonyapatipark, 1983; among others). The reappraisal of the role of l w45 in this study, which is based on the use of it in present day Thai, offers an argument against these claims. The addition of l w45 to a sentence is not mainly aimed at temporal effects. When it appears in a sentence, l w45 does not necessarily denote the perfective aspect of the event. Moreover, it can be omitted in the sentence in which perfectivity is already inherited through the lexical aspect of the verb and the temporal structure of the predicate. L w45 in fact plays a role as a marker of counter-expectation. It represents a previous expectation about the subject and its opposition to the asserted proposition. Examining the nature of l w45's implications thoroughly, the study has found that even though the definiteness of the subject behaves like a standard presupposition, the implicated expectation does not project in all cases. This is revealed in the results from Tonhauser et al. projection tests.
... The important fact about the use of this verb is that it can be used along with the source adpositional phrase, 1 Matsumoto (1996) explains that Japanese uses predicates which consist of more than one verb within a clause, and motion verbs can utilize their repertoire to a great extent (Matsumoto 2017). The verbs used for the encoding of motion events in Thai are also formed on the basis of the serial verb construction (Takahashi 2009a(Takahashi ,b, 2017, which allow multiple verbs to co-occur (Thepkanjana 1986). On the contrary, English infrequently uses multiple verb constructions especially when the andative verb used is go (Morishita 2011;Matsumoto 2017). ...
Conducting a video-based experiment in English, Japanese and Thai, Matsumoto et al. (2017) report that deictic verbs are more frequently used when the motion is not just toward the speaker but also into his/her functional space (i.e. functional HERE of the speaker) defined by limits of interaction and visibility as well as when the motion is accompanied by an interactional behaviour of the Figure such as greeting the speaker. They claim that directional venitive prepositional phrases (henceforth PPs) like toward me do not exhibit this feature, though. This paper aims to reevaluate these proposals (Matsumoto et al. 2017) in Ilami Kurdish (henceforth IK), thereby figuring out whether the functional nature of deictic verbs observed in the three studied languages is also attested in this dialect. In line with the findings reported by Matsumoto et al. (2017), results of this research reveal that the semantics of venitive verbs of motion in IK is spatial and functional at the same time. In other words, these verbs are more often used in the verbal descriptions of the IK participants, when the Figure shares a functional space with the speaker induced by limits of interaction and visibility, and also when he/she smiles at or greets the speaker. Importantly, results show that venitive PPs in IK can be functional in nature or add some functional meaning (in addition to their spatial meaning) to the verb, so that participants utilize venitive adpositions along with the venitive verb to add emphasis on the kind of motion (to be a venitive one) and express that the Figure would be “very close” to the speaker at the end of motion.
... The high percentage of responses with deictic expressions in Thai is contributed to by the use of a deictic verb as one of the serial verbs, as in (20). There is a special slot in the serial verb sequence for a deictic verb (Thepkanjana 1986, Takahashi 2020) and this slot is filled by either maa 'come' or pay 'go'. In many of the Thai responses describing path, J a p a n e s e F r e n c h I t a l i a n T a g a l o g N e w a r R u s s i a n H u n g a r i a n E n g l i s h G e r m a n T h a i ...
Linguistic expressions of visual motion (e.g., look into the small building) in ten languages are compared in a crosslinguistic experiment. Five aspects of responses to stimuli were analyzed to see whether the linguistic representations of visual motion in those languages are typologically similar to those of self-and caused motion events. The results suggest that speakers frequently refer to path in describing visual motion events, and predominantly choose the "Implicit-figure construction" to represent them. In most languages path verbs and deictic verbs are rarely used to represent path and deixis in Implicit-figure constructions. Languages that relatively freely code path in nonverbal head-external elements (e.g., adpositions) allow path to be expressed in a way similar to that in descriptions of self-and caused motion events. Languages that typically code path in the main verb in describing self-and caused motion events, on the other hand, use resources available in head-external positions for expressing the notion of path in visual motion events. Patterns of the representation of visual motion thus reveal a wider range of cross-linguistic variations in representing motion events than previously has been thought to exist. 2
... A similar point can be made in Thai. Different kinds of motion verbs participate in a directional serial verb construction in Thai (Filbeck (1975), Thepkanjana (1986), Muansuwan (2000), etc.). In this case, a manner verb always occurs as the first verb, and a deictic verb as the last, with nondeictic path verbs in between, as exemplified in (21). ...
One of the most influential works in semantics in recent years is Leonard
Talmy’s crosslinguistic typologies of lexicalization patterns (Talmy (1975, 1985))
and event integration (Talmy (1991)), especially as they relate to the description of
a motion event. Talmy’s work, however, has been interpreted in a few different
ways. The purpose of this paper is to clarify the differences in such interpretations
and argue that the different interpretations in fact point to distinct phenomena. A
modification of Talmy’s typology is also proposed.
... For example, in Japanese and Korean, a verb complex may be composed of up to three verbs, arranged in a specific order of Manner-(non-deictic) Path-Deixis, as in hasit-te de-te ku-ru (run-CONJ exit-CONJ come-NPST) in Japanese (see (6a) for Korean). Deixis tends to occupy a special slot in serial verbs, as in Thai (Thepkanjana 1986, Zlatev & Yangklang, 2004, Takahashi 2017). In other languages, deixis is indicated in a verbal affix; this is often in a slot distinct from other Path categories in languages like German (e.g. ...
Human languages exhibit fascinating commonalities and variations in the ways they describe motion events. In this volume, the contributors present their research results concerning motion event descriptions in the languages that they investigate. The volume features new proposals based on a broad range of data involving different kinds of motion events previously understudied, such as caused motion (e.g., kick a ball across) and even visual motion (e.g., look into a hole). Special attention is also paid to deixis, a hitherto neglected aspect of motion event descriptions. A wide range of languages is examined, including those spoken in Europe, Africa, and Asia. The results provide new insights into the patterns languages deploy to represent motion events. This volume will appeal to anyone interested in language universals and typology, as well as the relationship between language and thought.
... For example, in Japanese and Korean, a verb complex may be composed of up to three verbs, arranged in a specific order of Manner-Path-Deixis, as in hasit-te de-te ku-ru (run-conj exit-conj come-npst) in Japanese (see (6a) for Korean). Deixis tends to occupy a special slot in serial verbs, as in Thai (Thepkanjana 1986;Zlatev and Yangklang 2004;Takahashi 2017). In other languages, Deixis is indicated in a verbal affix; this is often in a slot distinct from other Path categories in languages like German (e.g. ...
Human languages exhibit fascinating commonalities and variations in the ways they describe motion events. In this volume, the contributors present their research results concerning motion event descriptions in the languages that they investigate. The volume features new proposals based on a broad range of data involving different kinds of motion events previously understudied, such as caused motion (e.g., kick a ball across) and even visual motion (e.g., look into a hole). Special attention is also paid to deixis, a hitherto neglected aspect of motion event descriptions. A wide range of languages is examined, including those spoken in Europe, Africa, and Asia. The results provide new insights into the patterns languages deploy to represent motion events. This volume will appeal to anyone interested in language universals and typology, as well as the relationship between language and thought.
A preprint of the Introduction chapter is available in this researchgate site.
... see KingkarnThepkarnjana (2006) andWongwattana (2012) for further details in serial-verb constructions Downloaded from Brill.com05/15/2019 03:41:41PM via free access ...
In this article, we claim that most word compounds in Tai Khrang are relatively transparent in the way that they can display both grammatical and semantic roles/relations in a complex and sophisticated manner, rather than arbitrary grammatical/semantic associations. Also, the term idiosyncratic or transparent is best accounted for in continuum. In this essay, we investigate the structures, grammatical relations and semantic roles/relations of word compounds in Tai Khrang with data collected from two Tai Khrang villages, Ban Nong Moet, Kamphaeng Phet, and Ban Sa Yai Chi, Phichit, in the lower northern part of Thailand. Another type of corpus is one composed of naturally occurring texts such as narratives. The results show that syntactic word compounding in Tai Khrang is complex and sophisticated, performed in three categories i.e. synthetic, verb-verb and noun-noun compounds. The synthetic strategy involves the imitation of simple clauses, non-simple clauses, nominalization, and phrases. The verbverb strategy is observed in certain serial verb constructions. The noun-noun strategy displays three semantic aspects, gradually differing from more to less transparent, which reveal various patterns of semantic relations.
... The results of this study not only shed light on the role of the scalar specificity a motion morpheme lexicalizes in determining the morpheme"s distribution, but also may be extensible to the ordering of motion verbs/morphemes in other serial verb languages such as Thai (cf. Thepkanjana 1986, Muansuwan 2000 and Ewe (cf. Ameka and Essegbey 2001). ...
This study investigates semantic constraints affecting the order of motion morphemes in Mandarin multi-morpheme motion constructions (e.g., tui-hui recede-return). It classifies Chinese motion morphemes into three major types and proposes a "Scalar Specificity Constraint" to account for the order in multi-morpheme motion constructions. The constraint not only provides a better coverage of the data of Chinese motion constructions from the perspective of the syntax-semantics interface, but also illuminates the distribution of motion verbs in other serial verb languages.
... Verbless clauses are also briefly treated as cases of ellipsis of one or the other copula; very usefully, the authors also discuss discourse conditions for ellipsis in this context. Chapter 18 covers the consistently challenging topic of serial verb constructions in Thai, for their analysis of which the authors rely considerably on the well-known work of Thepkanjana (1986) ...
... Unlike a number of previous studies on Thai motion expressions (e.g. Diller 2006, Kessakul 2005, Kölver 1984, Muansuwan 2002, Thepkanjana 1986, Zlatev 2003), I consider motion expressions like those in (1) and (2) as a single clause that represents a complex event consisting of two sub-events in succession: that is, a prior locomotion event and a posterior arrival event. thɯ̌ ŋ 'arrive' in (1) and sùu 'arrive and stay' in (2) are often considered as allative preposition indicating a path of motion toward an endpoint, which leads to an interpretation of (1) and (2) as simplex motion expressions. ...
0 Abstract This paper aims to provide an in-depth analysis of the semantic and syntactic structures of Thai expressions for arrival (i.e. an entity arrives at a goal after locomotion). I present a new perspective in which Thai arrival expressions are viewed as a subtype of 'accomplishment 1 construction' consisting of two equipollent verbal components for cause and effect events (Takahashi 2007). The combination of a preceding locomotion event denoted by the first component and a subsequent arrival event denoted by the second component constitutes a macro-event 2 of accomplishment expressing that the locomotion event gives rise to the arrival event. Thai grammar does not require the formal distinction between finite and non-finite verbs, and therefore more than one verb in a plain form is allowed to co-occur in a clause. This fundamental morphosyntactic property of Thai enables the speakers to produce arrival expressions as well as other types of the accomplishment construction with a coordinate, yet mono-clausal, structure. 1 Originally, the term 'accomplishment' was used by Vendler (1967: 102) to refer to one of the four classes of lexical aspect or 'Aktionsart' (namely, 'state', 'achievement', 'activity' and 'accomplishment'). The accomplishment aspect, which resides in the lexical meaning of, e.g., such English verbs or verb phrases as melt, freeze, learn in one hour, draw a circle, etc., is generally characterized to have the following distinctive features: [-static], [+ telic] (i.e. entailing a clear endpoint), and [-punctual]. However, Takahashi (2007) has applied this term to feature the aspectual nature of Thai constructions consisting of two serial verb phrases that express a cause-effect phenomenon which, the speaker construes, naturally occurs in the given pragmatic, physical, social and cultural context, and whose consequence is of interest to the speaker. 2 Talmy (2000: 213-288) gives an account of the notion 'macro-event' as follows. A macro-event is a single fused event composed of two simpler events holding some relationship, which is a fundamental and pervasive type of event complex in the underlying conceptual organization of language, and it is amenable to expression by a single clause. Thus, the notion of macro-event is meant to be a cross-linguistically valid one, and accordingly, I utilize this notion to account for the underlying structure of Thai expressions for complex event of arrival (i.e. an entity arrives at a goal after locomotion). However, I do not perfectly agree with him; in particular, I doubt the universal validity of his a priori postulation that "a macro-event consists of a pair of close-related Figure-Ground events (ibid.: 213)", put differently, consists of "a main event and a subordinate event (ibid.: 215)". Having examined Thai expressions for a variety of complex events (cf. Takahashi 2007, 2009), I believe that a macro-event may consist of two coordinate sub-events, which we may call 'complex figure' event (Croft 2001: 327). In this paper I try to show that Thai arrival expressions, which form a major category of Thai construction for a macro-event of accomplishment (cause-and-effect), do involve two coordinate sub-events: a prior locomotion event and a posterior arrival event (see Section 2).
‘Pen 1 ’ and ‘khʉʉ 1 ’ in Thai have traditionally been regarded as copular verbs comparable to ‘be’ in English. Appearing in a copulative sentence, the two Thai copula verbs, however, differ in polarity-sensitivity. The present study demonstrates that the difference in polarity-sensitivity of the two Thai copulas cannot be accounted for within the theory of polarity-sensitive items previously proposed. Investigating the aspectual properties of the two Thai copulas in comparison with those of English copula, this study suggests that an explanation for the difference in polarity-sensitivity of the two Thai copulas might involve their aspectual properties. Contributing to the study of aspect and polarity-sensitivity, the present study reveals differences between Thai and English copulas and provides additional support for the idea that the macro-category of so-called copular verbs is too vague to describe cross-linguistic variation.
This book is a corpus-based description and discussion of how Modern Mandarin Chinese encodes motion events, with a focus on how the distribution of verbal motion morphemes is closely associated with the meanings they lexicalize. The book is not only the first work that proposes a finer-grained classification and diagnostics of Chinese motion morphemes from the perspective of scale structure, but also the first to more comprehensively account for the ordering of Chinese motion morphemes. The findings of this study will not only enrich the literature on motion events, but more importantly, further our understanding of the nature of motion events and the way motion events are conceived and represented in the Chinese language. The major proposals and the cognitive functional approach of this work will also shed light on studies beyond motion. The book will be a valuable resource for scholars interested in motion events, syntax-semantic interface, and typology.
This paper provides a new perspective on the options available to languages for encoding directed motion events. Talmy (2000) introduces an influential two-way typology, proposing that languages adopt either verb- or satellite-framed encoding of motion events. This typology is augmented by Slobin (2004b) and Zlatev & Yangklang (2004) with a third class of equipollently-framed languages. We propose that the observed options can instead be attributed to: (i) the motion-independent morphological, lexical, and syntactic resources languages make available for encoding manner and path of motion, (ii) the role of the verb as the single clause-obligatory lexical category that can encode either manner or path, and (iii) extra-grammatical factors that yield preferences for certain options. Our approach accommodates the growing recognition that most languages straddle more than one of the previously proposed typological categories: a language may show both verb- and satellite-framed patterns, or if it allows equipollent-framing, even all three patterns. We further show that even purported verb-framed languages may not only allow but actually prefer satellite-framed patterns when appropriate contextual support is available, a situation unexpected if a two- or three-way typology is assumed. Finally, we explain the appeal of previously proposed two- and three-way typologies: they capture the encoding options predicted to be preferred once certain external factors are recognized, including complexity of expression and biases in lexical inventories.
0 Abstract This paper aims to provide a comprehensive classification of Thai 'basic serial verb constructions' (henceforth, basic SVCs) composed of two verb phrases serialized. My claim is as follows. The classification of Thai basic SVCs should be based primarily on temporal relationship between the two sub-events represented by the two verb phrases as well as the degree of assertiveness (or factuality) of each of the two verb phrases. Causation-related classes of verbs, such as 'agentive verbs', and restrictedness-related classes of verbs, such as 'minor verbs' (Aikhenvald 2006), are not crucial factors for the classification. Rather, the aspectual and modal classes of verbs, such as 'durative verbs' and 'non-implicative verbs' (Karttunen 1971, Givón 1973), are the most relevant factors. 1 Introduction As Foley 2008 points out, the range of types of complex events expressed by SVCs differs from language to language. To adequately classify SVCs in a verb-serializing language, we must take into consideration the language's characteristic morpho-syntactic properties and the speakers' culture-particular conceptualizations of complex events. SVCs are thus language-specific both morpho-syntactically and semantically. The main purpose of this paper is to demonstrate a comprehensive classification of basic SVCs in Thai. 'Basic SVC' is defined as construction in which two verb phrases are serialized with no overt linker (Chuwicha 1993). The two verbs in the construction designate a certain substantial event or situation (action, process, change, state, and so on) and share at least one nominal argument, which may or may not be explicitly expressed. Thai basic SVCs are exemplified in (1) to (4) below.[1] All these examples express a single complex event comprising two substantial sub-events, which is construed by Thai speakers.
This paper has developed into the following paper.
Neutral and specialized path coding: Toward a new typology of path-coding devices and languages
In book: Broader Perspectives on Motion Event Descriptions
DOI: 10.1075/hcp.69.09mat
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.