Loanwords in the Taxonomy of Borrowing: A Sociolinguistic Analysis

Abstract

The current research paper discusses the phenomenon of loanwords in light of a range of other borrowing phenomena that are more or less closely related to loanwords. The study concluded that loanwords make up the most frequent type of lexical borrowing and an inevitable consequence, among other various outcomes, of the contact between languages. The study further concluded that borrowing loanwords allows the recipient language to expand its vocabulary. However, the loanwords borrowed from any donor language have to undergo certain processes to make them fit appropriately into the recipient language. These processes include: 1) a process of adaptation, in which non-native phonemes are substituted to fit the recipient language's sound structure, and 2) a process of accommodation, in which phonological patterns are modified according to the phonological rules of the recipient language. The results provided from this present study also showed that there are different levels to which a borrowed loanword from the donor language becomes assimilated into the recipient language. In addition, the level of such assimilation depends on two factors: time and usage. That is, the longer the loanword is borrowed from the donor language and the more it is used by the speakers of the recipient language, the greater its degree of assimilation and familiarity. Finally, many reasons and motives lying behind the existence of loanwords were highlighted in the current research paper.

Full text

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Loanwords in the Taxonomy of Borrowing: A Sociolinguistic Analysis 98
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Language in India www.languageinindia.com ISSN 1930-2940 Vol. 20:12 December 2020
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Loanwords in the Taxonomy of Borrowing:
A Sociolinguistic Analysis
Loae Fakhri Jdetawy and Mohd Hilmi Hamzah
School of Languages, Civilisation & Philosophy
Universiti Utara Malaysia
jdtwy@yahoo.com
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Abstract
The current research paper discusses the phenomenon of loanwords in light of a range of
other borrowing phenomena that are more or less closely related to loanwords. The study
concluded that loanwords make up the most frequent type of lexical borrowing and an inevitable
consequence, among other various outcomes, of the contact between languages. The study further
concluded that borrowing loanwords allows the recipient language to expand its vocabulary.
However, the loanwords borrowed from any donor language have to undergo certain processes to
make them fit appropriately into the recipient language. These processes include: 1) a process of
adaptation, in which non-native phonemes are substituted to fit the recipient language’s sound
structure, and 2) a process of accommodation, in which phonological patterns are modified
according to the phonological rules of the recipient language. The results provided from this
present study also showed that there are different levels to which a borrowed loanword from the
donor language becomes assimilated into the recipient language. In addition, the level of such
assimilation depends on two factors: time and usage. That is, the longer the loanword is borrowed
from the donor language and the more it is used by the speakers of the recipient language, the
greater its degree of assimilation and familiarity. Finally, many reasons and motives lying behind
the existence of loanwords were highlighted in the current research paper.
Keywords: Language contact, loanwords, borrowing, cognates, calque, phono-semantic
matching, donor language, recipient language.
Introduction
The linguistic diversity, or the diversity of the languages spoken worldwide by the world’s
population makes language a remarkable cultural phenomenon (Hennig, 2018). As for the map of
the diversity of languages around the world, according to Lewis, et al. (2015) and Eberhard, et al,
(2020), it is believed that around 7,099 living languages are spoken around the world among which
3,982 of these languages have a developed writing system.

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In fact, the diversity of the languages includes the existence of various languages and their
distribution in various regions, countries, or even among civilizations, as well as their evolution in
historical context, and their mutual interaction. Further, the linguistic diversity can also include
the influence of languages on each other. Additionally, linguistic diversity represents the specific
measurement of a particular language’s density, the concentration of unique languages together,
the diversity of the language’s populations, or oven the linguistic diversity of a specific place in a
way that such measurement covers various types of traits including; languages’ families,
languages’ grammar, and their vocabulary.
In light of the previous mentioned linguistic diversity, all languages tend to show some
degree of contact, interference, mixing, and borrowing due to the virtue of containing loanwords
(Matras, 2000). Critically, the study of the contact and interference of the languages plays a
significant role in presenting valuable information on the journey of languages, the journey of the
people who speak these languages, and other communities who come into contact with these
languages or their speakers and how this might give us a clarification on the outcomes of the
contact and interference of the languages that can be seen through the use of exact same words and
concepts by different nations and communities that are geographically remote (UL, 2020).
Moreover, languages expand their vocabulary using the usual word-formation processes
such as: derivation, compounding, blending, and clipping. Moreover, languages can also achieve
this goal through borrowing new words from other languages with which they come in contact
which is indeed an almost inevitable consequence of this contact. Borrowing is defined as a process
that occurs in various situations of language contact and by which a language or a variety of
language takes new linguistic material, such as words or phrases, from another language or another
language variety, usually called the donor. The term ‘loanword’, which makes up the most frequent
type of lexical borrowing, refers to the borrowing of both, the form of a word and the associated
word meaning (Grabmann, 2015). Haspelmath said that “loanwords often undergo changes to
make them fit better into the recipient language. These changes are generally called ‘loanword
adaptation’ (or loanword integration) […]” (2009: 42).
The current research paper discusses the phenomenon of loanwords in light of a range of
other borrowing phenomena that are more or less closely related to loanwords and which are all
resulted from the occurrence of language contact.
Language Contact and Language Interference
During the communication process, the various languages or language varieties used by
the interlocutors involved in a conversation or a dialogue are subject to language interference (in
which linguistic features from one language are applied to another by a bilingual or multilingual

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speaker) (Bransford, Brown & Cocking, 2000; Chang & Mishler, 2012), and language contact (in
which the speakers of two or more languages or varieties interact and influence each other)
(Hickey, 2010; Thomason and Kaufman 1988).
Such adoption of new words occurs while using two or more languages or language
varieties. The term ‘language varieties’, henceforth, refers to dialects, registers, styles, or other
forms of language, including: 1) standard language varieties; which refers to the standardized
entirety of a language that includes the dialects spoken and written in centers of commerce and
government and employed by a population for public communication. These standard varieties are
inherently superior and acquire the social prestige associated with commerce and government
(Finegan, 2007; Curzan, 2002; Davila, 2016), and 2) nonstandard language varieties; which
include the nonstandard dialects (also known as vernacular dialects) that are associated with a
particular set of vocabulary, and spoken using a less prestigious or correct variety of accents, styles,
and registers that have not historically benefited from the institutional support or sanction that a
standard dialect has (Wolfram & Schilling-Estes, 1998; McWhorter, 2001).
As a result of such interference and contact that take place while interlocutors are
interaction using two or more languages or language varieties, the linguistic phenomenon of
loanwords occurs. In this phenomenon, word/words are adopted from one language (known as ‘the
donor language’) and incorporated into another language without translation (Cannon, 1999; Einar,
1950; Stanforth, 2002). Such exchange of words shows how languages influence each other.
The most common way that languages influence each other is the exchange of words. Much
is made about the contemporary borrowing of English words into other languages, but this
phenomenon is not new, nor is it very large by historical standards. The large-scale importation of
words from Latin, French and other languages into English in the 16th and 17th centuries was
more significant. Some languages have borrowed so much that they have become scarcely
recognizable. Armenian borrowed so many words from Iranian languages, for example, that it was
at first considered a branch of the Indo-Iranian languages. It was not recognized as an independent
branch of the Indo-European languages for many decades (Waterman, 1976).
Lastly, it is important to highlight that in the study of language contact and language
interference in communities, ‘sociolinguistics’, which is the study of language use in society, is
used effectively in this respect (Gooden, 2019). Meanwhile, there is a relevant, but boarder
discipline that is also used effectively in this regard which is ‘linguistic ecology’, that is defined
as the study of how languages interact with each other and the places they are spoken in (Mufwene,
2001).

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Loanwords
During the process of communication, where language is its main verbal tool, new words
might sometimes appear, and this is due to the self-developmental nature of the language. Further,
each word in the language, whether original or new adopted one, is very significant as it represents
a unit of a single distinct meaningful element of speech or writing, used with others to form a
sentence that should be known and understood. As for the new words that are borrowed from other
languages, these words are called ‘loanwords’ (Ilmina, 2016).
The concept of ‘loanwords’ is defined as the words that are borrowed and adopted from
one language (the donor language) and incorporated into another language without translation.
Hence, the loanword originates in a donor language and ends up in a recipient language. These are
the two roles necessarily involved in any borrowing event. Loanwords are also defined as the
lexical items that have been transferred from one linguistic variety into another through contact
between their speakers by means of contact which leads to convergence instead of inheritance
which leads to divergence (Haspelmath, 2009; Haspelmath & Tadmor, 2009). In other words, the
process of borrowing loanwords, which often entails a certain amount of bilingualism, includes
taking over new words from other languages together with the concepts and ideas they stand for
and adopt them in the original native language (Yule, 2006).
The language from which a loanword has been borrowed is called ‘the donor language’,
(also called ‘source language’ or ‘borrowing language’) and the language into which it has been
borrowed is called ‘the recipient language’ (also called ‘model language’ or ‘replica language’).
Further, the word that served as a model for the loanword is called ‘a source word’ (Haspelmath,
2009). Haspelmath added that in the narrow sense, the loanwords are always lexemes (i.e. words),
not lexical phrases, and these lexemes are normally unanalyzable units in the recipient language.
However, and by contrast, the corresponding source words adopted from the donor language might
be phrasal or even complex words, but their internal structures are lost when they enter the
recipient language (2009). For example, in Russian language, the loanword ‘buterbrod’ (Eng.
‘sandwich’), was borrowed from German language; particularly the word ‘butter-brot’ (Eng.
‘butter-bread’). In this example, ‘butter-brot’ is a German transparent compound, and since
Russian language has no other words with the elements ‘buter’ or ‘brod’, the loan word ‘buterbrod’
was borrowed this way, i.e., mono-morphemic and not analyzable by Russian native speakers.
However, when any language borrows multiple complex words from any other language, the
elements may recur with a similar meaning, so that the morphological structure may be
reconstituted. For example, there are numerous Japanese loanwords which are based on Chinese
compounds such as the Japanese borrowed loanword ‘kokumin’ – ‘国民’ (Eng. ‘citizen’) which
was borrowed from Chinese word ‘guó-mín’ – ‘国民’ (Eng. ‘nationals’, ‘citizens’, ‘people of a
nation’). Further, Japanese has also borrowed other loanwords with the element ‘kok(u)’ – ‘国’

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(Eng. ‘country’), for example ‘kok-ka’ – ‘国家’ (Eng. ‘nation’), ‘kokuō’ – ‘国王’ (Eng. ‘king’)
and other words with the element ‘min’ – ‘民’ (Eng. ‘people’), for example ‘minshū’ – ‘民衆’
(Eng. ‘population’), ‘jūmin’ – ‘住民’, (Eng. ‘residents’ and ‘inhabitant’) (Haspelmath, 2009).
Moreover, according to Häkkinen (2013), when borrowing loanwords, loanwords often undergo:
1) a process of adaptation, in which non-native phonemes are substituted to fit the recipient
language’s sound structure and 2) a process of accommodation, in which phonological patterns are
modified according to the phonological rules of the recipient language, (e.g., the Finnish word
‘peti’ (Eng. ‘bed’) < Swedish word ‘bädd’ ‘id.’ (the foreign sounds ‘b’ and ‘d’ have been adapted
to the native ‘p’ and ‘t’. Another example mentioned by Campbell (2013:60) shows how in the
Finnish word ‘ruuvi’ (Eng. ‘screw’) < Swedish word ‘skruv’ ‘id.’, the initial consonant cluster
which is formerly unpermitted in Finnish has been simplified into a single consonant, and thus
accommodated into the native phonological structure. Campbell (2013) asserted that such
substitution patterns should not be confused with the regularity of sound change in inherited words.
Campbell added that the location in time of the borrowing event (due to the changing nature of
languages’ phonology) and the extent to which the speakers of the recipient language are familiar
with the donor language are significant factors that may have an effect on the outcome of the
substitution (ibid: 2013).
There are different levels to which a borrowed loanword from the donor language become
assimilated into the recipient language. In addition, the level of such assimilation depends on two
factors; time and usage, in a way that the longer since the loanword was borrowed from the donor
language and the more it is used by the speakers of the recipient language, the greater its degree
of assimilation and familiarity. In English language, for example, words such as ‘area’ and
‘problem’ which are from Greek are more familiar than other words such as ‘euphoria’ and
‘persona’, which are also from a Greek origin. Similarly, the word ‘marriage’, which is from
French has been Anglicized while other French words such as ‘montage’ still retains its original
French spelling and pronunciation.
A simple dichotomy divides loanwords into: 1) cultural borrowings (also called ‘cultural
loans’), which designate a new concept coming from outside, and core borrowings, which
duplicate or replace meanings of existing native words (Myers-Scotton, 2002; Myers-Scotton,
2006).
The table below shows many examples on loanwords cases that can be found in many
languages (CNRTL Ortolang, 2020; Jordan, 2019; Abdel Rahman 1989; Abu Ghoush, 1977;
Bueasa, 2015; Hitchings, 2008; Kemmer, 2019; E.Z. Glot, 2020; Knapp, 2011; Chesley & Baayen,
2010; Sarah, 2001; Carr, 1934).

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Language Loanwords Etymological origin
English ‘Café’ French: ‘café’
‘bazaar’ Persian: ‘’
‘kindergarten’ German: ‘Kindergarten‘
‘déjà vu’ French: ‘déjà vu’
‘algebra’ Arabic: ‘al-djabir’ ‘’
‘alcohol’ Arabic: ‘al kohol’ ‘’
‘coffee’ Arabic: ‘qahwah’ ‘’
‘mustang’ Spanish: ‘mustango’ from ‘mesteño’ (Eng. ‘untamed’)
‘abbreviation’ French: ‘abréviation’
‘almond’ Old French: ‘almande’. Modern French: ‘amande’
‘ancestor’ Old French: ‘ancestre’. Modern French: ‘ancêtre’
‘acrobat’ French: ‘acrobate’
Arabic ‘’ ‘bas’ English: ‘bus’
‘’ ‘moda’ Italian: ‘moda’ (Eng. ‘fashion’)
‘’ /ʔisfanʒ/ English: ‘sponge’
‘’ /ʔiqlīm/ Greek: ‘klīma’ (Eng. ‘region’)
‘’ /sidʒa:rah/ English: ‘cigarette’
‘’ /dirham/ Greek: ‘dhrakhmi’ (Eng. ‘a silver coin’)
‘’ /ʔisbiri:n/ English: ‘aspirin’
‘’ /mikanˈi:ki/ English: ‘mechanic’
‘’ /batri:q/ Greek: ‘patrikos’ (Eng. ‘penguin’)
‘’ / fāyrus/ English: ‘virus’
‘’ /ʃō-ˈfər/ French: ‘chauffeur’
‘’ /ʃaṭranʒ/ Persian: ‘’ (Eng. ‘chess’)
‘’ / jumrik/ Turkish: ‘djumrik’ (Eng. ‘customs’)
‘’ ‘anchova’ /ʔanshūdjah/ Spanish: ‘anchoas’ (Eng. ‘anchovies’)
‘’ /kamandʒah/ Persian: ‘kamāncha’ (Eng. ‘violin’)
‘’ /dīnār/ Latin: ‘denarius’ (Eng. ‘money’)

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Turkish ‘ajanda’ / ‘gündem’ French: ‘agenda’ (Eng. ‘agenda’)
‘enerji’ / ‘erke’ French: ‘énergie’ (Eng. ‘energy’)
‘kapasite’ / ‘kapsam’ French: ‘capacité’ (Eng. ‘capacity’)
‘akrep’ Arabic: ‘’ (Eng. ‘scorpion’)
‘alaka’ Arabic: ‘’ (Eng. ‘relationship’)
‘asıl’ Arabic: ‘’ (Eng. ‘origin’)
‘ders’ Arabic: ‘’ (Eng. ‘lesson’)
‘fakat’ Arabic: ‘’ (Eng. ‘just’)
‘intikam’ Arabic: ‘’ (Eng. ‘revenge’)
‘takvim’ Arabic: ‘’ (Eng. ‘Calendar’)
‘sütyen’ French: ‘soutien-gorge’ (Eng. ‘bra’
‘kuaför’ French: ‘coiffeur’ (Eng. ‘hairdresser’)
‘düşman’ Persian: ‘’ (Eng. ‘enemy’)
‘şah’ Persian: ‘’ (Eng. ‘king’)
French ‘abricot’ Arabic: ‘
’ /al barqūq/
‘algèbre’ Arabic: ‘’ (Eng. ‘algebra’)
‘almanach’ Arabic: ‘- almanakh’. (Eng. ‘environment’)
‘cabas’ Arabic: ‘’ (Eng. ‘basket for shopping’) 
‘carat’ Arabic: ‘’ (Eng. (‘gem mass’ or ‘metal purity’)
‘chèque’ Arabic: ‘’ (Eng. ‘check’)
‘cramoisi’ Arabic: ‘’ (Eng. (‘crimson’)
‘haschisch’ Arabic: ‘’ (Eng. ‘cannabis plant’)
‘magie’ English: ‘magic’
‘airbag’ English: ‘airbag’
‘astéroïde’ English: ‘asteroid’
‘caméraman’ English: ‘cameraman’
‘électricité’ from English: ‘electricity’
To sum up, loanword (also called ‘lexical borrowing’) is a term used to refer to the process
by which a word is being transferred from one language, the source language (also known as the
‘donor language’), into another language (also known as the ‘recipient language’). Moreover,
words which are borrowed into the recipient language are either getting adopted or adapted.
Adoption is a term used to refer to the process of borrowing words from the source language yet
keeping the loanwords‟ original form and pronunciation as it is in the source language, as if the
word is getting copied from the source language and pasted into the recipient language. Such

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adopted loanwords are sometimes called foreignisms (Bueasa, 2015). Examples of such adopted
words can be seen in English which borrowed ‘café’, ‘coffee’ from French and ‘kindergarten’,
‘children’s garden’ from German. In contrast, adaption refers to the process where loanwords
undergo certain phonological, morphological, syntactic, or orthographical alterations. For
example, English word ‘virus’, when integrated into Arabic was phonologically changed into the
Arabic ‘fāyrus’, that is, English /v/ is changed into /f/ in Arabic which is due to the lack of such
phoneme in Arabic; French ‘metre’, ‘meter’ was integrated into Arabic morphological patterns,
which gave rise to the plural form ‘amtār’; and French ‘chauffeur’, when borrowed into Spanish,
was orthographically altered as ‘chofer’ (ibid).
Loanwords and Borrowing
The terms ‘borrowing’, ‘borrowed words’, or ‘lexical borrowing’ and the term ‘loanwords’
are synonyms terms. Hock (1986) said that “the term, ‘borrowing’ refers to the adoption of
individual words or even large sets of vocabulary items from another language or dialect (ibid:
380)”. This process is called borrowing, although the lending language does not lose its word, nor
does the borrowing language return the word. A better term might be ‘copying’ but borrowing has
long been established in this sense and words that are borrowed are called ‘loan words’ (Trask,
1996). Actually, in any case of lexical borrowing, a selected word from the source language (the
donor language) is adapted for use into the target language (the recipient language) or vice versa.
This adapted word is called ‘a borrowed word’ in the first case and ‘a loanword’ in the second
case.
Although the term ‘borrowing’ has a common and broad sense since its types depend on
whether the borrowers are native speakers or non-native speakers, and whether the borrowing
process include adoption and imposition, or, equivalently, retention (Winford, 2005; Van Coetsem,
1988), however, in the current research paper, the researchers used the term ‘borrowing’ in a
restricted sense in a way that it refers to ‘lexical borrowing’. In addition, since the borrowing of
loanwords, according to Campbell, can include any aspect of language (2013), for example,
phonological, morphological or syntactic features. However, the researchers narrowed the object
of research paper down to lexemes (i.e. words), thus excluding all other types of borrowing.
Thomason & Kaufman (1988) pointed out that in the lexical borrowing of loanwords, at
some point in the history of any particular language, a word entered its lexicon as a result of
transfer (also called copying and borrowing). However, there are a number of points to note with
regard to this explanation. The first point is that the notion of borrowing is used in two different
senses, including: a) it is used prevalently and within a general sense to refer to all kinds of transfer
or copying processes, whether they are due to native speakers adopting elements from other
languages into the recipient language, or whether they result from non-native speakers imposing

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properties of their native language onto a recipient language, and b) it is used in a more restricted
sense to refer to the incorporation of foreign elements into the speakers’ native language”, i.e.,
adoption or imposition.
Furthermore, a distinction should be made between material borrowing (also called ‘matter
borrowing’ and structural borrowing (also called ‘pattern borrowing’). In material borrowing, the
sound-meaning pairs (generally lexemes, or more precisely lexeme stems) are borrowed. In
addition, affixes or even the entire phrases are sometimes borrowed. On the other hand, in
structural borrowing, syntactic, morphological or semantic patterns are copied. For example,
semantic patterns such as kinship term systems and word order patterns (Matras & Sakel, 2007).
In both types, the word that is borrowed from the donor language is either inserted directly into
the recipient language’s lexicology without any concern for the original pronunciation of the word
or its adaption to the phonological structure of the recipient language in order to maintain the donor
language’s form as much as possible (Lev-Ari and Peperkamp, 2013).
In fact, loanwords are considered the most significant type of material borrowing. On the
other hand, the most important type of structural borrowing is loan translations (also called
‘calques’), in which a single word or even a complex lexical unit, such as a fixed phrasal
expression, are created by an item-by-item translation of the complex source unit. Compound
nouns represent the most frequently cited examples of calques. For example, the German phrase
‘herunter-laden’ is calqued from the English phrase ‘down-load’. Further, calques may take the
form of morphological derivatives. For example, the Italian ‘marcat-ezza’ is calqued from English
‘marked-ness’. Besides, calques may take the form of fixed phrasal expressions. For example, the
English phrase ‘marriage of convenience’ is calqued from the French phrase ‘mariage de
convenance’. Loan meaning extension is also another extremely common type of structural
borrowing, which refers to copying a polysemy pattern of a donor language word into the recipient
language.
For instance, the English word ‘head’ is used in a technical sense to refer to the main word
in a syntactic phrase, and following this usage, the German word ‘kopf’’ (Eng. ‘head’) is also used
to refer to the main word in a syntactic phrase. The last type of structural borrowing is loan
creations, which refers to the words’ formations processes that were inspired by a foreign concept
but whose structures are not patterned on their expression by any chance. For instance, the German
word ‘umwelt’ (‘um’- ‘welt’) (Eng. ‘around-world’) was coined to render French word ‘milieu’
(‘mi’- ‘lieu’) (Eng. ‘mid-place’) to refer to ‘environment’ (Haugen, 1950: 219). In the previous
examples, these words, according to Haugen, “may ultimately be due to contact with a second
culture and its language, but…are not strictly loans at all” (1950: 220). However, if the meaning

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of the loan creation is an exact copy of the meaning of the model word, then it is a clear case of
pure semantic borrowing (ibid).
Substantially, Haugen (1950) believed that loanwords are one of the most common
phenomena in language contact, and almost every language exhibits one or more forms of
borrowing. In lexical borrowing, words are transferred from one language and integrated into
another language. Furthermore, Haugen suggested a notable taxonomy to distinguish between
different borrowed items:
1. Loanwords which involve copying both the form and the meaning.
2. Loan-blends which are those borrowed words where a copied part exists along with a native
part.
3. Loan-shifts which show copying only of the meaning and include both loan-translation and
semantic borrowing.
Motivations and Reasons Behind Loanwords
In the field of contact linguistics, there are essentially two hypotheses about the motivations
and reasons for the lexical borrowing, i.e., loanwords, in languages. The first hypothesis is called
the ‘deficit hypotheses’ and the second hypothesis is called the ‘dominance hypothesis’ (Kachru,
1994). Kachru (1994:139) said that “the deficit hypothesis presupposes that borrowing entails
linguistic ‘gaps’ in a language and the prime motivation for borrowing is to remedy the linguistic
‘deficit’, especially in the lexical resources of a language.” Based on Kachru’s point of view,
loanwords are borrowed from other languages, i.e., the donor languages, because there are no
equivalents of the borrowed words in the recipient language. For instance, some objects or
creatures do not exist in certain places, hence their names are not part of the languages used in
these places. As result, when there is a need to refer to these objects and creatures, the speakers of
the recipient language tend to borrow their original names from the donor language/s. Such lexical
borrowing applies also on cultural terms relating to food, dress, music, etc., which are peculiar to
certain people, place, and environment. For example, English language does not have equivalents
to several musical terms, thus terms such as ‘soprano’ and ‘tempo’ were borrowed from Italian.
Similarly, culinary terms such as ‘casserole’, ‘puree’, and ‘sauté’ were borrowed from French
(Jackson, 2002). Conversely, Czech language has borrowed words relating to Western culture and
entertainment from English language. Besides, English sports terms such as ‘hockey’, ‘football’,
and ‘tennis’ were also borrowed by Czech language. Equivalently, Japanese language has
borrowed English sports terms such as ‘golf’, ‘table tennis’, and ‘baseball’. In addition, English
terms for modern fashion and cosmetics were also borrowed by Japanese language (Ishiwata,
1986).

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On the other hand, “the ‘dominance hypothesis’ presupposes that when two cultures come
into contact, the direction of culture learning and subsequent word-borrowing is not mutual, but
from the dominant to the subordinate” Higa (1979:378). Hence, according to the ‘dominance
hypothesis’, borrowing loanwords is not necessarily done due to a lack of native equivalents in the
recipient language or to fill lexical gaps, in fact loanwords are borrowed from the donor language
because such words seem to have a high level of prestige –despite the availability of their native
equivalents in the recipient language (ibid).
A case of borrowing loanwords in accordance with ‘dominance hypothesis’ can be seen in
a prolonged socio-cultural interaction between the ruling countries and the countries they
governed. For instance, English language has borrowed a lot of loanwords and lexicon from other
languages, approximately from 84 languages, with French (25%) being the most important donor.
In addition, English borrowed thousands of loanwords from French in the 11th century and a great
deal of these words became a part of the English lexicon (Kachru, 1994; Stockwell & Minkova
2001; Thomas 2007; Katamba 2004). Such linguistic dominance of the French language over
English language has started in 1066, especially During the reign of William I, through which
French started to represent a higher social and cultural status as French nobles took over from
English officials and a result, many French words were incorporated into English language which
was, at that particular time, the language used among the masses (Fennell, 2001). The French
borrowed loanwords included words from politics and economics domains such as: ‘labor’, ‘duke’,
‘market’, and other words associated with fashion and style such as ‘apparel’, ‘costume’, and
‘dress’ (Barber 2000: 147; Alastair, 2005: 248).
Nevertheless, when the English-speaking countries later became very powerful and
advanced, and they colonized many other countries around the world, English language became
the most influential language in the world and hence other languages started to borrow English
loanwords instead of lending their loanwords to English (Kachru, 1994). Similarly, Japanese has
also an influence on English language. Many Japanese words, especially those associated with
military action and war were incorporated into English language English lexicon such as: ‘karate’,
‘kamikaze’, and ‘samurai’, in addition to other words from various domains such as: ‘kimono’ and
‘origami’ (Evans, 1997). Comparably, Spanish, which is widely spoken in the USA; approximately
22,400,000 people use Spanish as their second language, has similar influence on English language
as well. Many Spanish words have entered the English lexicon since the 16th century such as
‘barracuda’, ‘alligator’, ‘canoe’, ‘avocado’, ‘domino’, ‘cargo’, ‘cigar’, ‘tobacco’, ‘tornado’,
‘potato’, ‘vanilla’, and ‘tortilla’ (Jackson & Ze Amvela, 2002: 40-41). Conversely, a great deal of
Spanish loanwords borrowed into the Pilipino language in various domains such as religion, law
and government, and social organization. Such influence was due to the Spanish 377-year
colonialism of the Philippines (Bautista, 2004).

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Finally, another influence on English language, as well as many European languages, was
made by Greek language. Bien et al. (2004: 189) said that “thousands of words from ancient Greek
entered Latin and then passed from Latin to the Romance languages. Thousands more travelled
directly from Greece, especially to France, and from there once again to England. And, of course
medical science today continues to rely on Greek to name its procedures”. To sum up, and based
on the previous mentioned examples, it must be noted that the amounts of borrowed loanwords as
well as the domains of these loanwords are determined by the degree of influence of the donor
languages on the recipient languages.
Usunier & Lee (2005) added that a word is borrowed into a new language if it is coherent
with the incorporating environment and culture. Further, Campbell (2013) asserted that a recipient
language normally borrows words from other donor languages either: 1) out of need, through
which a new concept is acquired by contact with another group from the donor language and due
to the need for a word that expresses this concept, hence this word is borrowed from the donor
language along with the concept. This is why many words such as ‘coffee’ and ‘tobacco’ are used
literally in many languages; or 2) out of prestige, especially if the donor language is associated
with a higher status.
Haspelmath (2009: 50) confirmed that borrowing loanwords could also occur due to
therapeutic reason in case the original word in the native language is unavailable. In addition, the
lexical borrowing of loanwords, according to some academics could occur because of other
reasons including: 1) cultural borrowing (borrowing of new words along with new concepts); 2)
core borrowing (borrowing for reasons of prestige); 3) borrowing due to word taboo (in some
cultures, there are strict word taboo rules, e.g. rules in some Australian languages that prohibit a
certain word that occurs in a deceased person’s name, or a word that occurs in the name of a taboo
relative (Dixon, 2002). In such cases, a language may acquire large parts of another language’s
basic lexicon, so that its genealogical position is recognizable only from its grammatical
morphemes (Comrie, 2000); and 4) borrowing for reasons of homonymy avoidance (Rédei, 1970)
(if a word becomes too similar to another word due to sound change, the homonymy clash might
be avoided by borrowing. Thus, it has been suggested that the homonymy of earlier English ‘bread’
(from Old English ‘bræde’ which means ‘roast meat’) and ‘bread’ (from Old English ‘bread’ which
means ‘morsel’, ‘bread’) led to the replacement of the first by a French loanword ‘roast’ (from Old
French ‘rost’) (Burnley, 1992: 493).
Additionally, Fraser, K. (2019). Pointed out other reasons for borrowing loanwords. She
said that borrowed loanwords result from the age of exploration in which new things were
discovered from around the world and named from words taken from the local language. For
example, the word ‘Chimpanzee’ was borrowed from the West African language Tshiluba, the

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word ‘geyser’ was borrowed from Icelandic, the word ‘sauna’ was borrowed from Finnish, and
the word ‘futon’ was borrowed from Japanese. Similarly, words may be borrowed because there
are no equivalents for them in the native language, even though the object or notion is well known.
For example, the German word ‘ohrwurm’ (literally translated into English as ‘ear-worm’) which
refers to a situation when a song or a tune is stuck in your head that you cannot get rid of. Fraser
added that other loanwords may already have equivalent words for them in the native language,
but the new loanwords which are borrowed could be more descriptive (e.g. ‘entrepreneur’) or they
add a particular shade of meaning (e.g. the French words: ‘scarlet’ and ‘vermillion’) (ibid. 2019).
Generally, there are two main reasons for lexical borrowing of loanwords. Some academics
refer to the terms ‘cultural borrowings’ and ‘core borrowings’ (Haspelmath & Tadmor 2009: 46-
50) represented in the motives of ‘need’ and ‘prestige’ as the main reasons of the lexical borrowing
of loanwords. Durkin (2009) and Haspelmath & Tadmor (2009) explained that the lexical
borrowings of loanwords because of ‘need’, i.e., ‘cultural borrowing’, is meant to fill a lexical gap
and it occurs when a new concept appears which does not have an equivalent or a name in the
borrowing language yet. For example, such motive leads to lexical borrowing of many loanwords
into English language in the Late Modern English period (Approx. 1700-1945.) in which the
highest number of new loanwords were recorded, as the “society became increasingly complex
and the growth of vocabulary correspondingly great, with many new words in the fields of finance,
politics, the arts, fashion and much else” (Barber, et al. 2009: 231).
For instance, the word ‘schadenfreude’ is a case lexical borrowing of a new loanword into
the English. In fact, this word was borrowed because a name for such phenomenon was completely
missing in the English language at that time (Stanforth, 1996 in Grabmann, 2015). On the other
hand, the lexical borrowings of loanwords because of ‘prestige’, i.e., ‘cultural borrowing’, occurs
because of ‘prestige’, i.e., ’core borrowing’. Actually, it “occurs in a context where the donor
language has a particular status in any of various social or cultural situations […]” (Durkin, 2009:
143). In this particular case, an already existing word in a recipient language is substituted by a
word from a donor language to achieve its prestige, to provide a ‘foreign’ flavor” (Howard, 2002:
122 in Grabmann, 2015). For example, in the Early Modern English period (Approx. 1500-1700)
“[i]t was argued that English lacked the prestige of French and Latin as a language of learning and
literature. English was ‘rude’ and ‘barbarous’, inexpressive and ineloquent, and it did not have the
technical vocabulary required in specialized domains of language use, for example in medicine”
(Lass, 1999: 358). This is the reason why many French and Latin words were borrowed into
English at that time.
Finally, the process of loaning words can go in both directions between languages when
they are in contact. However, Darwish (2015) stated that there is an asymmetry where more words

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go from one side to the other. Based on the history of loaning, there are many factors that influence
the matter of loaning; these factors could be cultural, scientific or political.
Loanwords, Substrate, and Superstrate
Sometimes, the terms ‘substrate’ (or substratum- plural: substrata) and ‘superstrate’ (or
superstratum- plural: superstrata) are often used to denote cases of loanwords (Weinreich, 1979).
According to Weinreich, when two languages interact, the native speakers of a certain source
language (the substrate) are somehow compelled to abandon it for another target language (the
superstrate) (ibid, 1979). In other words, when one language succeeds another, the succeeding
language is labeled as a ‘superstratum’ and the earlier language is labeled as a ‘substratum’. In
fact, a substratum is defined as a language that influences an intrusive language which supplants
it. The term is also used of substrate interference, i.e. the influence the substratum language exerts
on the replacing language. On the other hand, superstratum refers to the influence a socially
dominating language has on another, receding language that might eventually be relegated to the
status of a substratum language.
Both, substratum and superstratum are considered as types of linguistic interference (also
known as language transfer, linguistic interference, and cross-linguistic influence: which includes
the application of linguistic features from one language to another by a bilingual or multilingual
speaker. Language transfer may occur across both languages in the acquisition of a simultaneous
bilingual, from a mature speaker's first language (L1) to a second language (L2) they are acquiring,
or from an L2 back to the L1 (Bransford, Brown, & Cocking, 2000).
Examples on substratum and superstratum include the Japanese language consists of an
Altaic (a language family that includes the Turkic, Mongolian and Tungusic language families and
possibly also the Japanic and Koreanic languages) superstratum projected onto an Austronesian (a
language family, widely spoken throughout Maritime Southeast Asia, Madagascar, the islands of
the Pacific Ocean, and in Taiwan by Taiwanese aborigines) substratum (Benedict, 1990). Another
example is the influence of the Altaic superstrate on the varieties of Chinese spoken in Northern
China (which is one of the two approximate mega-regions within China), although in this particular
example, the superstratum refers to influence, not language succession (McWhorter, 2007). The
last example is the case of the international scientific vocabulary (ISV) coinages from Greek and
Latin roots adopted by European languages (and subsequently by other languages) to describe
scientific topics (sociology, zoology, philosophy, botany, medicine, all ‘-logy’ words, etc.) can
also be termed a superstratum. Actually, the suffix ‘-logy’ in the English language, which means
‘the study of …’, ‘science or academic field’, and/or ‘a branch of knowledge’, and through the
years, the suffixes ‘-logy’ and ‘-ology’ have come to mean, "study of" or "science of”, is used with

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words originally adapted from Ancient Greek roots ending in ‘-λογία / -logia) (English-Word
Information, 2020).
On the same line and for more clarification, Hock & Joseph (1996), and stated that there
are three types of relative social status of the participants in a lexical borrowing event of a
loanword, namely: 1) adstratum, 2) superstratum and 3) substratum. Hock & Joseph mentioned
that ‘adstrata’ is the case when a language comes into contact with another language which roughly
is equal to its social status. Further, ‘adstratal relationships’ between languages are the most likely
to give rise to borrowing of “everyday-life vocabulary, even basic vocabulary” (ibid:274).
Whereas the cases of ‘superstratum’ (a high prestige language) and a ‘substratum’ (a low prestige
language) occur respectively when contact happen between two socially imbalanced languages
(ibid: 274). In other words, when a superstratum serves as the donor language, prestige borrowings
almost always imply an imbalanced relationship between the donor and the recipient language.
Hock & Joseph added that when the donor language is the superstratum, then its loanwords tend
to belong to the more prestigious domains of the lexicon, and their connotations tend to be equally
highly esteemed (1996). Epps (2014: 585) gave an example on the previous mentioned case. Epps
mentioned that loanwords for animal meat such as ‘mutton’, ‘poultry’ and ‘pork’ were borrowed
from the Norman French into Middle English, and till these days, the borrowed loanwords still
exist in parallel with the inherited words for the animals themselves, i.e., ‘sheep’, ‘hen’ and ‘pig’.
On the other hand, when the donor language is the substratum, then its loanwords tend to
be less uniform in this respect as the borrowing of loanwords from a substratum is usually limited
to the ‘need’ purpose, often with derogatory connotations looking at it from a different angle. in
other words, a need borrowing merely implies that the speakers of the recipient language are
becoming familiar with a new concept of some kind and can thus involve both an ‘adstratal’ or a
‘super’ vs. ‘substratal’ relationship. Epps asserted that “the source of the loan is likely to represent
the source of the concept”, and that “where loans have replaced pre-existing terms, they are likely
to indicate the social importance of the corresponding concept in the interaction” (2014:580).
Loanwords and Cognates
Loanwords are in contrast to cognates (also called lexical cognates), which are defined as
words in two or more languages that are similar because they share an etymological origin, i.e., a
word is considered cognate with another if both are derived from the same word in an ancestral
language. For example, the word ‘gratitude’ in English means the same as ‘gratitud’ in Spanish
(both coming from the Latin word ‘gratitudo, which means ‘thankfulness’. Another example is the
English words ‘dish’ and ‘desk’ and the German word ‘Tisch- table’ are cognates because they all
come from Latin ‘discus’, which relates to their flat surfaces (Crystal, 2011; Rubén, 2011;
Vocabulary, 2020). In fact, the word ‘cognate’ is derived from the Latin noun ‘cognatus’, which
means ‘blood relative’ (The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, 2020).

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There are other cases in which cognates may have different or even opposite meanings
although, to some extent, they have an indirect connection between them and they look or sound
similar or/and having similar sounds or letters, yet they differ significantly in meaning and have
different meaning. For example, the English word ‘embarrassed’ and the Spanish word
‘embarazada’, which means ‘pregnant’ seem to be cognates but in fact, they have different
meaning. The cognates in these cases are called ‘false friends’ (Chamizo-Domínguez, 2008).
Furthermore, in other cases, the cognates sound similar, but do not come from the same root, i.e.,
they have different etymologies. For example, the English ‘much’ and the Spanish word ‘mucho’
have similar meaning but a completely different Proto-Indo-European roots. The cognates in these
cases are called false cognates (Rubén, 2011).
Loanwords and Calques
Loanwords are also in contrast to calques (Also known as loan translation), which involve
literal word-for-word or root-for-root translation of the components of a borrowed word or phrase
from another language, so as to create a new lexeme in the target language. In fact, the term
‘calque’ itself is a French loanword ‘calque’ which means ‘tracing’, ‘imitation’, and ‘close copy’
(Weston, 2016; Knapp, 2011). According to Durkin (2009: 135), calques or (loan translations)
“show replication of the structure of a foreign-language word or expression by use of synonymous
word forms in the borrowing language […]”. This means in other words, that the borrowed word
receives a more or less literal translation. There are many examples in English of common phrases
that are calques, translated from other languages. An "Adam's apple," for example, is a calque of
the French pomme d'Adam, and "beer garden" is a calque of the German Biergarten. In both cases,
the English phrases came from a direct, literal translation of the original (Vocabulary, 2020).
The following are examples on claques in English from several languages: 1) from French
origin: ‘Adam's apple’ – ‘pomme d'Adam’, ‘Bush meat’ – ‘viande de brousse’, ‘Flea market’ –
‘marché aux puces’, Marriage of convenience’ - ‘mariage de convenance’, ‘crime of passion’ -
‘crime passionne’; 2) from German origin: ‘Antibody’ – ‘Antikörper’, ‘Concertmaster’ -
‘Konzertmeister’, ‘Intelligence quotient’ - ‘Intelligenzquotient’, ‘Loanword’ – ‘Lehnwort’; 3)
From Latin origin: ‘Commonplace’ - ‘locus commūnis’, ‘Devil's advocate’ - ‘advocātus diabolī’,
‘Wisdom tooth’ – ‘dēns sapientiae’; From Spanish origin: ‘Fifth column’ - ‘quinta columna’,
‘Killer whale’ – ‘ballena asesina’, ‘Moment of truth’ – ‘el momento de la verdad’. On the other
hand, many calques found in many languages come from English such as: 1) French: ‘disque dur’
- ‘hard disk’, ‘carte mère’ - ‘motherboard, ‘en ligne’ - ‘online’, ‘disque compact’ - ‘compact disc’,
‘média de masse’ - ‘mass media’; 2) Spanish: ‘escuela alta’ - ‘high school’, ‘grado (de escuela)’ -
grade (in school)’, ‘tarjeta de crédito’ - ‘credit card’; 3) Italian: ‘aria condizionata’ - ‘air
conditioned’, ‘fine settimana’ - week-end’ (Harper, 2020; Detreville, 2015; Fruyt, 2011; HMC,
2001; Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2019). Another good example for a claque presented by Scheler

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(1977: 89) is the word ‘loanword’ itself which comes from the German word ‘Lehnwort’ (‘Lehn’
from ‘leihen’ = ‘lend’ + ‘wort’ = ‘word’).
It is worth mentioning that the process of calquing is distinct from the phono-semantic
matching process in a way that calquing includes semantic translation, i.e., additional meanings of
the source word are transferred to the word with the same primary meaning in the target language.
On the other hand, phono-semantic matching consists of phonetic matching in which the
approximate sound and meaning of the original word or expressions which are originally borrowed
from the source language are retained phonetically and semantically by matching them with
similar-sounding pre-existing words or morphemes in the target language (Bloomfield, 1933)
An example on Phono-semantic matching is the Arabic word ‘- arḍī shawkī’ which
means ‘artichoke’. Historically, the Arabic word that was used for ‘artichoke’ was ‘- 'al-
khurshūf’, but later on the word was phono-semantically matched into the Arabic word ‘
- arḍī shawkī’ consisting of ‘- arḍī’ (earthly) and ‘- shawkī’ (thorny) (Zuckermann,
2009).
Other Linguistic Borrowing Phenomena Caused by Language Contact
Although this work is primarily concerned with loanwords, however it will be useful to
consider briefly a range of other borrowing phenomena that are more or less closely related to
loanwords. It should also be emphasized that in addition to loanwords, it is typical that language
contact can also lead to the development of a range of other linguistic borrowing phenomena such
as:
1) Language convergence: which is defined as a type of linguistic change that occurs in
geographic areas (referred to as linguistic areas) in which a mutual process that results in changes
in all the languages involved, i.e., languages come to structurally resemble one another as a result
of prolonged language contact and mutual interference between two or more unrelated languages
(i.e., not from the same language family) in contact (Crowley & Bowern, 2010; Thomason, 2001).
Further, as a result of language convergence, certain linguistic features are become shared by
linguistic groups in a linguistic area. Such features are called areal features (Crowley & Bowern,
ibid). For example, the case of convergence in the Khuzestani Arabic (abbreviated as Kh. Arabic:
a dialect of Gelet (Southern) Mesopotamian Arabic spoken by the Iranian Arabs in Khuzestan
Province of Iran). On this case, Persian, the official language in Iran and the dialect of Arabic
spoken in Khuzistan province to the south of Iran have been in a very close contact for a long time.
As a result of such contact, different kinds of changes have occurred in the Khuzestani Arabic.
including a series of linguistic changes in this dialect such as changes in the Kh. Arabic’s noun-

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noun and noun-adjective attribution constructions, definiteness marking, complement clauses,
word order, discourse markers and connectors (Shabibi, 2004).
2) Language shift (also known as language transfer or language replacement): is defined as
the replacement of one language by another language as a result of their contact. Hence, the speech
community shifts to a different language, usually over an extended period of time and which
sometimes leads to language endangerment or extinction. Such replacement often occurs when
one of the two languages has a higher social position (prestige), i.e., one of the two languages in
contact is perceived by its own speakers to be higher status stabilize or spread at the expense of
the other language that is perceived by its own speakers to be lower-status (Bastardas-Boada, 2007:
2019). An example on the language shift is the shift which took place in Ireland, roughly between
the early 17th century and the late 19th century. The shift from the original language of the vast
majority in Ireland, Irish, to English, a language which was imported to Ireland in the late 12th
century and which is now (early 21st century) became the dominant language of over 99% of the
Irish population, in both the north and south of the country (Hickey, 2010). Another example is
the language shift that took place in Egypt after the Arab conquest in the 7th century. The shift
from the original language, the Coptic language (a descendant of the Afro-Asiatic Egyptian
language), to Arabic language. Coptic language was in decline in usage since the 7th century till
the 17th century. Eventually, Arabic is now the dominant language of the majority of the Egyptian
population and Coptic language is today mainly used by the Coptic Church as a liturgical language.
3) Creolization: which is defined as the process through which a stable natural language
develops from the simplifying and mixing of different languages into a new language within a
fairly brief period of time. As a result of such mixing, a pidgin language is often evolved into a
full-fledged language that is often characterized by a tendency to systematize their inherited
grammar and it is also characterized by a consistent system of grammar, possess large stable
vocabularies, and are acquired by children as their native language and primary language and at
the same time it is used by adults for use as a second language (McWhorter, 2005; Louis-Jean,
2006; Sebba, 1997).
A pidgin is defined as is a grammatically simplified means of linguistic communication
that is developed and constructed by impromptu or by convention between two or more groups
who came from a multitude of languages’ backgrounds and whom do not have a language in
common, but they reside in the same country. Yet, a pidgin is not considered as the native language
of any of the speech communities that use this language, but instead, they learn it as a second
language and a common language between various linguistic groups within the same linguistic
society and most commonly employed in situations such as trade (Muysken & Norval, 2008;
Bickerton, 1976). For example, the Bimbashi Arabic (also known as the ‘Mongallese’ or the

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‘soldier Arabic’), which is an Arabic pidgin which was developed among military troops in Anglo-
Egyptian Sudan and was popular from 1870 to 1920. Further, this pidgin was later developed and
branched into three languages: Turku in Chad, Ki-Nubi in Kenya and Uganda, and Juba Arabic in
South Sudan (Hammarström, et al., 2017).
4) Relexification: which is defined as a form of language interference and a form of a
spontaneous second language acquisition in which much or all of the lexicon, including basic
vocabulary, of one language are replaced with the lexicon of another language, without drastically
changing the relexified language's grammar, i.e. the original language remains intact. In other
words, a language takes the great majority of its lexicon from a superstrate or a target language
(also called the ‘lexifier’) while its grammar comes from the substrate or source language. In
conclusion, within the framework of relexification, a gradual relexification of the native or source
language with target-language vocabulary. Besides, after relexification is completed, native
language structures alternate with structures acquired from the target language (DeGraff, 2002;
Bakker, 1997; Crystal, 2008; Campbell & Mixco, 2007). For example, the Haitian creole lexical
item looks like French, but works like the substratum language(s) and was central in the
development of Haitian Creole and that is due to the replacement of the phonological
representation of a substratum lexical item with the phonological representation of a superstratum
lexical item. This happen when the speakers of Haitian and Fon languages (Fon language is a
language spoken mainly in the Republic of Benin in West Africa by approximately 1.7 million
speakers), especially by the Fon-speaking African slaves, relexified their language with French
vocabulary, and because of the underlying similarities between Haitian and Fon languages, a
Haitian mixed language has arisen through relexification (Lefebvre, 2004). Finally, it must be
noted that the process of relexification differs from the process of lexical borrowing, by which a
language merely supplements its basic vocabulary with loanwords from another language.
5) Diglossia: diglossia refers to those situations in which two or more language varieties are
used differently by the same speakers under different conditions and within a single geographical
area. It was initially used in connection with a society that recognized two or more languages for
internal (intra-societal) communication (Fishman, 1965). According to Richard (2018) in diglossic
situation, two distinct varieties of a language are spoken within the same speech community.
Richard added that there are several types of diglossia, such as: ‘bilingual diglossia’, in which one
language variety is used for writing and another for speech, and ‘bidialectal diglossia’, in which
people who speak the same language can use two dialects, based on their surroundings or different
contexts where they use one or the other language variety.
In fact, the use of separate codes within a single society depends on each code’s serving a
function distinct from those considered distinct for the others. This separation was most often along

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the lines of high (H) and low (L) languages (Fishman, 1965). In a bit wider definition of diglossia,
it can also include social dialects, even if the languages are not completely separate, distinct
languages. In this wider definition of diglossia, the two languages can also borrow words from
each other. An example on a diglossic community is the United States, in which speakers of
dialects such as the African American Vernacular English (also known as ‘Black Vernacular’, and
colloquially as ‘Ebonics’), which is the variety of English natively spoken, particularly in urban
communities, by most working- and middle-class African Americans, Chicano English (also
known as ‘Hispanic Vernacular English’: an imprecise term for a nonstandard variety of the
English language influenced by the Spanish language and spoken as a native dialect by both
bilingual and monolingual speakers), and Vietnamese English (also known as ‘Vietglish’ or
‘Vietnaminglish’, which is an informal term for a mixture of elements from Vietnamese and
English. This variety is found in immigrant communities in Majority-English-speaking countries.
Borrowed English words are also commonly used in everyday Vietnamese both inside and outside
Vietnam in informal contexts) also function in a diglossic environment (Richard, 2020: Richard,
2018).
6) Mixed languages: language contact and language interference can also lead to the
development of a mixed language. In this particular case, according to Matras & Bakker (2008), a
language arises among a bilingual group combining aspects of two or more languages but not
clearly deriving primarily from any single language. A mixed language differs from a creole or
pidgin language in that, whereas a mixed language typically is aroused and formed by a linguistic
community that is fluent in both of the source languages and in which the population tend to inherit
much more of the complexity (grammatical, phonological, etc.) of their parent languages,
creoles/pidgins are aroused and formed by communities lacking a common language.
Actually, creoles/pidgins begin as simple languages and then develop in complexity more
independently. It is sometimes explained as bilingual communities that no longer identify with the
cultures of either of the languages they speak and seek to develop their own language as an
expression of their own cultural uniqueness (Viveka, 2015). An example on mixed languages is
the case of ‘Cypriot Arabic’ and ‘Cappadocian Greek’. Both Cappadocian Greek and Cypriot
Maronite Arabic are cases of mixed languages in which the Cappadocian Greek has witnessed an
extreme borrowing from Turkish, including Turkish vocabulary, function words, derivational
morphology, and some borrowed nominal and verbal inflectional morphology. Meanwhile, the
Cypriot Maronite Arabic has witnessed an extreme borrowing from Greek, including Greek
vocabulary and consequently Greek morpho-syntax. As for the Cypriot Maronite Arabic, (also
known as ‘Cypriot Arabic’), it is an endangered language (also known as moribund variety) of
Arabic spoken by the Maronite community in the Republic of Cyprus. The Maronite community
members’ ancestors are originally from Lebanon, but their ancestors migrated to Cyprus during

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the Middle Ages. A percentage of the Maronite Cypriots’ community traditionally speak a Cypriot
Arabic dialect which is a combination of Arabic, Turkish and Greek (Hammarström, et al, 2017).
Being fluent in this mixed language variety goes along with Maronite Cypriots’ fluency in Cypriot
Greek which they also speak bilingually, side by side with Cypriot Arabic. On the other hand, the
Cappadocian Greek is a mixed language spoken in Cappadocia which is located in the Central
Anatolia in Turkey. Cappadocian Greek originally diverged from the Byzantine Empire’s
Medieval Greek. But after the Seljuq Turk victory in the battle of Manzikert, which was fought
between the Byzantine Empire and the Seljuk Empire on 26 August 1071, as well as due to the
following population exchange between Greece and Turkey in the 1920s, all Cappadocian Greeks
were forced to emigrate to Greece and resettled there, and as a result, the Cappadocians rapidly
shifted to Standard Modern Greek and their language was thought to be extinct since the 1960s
(Janse, 2016; Van Dam, 2002). Lastly, it can be stated that the two languages have evolved out of
intense language contact, extensive bilingualism, and a strong pressure for speakers to shift to the
dominant language. Besides, the social context in which Cappadocian Greek and Cypriot Maronite
Arabic arose largely, and since they are socially different, this contributes to identifying them
closely with mixed languages and distinguishing them from pidgins and creoles.
In light of the above mentioned linguistic borrowing phenomena, and in addition to loan
words, calques or other types of borrowed material, the most common products of language contact
and language interference are pidgins, creoles, code-switching, hybrid languages, and mixed
languages. Another common product of language contact and language interference is the
development of new languages which occurs when people without a common language interact
closely. This can lead to the development of a pidgin, which may eventually become a full-fledged
creole language through the process of creolization. However, some linguists believe that it is not
necessary that a creole needs to be emerged from a pidgin.
In other cases, the influence of languages in contact and language interference can go
deeper in a way that there might be an adoption or exchange of even basic characteristics of a
language such as morphology and grammar. For example, Newar language (also known as
‘Newari’); which is spoken by the Newar people, the indigenous inhabitants of Nepal, is a Sino-
Tibetan language (a family of more than 400 languages, including the Chinese languages,
Burmese, Tibetic languages, languages spoken in the Himalayas, the Southeast Asian Massif, and
the eastern edge of the Tibetan Plateau, etc.), distantly related to Chinese but has had so many
centuries of contact with neighboring Indo-Iranian languages that it has even developed noun
inflection (also called inflexion; which is a process of word formation in which a word is modified
to express different grammatical categories such as tense, person, number, gender, etc., using
affixation, including prefix, suffix. For example, most English nouns are inflected for number with
the inflectional plural affix ‘-s’, as in ‘cat’ - ‘cat-s’, and English also inflects verbs by affixation to

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mark the present participle with ‘-ing’) (Crystal, 2008). Such development of noun inflection in
the previous mentioned case is a trait that is typical of the Indo-European family (a large language
family native to western and southern Eurasia. It comprises most of the languages of Europe
together with those of the northern Indian subcontinent and the Iranian Plateau) but rare in Sino-
Tibetan. It has absorbed features of grammar as well such as verb tenses (Winford, 2002;
Thomason & Kaufman, 1988).
According to Hadzibeganovic, Stauffer & Schulze (2008), when speakers of different
languages within the same linguistic community interact closely, it is typical that the used
languages would influence each other. Language contact can occur at language boundary (also
known as ‘language borders’); a term that is used to imply the lack of mutual intelligibility between
two languages which are separated with a line between each other, i.e. the language boundary line.
Hence, language contact can occur if two adjacent languages or dialects are mutually intelligible,
no firm language boundary will be developed, and hence the two languages will continue to
exchange linguistic inventions. Such influence will occur between adstratum languages, or as the
result of migration, with an intrusive language acting as either a superstratum or a substratum.
As for the stratal influence, when language shift occurs, the language that is replaced
(known as the substratum) can leave a profound impression on the replacing language (known as
the superstratum), when people retain features of the substratum as they learn the new language
and pass these features on to their children, leading to the development of a new variety (Gooden,
2019; Hadzibeganovic, Stauffer & Schulze, 2008). For example, the Latin that came to replace
local languages in present-day France during Roman times was influenced by Gaulish (an ancient
Celtic language that was spoken in parts of Continental Europe before and during the period of the
Roman Empire, i.e., (the post-Republican period of ancient Rome: 27 BC – 286 AD). In the narrow
sense, Gaulish was the language spoken by the Celtic inhabitants of Gaul (modern-day France,
Luxembourg, Belgium, most of Switzerland, Northern Italy, as well as the parts of the Netherlands
and Germany on the west bank of the Rhine) and Germanic languages (a branch of the Indo-
European language family spoken natively by a population of about 515 million people, mainly in
Europe, North America, Oceania and Southern Africa.
The most widely spoken Germanic language, English, is the world's most widely spoken
language with an estimated 2 billion speakers. All Germanic languages are derived from Proto-
Germanic, spoken in Iron Age Scandinavia (Hammarström, et al. 2017)). The distinct
pronunciation of the Hiberno English dialect spoken in Ireland comes partially from the influence
of the substratum of Irish. Outside the Indo-European family, Coptic (also known as Coptic
Egyptian is the latest stage of the Egyptian language, a northern Afro-Asiatic language that was

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developed during the Greco-Roman period of Egyptian history and was spoken until at least the
17th century); the last stage of ancient Egyptian, is a substratum of Egyptian Arabic (Emile, 1991).
It is worth mentioning that in other cases, there might be a non-mutual influence during languages’
contact and languages’ interference, i.e., the change as a result of contact and interference is often
one-sided. For example, Chinese has had a profound effect on the development of Japanese, but
Chinese remains relatively free of Japanese influence other than some modern terms that were re-
borrowed after they were coined in Japan and based on Chinese forms and using Chinese
characters. Another example is Hindi language in India which has been influenced by English, and
loanwords from English are part of its everyday vocabulary.
Admittedly, languages’ contact and languages’ interference can also lead to linguistic
hegemony, in which a language's influence widens as its speakers grow in power. Chinese, Greek,
Latin, Portuguese, French, Spanish, Arabic, Persian, Sanskrit, Russian, German and English have
each seen periods of widespread importance and have had varying degrees of influence on the
native languages spoken in the areas over which they have held sway. Within the framework of
hegemony, a state has a political, economic, or military predominance or control over other states.
Sometimes, the term ‘linguistic imperialism’, which is related to the concepts of colonialism, is
also used to refer to Linguistic hegemony, as in both cases, a transfer of a dominant language takes
place to other people (Bisong, 1995: 1994).
This language transfer comes about because of imperialism, which is defined as the policy
or ideology of extending the supreme power, sovereignty, rule or authority of an empire or nation
over foreign countries, or of acquiring and holding colonies and dependencies for extending
political and economic access, power and control, through employing hard power especially
military force, but also ‘soft power’ which involves shaping the preferences of others through
appeal and attraction (Gilmartin, 2009; Magnusson, 1991; Edward, 1994). Bisong (1995: 1994)
added that the transfer of a dominant language takes place in reach of a demonstration of military
power, economic power, and within the dominance of culture which is usually transferred along
with the language.
In addition to what has been said, the influence of languages in contact and language
interference can be seen through how the internet, along with previous influences such as radio
and television, telephone communication and printed materials during and since the 1990s, where
has changed and expanded the ways that languages can be influenced by technology and by each
other and (Nazaryan & Gridchin, 2006).
Finally, there is another undeniable fact that languages’ contact and languages’ interference
can cause a dialectal and sub-cultural change, in which some forms of language contact affect only

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a particular segment of a speech community. Consequently, change may be manifested only in
particular dialects, jargons, or registers. For example, South African English has been significantly
affected by Afrikaans in terms of lexis and pronunciation, but the other dialects of English have
remained almost totally unaffected by Afrikaans other than a few loanwords (Gooden, 2019;
Mufwene, 2001).
Conclusion
The current research paper discussed the phenomenon of loanwords in light of a range of
other borrowing phenomena that are more or less closely related to loanwords and which are all
resulted from the occurrence of language contact. The study concluded that all languages borrow
words from other languages with which they come in contact and ‘loanwords’ represent one of
other various outcomes of such contact. Besides, in case of a higher level of contact between
languages, this can lead to other phenomena such as structural borrowing and convergence
between nonaffiliated languages which can further lead to language shift.
The study also concluded that loanwords, which make up the most frequent type of lexical
borrowing, can work as a connection bridge between the recipient language to the donor language.
In fact, borrowing loanwords, which is an inevitable consequence of the contact between
languages, allows any recipient language to expand its vocabulary, in addition to utilizing other
word-formation processes such as: derivation, compounding, blending and clipping. However, the
loanwords borrowed from any donor language have to undergo certain processes to make them fit
appropriately into the recipient language. These processes include: 1) a process of adaptation, in
which non-native phonemes are substituted to fit the recipient language’s sound structure.
Actually, loanwords adaptation involves the phonological and morphological
transformation of foreign items to fit the grammatical system of the recipient language. However,
the extent to which loanwords conform to the recipient language differs from one language to
another. In other words, loanwords might adhere to the recipient language system of phonology
and morphology in some respects, but they might conflict with other patterns. 2) a process of
accommodation, in which phonological patterns are modified according to the phonological rules
of the recipient language.

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However, during the processes of loanwords’ integration and adaptation (the terms
‘integration’ and ‘adaptation’ are used interchangeably in this research paper), sometimes the
loanwords that are borrowed from the donor language have certain properties such as the
phonological properties (i.e., the phonetics and phonemics of the language), the orthographic
properties (i.e., the representation of the sounds of a language by written or printed symbols), the
morphological properties (i.e., the system of word-forming elements and processes in a language)
and syntactic properties (i.e., the part of grammar dealing with how the linguistic elements, such
as words, are put together to form constituents, such as phrases or clauses), and these properties
do not fit into the system of the source language (the recipient language). Hence, these unfitted
loanwords often undergo changes to allow them fitting into the recipient language. These changes
are called loanwords’ integration (or loanwords’ adaptation.)
Nevertheless, the degree of adaptation and/or integration of the loanwords may vary in
various cases depending on many factors such as the age of the borrowed loanwords, the recipient
language speakers’ knowledge of the donor language, and their attitude toward it. For example, if
the borrowed loanwords are recent and donor language is well-known among the speakers of the
recipient language, then those speakers may choose to borrow certain inflected forms from the
donor language instead of adapting the borrowed words in pronunciation. Admittedly, the term
‘foreignisms’ is used to refer to loanwords that are not capable of being adapted to the recipient
language’s system.
In addition, the process of borrowing loanwords, which often entails a certain amount of
bilingualism, includes taking over and/or transferring new lexical items from other languages or
other languages’ varieties, by means of contact, together with the concepts and ideas they stand
for, and adopt/incorporate them into the recipient language, i.e., the original native language,
without translation.
The results provided from this present study also showed that there are different levels to
which a borrowed loanword from the donor language become assimilated into the recipient

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language. In addition, the level of such assimilation depends on two factors; time and usage, in a
way that the longer since the loanword was borrowed from the donor language and the more it is
used by the speakers of the recipient language, the greater its degree of assimilation and familiarity.
Additionally, the study concluded that there are several motives and reasons lying behind
the adaptation of loanwords in the recipient language, such as: 1) borrowing loanwords due to the
linguistic ‘deficit’ and the linguistic ‘gaps’ in the lexical resources of a language. Thus, loanwords
are borrowed from other languages, i.e., the donor languages, because there are no equivalents of
the borrowed words in the recipient language; 2) borrowing loanwords due to the high level of
dominance of the donor language over the recipient language and due to the high level of prestige
of the donor language’s words comparing their equivalents in the recipient language. Which means
that despite the availability of the native equivalents of the borrowed loanwords in the recipient
language, however due to their prestigious status, loanwords from the donor language are
borrowed. In fact, the amount of borrowed loanwords as well as the domains of these loanwords
are determined by the degree of influence of the donor languages over the recipient languages,
especially if the donor language is associated with a higher status; 3) borrowing loanwords due to
phonetical/phonological, morphological, graphical or semantical reasons; 4) some loanwords are
borrowed into a new language if they are coherent with the incorporating environment and culture
of the recipient language; 5) borrowing loanwords from other donor languages out of need,
through which a new concept is acquired by contact with another group from the donor language
and due to the need for a word that expresses this concept, hence this word is borrowed from the
donor language along with the concept; 6) borrowing loanwords due to therapeutic reason in case
the original word in the native language is unavailable; 7) the cultural borrowing of loanwords, in
which new words are borrowed into the recipient language along with new concepts that are
borrowed from the donor language; 8) borrowing loanwords due to the high level of tabooness of
the already existed native words, hence the recipient language may acquire large parts of the donor
language’s basic lexicon, so that its genealogical position is recognizable only from its
grammatical morphemes; 9) borrowing loanwords due to the homonymy avoidance as in some
cases, a word becomes too similar to another word due to sound change, hence the homonymy
clash might be avoided by borrowing new loanwords from other donor languages; and 10)

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borrowing loanwords as a result from the age of exploration in which new things, objects or notions
were discovered from around the world and named by words taken from their original local
language since there are no equivalents for them in the recipient language/s.
=====================================================================
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