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SN Soc Sci (2022) 2: 172
https://doi.org/10.1007/s43545-022-00464-y
REVIEW PAPER
The Gothic Revival innineteenth century Catholic America:
Patrick Charles Keely (1816–1896) andhis extensive
contribution
JulieTaylor1
Received: 15 July 2021 / Accepted: 22 July 2022 / Published online: 22 August 2022
© The Author(s) 2022
Abstract
Patrick Charles Keely was arguably America’s greatest nineteenth century Catho-
lic architect. He was responsible for the designs of hundreds of Catholic churches
and cathedrals across the north-east of the region throughout the century. He was
also instrumental in transforming contemporary Catholic church designs, when he
introduced Gothic Revival styles to Catholic church building in the 1840s. By cat-
egorising and documenting the styles of the notable Catholic churches that were
constructed during the period, this research demonstrates that not only did Keely
introduce Gothic Revival architecture to Catholic church building, but he also popu-
larised it to the extent that it became the dominant style for Catholic church con-
struction for the rest of the century. He also continuously developed the style in line
with changing architectural concepts and fashions and modified his own version of
the Gothic style, to make it affordable for less affluent congregations.
Keywords Keely· Gothic· Ecclesiastical· Architecture· Nineteenth century
Introduction
General introduction
Patrick Charles Keely (1816–1896) was arguably the most prolific Catholic architect
of nineteenth century America. He was responsible for the designs of most Catholic
Cathedrals in the north-east of the region, as well as several hundred parish churches
throughout the century (Kervick 1953). Born in Thurles in County Tipperary on the
9th of August 1816, Keely (or Kiely as he was known in Ireland) spent his form-
ative years there before he emigrated to the United States in 1842. He settled in
* Julie Taylor
jtaylorquinn01@qub.ac.uk
1 Queen’s University, 5 Weavers Wood, Newtownabbey, County Antrim, BelfastBT365PY,
NorthernIreland
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Brooklyn at a time when the Catholic population in America was expanding rapidly,
but Catholic architects were rare (Smith 2006). He quickly became the dominant
Catholic architect of the era and helped standardise Catholic church design in the
United States (Kervick 1953).
Keely was an instrumental figure in introducing “ecclesiastically correct” Gothic
Revival architecture into American Catholic church building when he was first com-
missioned to work on Saints Peter and Paul’s church in Williamsburg. The church
was dedicated in 1846 and set Keely’s architectural career in motion, as he went on
to design upwards of 600 churches and cathedrals throughout the century. The dedi-
cation of the church marked a “new epoch” for American Catholic church building
(Kervick 1953) and ultimately transformed nineteenth century Catholic church con-
struction and design, as the Gothic Revival style took hold and remained the domi-
nant style for church building for the rest of the century.
However, despite his achievements, Keely’s work is seriously understudied when
compared to other contemporary American ecclesiastical architects such as Richard
Upjohn and James Renwick. His commissions are largely unacknowledged in many
general Gothic Revival publications, and information regarding his career is gener-
ally confined to specialised Catholic literature such as parochial histories and dioce-
san chronicles (Purcell 1943). The scant mention in general Gothic Revival publica-
tions of Catholic Church building in America and its strong Irish associations could
be attributed to issues concerning the way in which Irish Catholic history was tradi-
tionally portrayed within the general history of the United States, which was often
built on an Anglo-Protestant or post-Protestant culture (Gleason 1970). Therefore,
researching and recording the churches of Patrick Charles Keely provides a more
holistic perspective of the Gothic Revival in America that includes Catholic church
building alongside Protestant study. It also adds to the legacy of the growth of the
American Catholic church in the nineteenth century and its associated Irish herit-
age, as well as expanding on the legacy of Patrick Charles Keely himself. A legacy,
which architect Francis W Kervick (1953) described as “sorely neglected”.
Irish background
Keely spent his formative years in Thurles, County Tipperary before he left for the
United States in 1842. He lived there when the town was going through significant
changes in its religious and physical development, due to the plentiful Catholic wor-
ship spaces, associated religious orders and educational institutions that were pro-
liferating within the town (Corbitt 1989). These developments had so much of an
impact that, in 1838, the Roman Catholic Directory described Thurles as “the most
decidedly Roman Catholic town in Ireland, with the exception of Galway”, adding
further that, “the eye is struck with the number, as well as the beauty of the edi-
fices sacred to religion and education” within the town (Condon 1989). Central to
this was the “Big Chapel”, which was constructed in 1807 and it was described by
Samuel Lewis in 1837, who was the editor and publisher of topographical diction-
aries and maps of Britain and Ireland as, “one of the finest buildings of its kind in
Ireland”. The contemporary writings of Thomas Lacey also described the building
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as a “very fine structure of modern dimensions and a cruciform character” (O’Toole
1989).
Coming from an affluent background, Keely spent his youth surrounded by
Catholicism and religious building. He grew up in a home once occupied by the
Presentation Sisters (Kervick 1953) and his father, William Kiely, was a builder of
local renown. Kiely Snr was involved in the construction of several churches, along
with his most notable work in assisting in the building of St Patrick’s College (Pur-
cell 1943). St Patrick’s College is a distinguished institution that was founded in
1837 to provide a liberal education for the Catholic youth, that were destined for the
priesthood, or professional and business careers. The founding stone for the build-
ing was laid in 1829 by the Archbishop of Cashel, Robert Laffan (1765–1833) in
the presence of a large gathering, as well as the leading campaigner for Emancipa-
tion and the Repeal movement, Daniel O’Connell (O’Dwyer 1989). Whether Keely
attended this is not known, but his surrounding environment in his formative years
was steeped in religious revival, Irish Catholic political interests and mass Catholic
building; and it evidently had a profound effect on his career choices when he moved
to the United States.
Catholicism inearly nineteenth century Ireland
The extensive building programme that was taking place in Thurles was part of a
wider rapid Catholic building era that proliferated in Ireland (Purcell 1943). This
was a time of great political and religious revival for Catholics on the island, as they
were released from the last vestiges of penal legislation through Emancipation in
1829 and in turn, gained full religious, civil and political equality (Walker 2000).
In the years preceding Emancipation, the minority landowners and nobility of the
established Church of Ireland had complete political, economic and social domina-
tion over the majority Catholic population (Abramson 1973; Sheehy 1995). Catho-
lic oppression was enacted through a series of penal laws, that came into effect in
1695 (Walker 2000), that deprived Catholics of their civil, political and religious
freedoms (Elliott 2001). Primarily, the legislation prevented Catholics of acquiring
land or owning property, and whatever land they did own was broken up upon death,
by the forbiddance of the practice of primogeniture. Catholics were also excluded
from political and legal professions, along with certain trades, due to the require-
ment to swear an oath abjuring the temporal authority of the Pope; and they also
had to renounce their belief in transubstantiation (Sheehy 1995). They also suffered
a range of legal disabilities, that affected everything from their education and horse
ownership, to bearing arms (Larkin 2014a, b).
However, despite the poverty and persecutions, eighty-one percent of the popula-
tion remained Catholic (Gilley 2006) and things began to improve for them towards
the end of the eighteenth century, with the implementation of various relief acts.
Also, due to the expansion of industrialisation, an increasingly prosperous Catho-
lic middle class, that was largely made up of farmers and merchants (Sheehy 1995)
joined the residual Catholic gentry that had remained from Cromwellian times.
These Catholics became involved in trade and business, growing in wealth and
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status, and by the 1780s, one-third of Dublin’s merchants were Catholic. The vari-
ous relief acts also resulted in their rights to purchase and bequeath land, along with
the right to practice at the bar and their consciousness of being a community on the
rise enabled them to prosper further (Larkin 2014a, b).
The Catholic Church also restructured and reorganised itself in the wake of its
increasing political power and growing confidence (Elliott 2001). This reorganisa-
tion involved the consolidation of a hierarchical structure and the establishment of
a network of parishes. By 1836, the Church had established four Archbishopricsin
Armagh, Dublin, Tuamand Cashel, and there were also twenty-six Sees. There was
also a total of twenty-two bishops and nine-hundred and seventy parish priests prac-
ticing throughout the region. A mass church building programme was a natural con-
sequence of these developments and 1805 churches were built in Ireland in the first
half of the nineteenth century; with building costs largely subsidised by the emerg-
ing Catholic middle class (Sheehy 1995, p. 137). There was also a huge increase
in the establishment of religious orders, that provided a whole range of charitable
services, as well as the development of a Catholic education system (Brooks 1995,
NIAH 2006). Church attendance also improved and by 1835, an estimated 70% of
the populationwere going to church within the towns, although numbers were less
in rural areas at approximately 40% (Gilley 2006; Walker 2000)
This Catholic Revival period in Ireland coincided with a “Devotional Revolu-
tion”, an international phenomenon taking place within the church, that took root
in the aftermath of the French Revolution; and was encouraged by Popes Pius IX
and Leo XIII (Heimann 2006). It had a direct impact on the Catholic church in Ire-
land and involved the publicising of devotions and the raising in status of feast days,
by offering special indulgences for their practice and blessings for their sodalities
(Gilley 1984). This resulted in the increased importance of devotional cults such
as the Rosary, the thrice-daily recitation of the Angelus, novenas, the Stations of
the Cross, Forty Hours Adoration and the Benediction of the Blessed Sacrament
(Walker 2000). Under the leadership of Cardinal Paul Cullen and the Ultramontane
movement, devotional worship assumed the rights of a national movement in Ire-
land in the mid-nineteenth century, which accompanied an increased devotion to the
Pope, along with universal church conformity to the rites and customs of the Church
in Rome (Gilley 1984). The Church continued to develop dramatically throughout
the remainder of the nineteenth century and by the end of the century, it acquired
almost all its modern characteristics, such as a highly visible organisational struc-
ture, a disciplined clergy, a high level of religious instruction and practice, church
control of Catholic education and activities, as well as visible allegiance to Rome
(Elliott 2001).
The Irish inAmerica
From 1634 until 1800, the Catholic population in America largely consisted of a
small minority of socially accomplished English Catholics. Sixty to eighty percent
of the 25,000 Catholic population in 1784 were recorded as English in origin and
22,000 of them were settled in Maryland and Pennsylvania (Egan 1968). Up until
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the second decade of the nineteenth century, the Catholic church in the United States
was considered a small and insignificant denomination, that was scattered across the
north-eastern region. The Catholic worship practices of the time consisted of “no
fuss or extremes” and the bishops of the era, such as John Carroll (1735–1815) and
John Cheverus (1768–1836) had the reputation of being “polished gentlemen” and
“treasures” who “rubbed along nicely” with their “Protestant neighbours” within the
social community (Dolan 2009).
The situation began to change around 1800, as despite the changing fortunes for
the Catholic Church in Ireland, many Irish Catholics still lived precariously around
subsistence level. This was due to continued economic instability and persecutions.
The majority poor were still subjected to oppressive penal laws and most laboured
for landlords under a heavy burden of taxation. Also, The Act of Union established
in 1801 eliminated any semblance of Irish independence and deprived the Irish
Catholic population of any political self-determination (O’Connor 1998). Circum-
stances exacerbated in 1815, in the aftermath of the Napoleonic wars (1803–1815)
and Anglo-American War (1812–1815). Britain and Ireland entered an economic
recession that coincided with the “Year Without Summer” in 1816, causing failed
harvests, famine and outbreaks of typhoid, which led to the deaths of an estimated
100,000 people (Donnelly etal2020).
Irish Catholics emigrated in small numbers to the United States in the years
preceding 1815, but these catastrophic events sparked a mass phenomenon (Gilley
2006). By 1825, mass Irish Catholic immigration had become established in Amer-
ica, due to continuing economic downturns, waves of unemployment, intermittent
starvation, and political uncertainty (Egan 1968). It is estimated that one million
Catholics left Ireland for America between 1800 and 1845 (Donnelly etal. 2020).
Although, it should be noted that not all Irish immigrants were poor and dispos-
sessed, and there were many comfortably off immigrants, like Keely, who emigrated
to America in search of better opportunities. Irish Catholic emigration eventually
reached a peak around 1850, due to dramatic consequences surrounding the Great
Famine; when an estimated two million Irish Catholics left for American Shores
between 1840 and 1860. This resulted in the American Catholic population becom-
ing overwhelmingly immigrant and Irish (Dolan 2009; Gleason 1970), with Catholic
immigration from other European countries, as well as Canada, almost negligible in
comparison (Egan 1968). The impact of this was so great, that after the Civil War
(1861–1865), the Catholic population in the United States totalled an approximate
3.5 million and it became the single largest Christian denomination in the region
(Dolan 2009). The immigrants largely settled in the New England and mid-Atlantic
States and the Catholic populations in these areas became almost solidly Irish (Glea-
son 1970).
This resulted in the American Catholic Church becoming increasingly domi-
nated by an effective Irish contingent (Shea 1878; Smith 2006) and they brought to
the church their religious heritage from Ireland, that, as already outlined, was fast
becoming parish orientated (Dolan 2009). The change in hierarchy to Irish domi-
nation reflected the dramatic shifts in cultural and national origins of the Ameri-
can Catholic population and it was a natural progression that was not the result of
any political manoeuvres by the Irish, or other foreign-born ecclesiastics (Gleason
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1970). Consequentially, the Irish took the lead on the mass Catholic church building
that began around 1830 (Shea 1878; Smith 2006) and by the mid-nineteenth century,
they were also involved in the construction of other Catholic associated buildings
such as convents, schools and hospitals. This Church building was largely financed
through the petty donations of poor, generous and fervently religious congregations
(Purcell 1943) and the Irish were also in control of almost all the Catholic press
(Gleason 1970). The expansion of the Church was so dramatic that militant attempts
by various nativist movements in the 1850s and 1860s, to curb mass Irish Cath-
olic immigration did little to halt the changing religious and ethnic demographics
(O’Connor 1998). Or the rapid development of the Catholic Church and the estab-
lishment of churches and associated religious institutions within the United States
(McCaffery 1976).
Architectural development oftheIrish catholic church
As already noted, the outcome of the Revival and Renewal period in Ireland was
the dramatic increase in Catholic church building in the years immediately succeed-
ing emancipation (NIAH 2006). However, contrary to popular narratives, Catholic
church building was an ongoing phenomenon throughout the eighteenth century in
Ireland, but due to restrictions on church building laid out in penal legislation, these
Fig. 1 St Mary’s Catholic Church Lag, Donegal (1784). Source cc-by-sa/2.0—© David Dixon—geo-
graph.org.uk/p/5680101
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were generally vernacular structures that ranged from barn-type buildings to stone
slate chapels; with little architectural pretension (Fig.1) (Oram 2001; Sheehy 1995).
The architecture reflected the insularity and self-effacement that Catholics had
become accustomed to after years of discrimination and prejudice (Brooks 1995);
with scholar Douglas Scott Richardson (1970) describing it as the “architecture of
repression”.
However, a relaxation of laws in the Catholic Relief Act of 1782 restored the
right for Catholics to purchase land and restrictions on practicing Catholic Clergy
were also rescinded (Rogers and Macauley 1984). These developments, along with
the emergence of an increasingly prosperous Catholic middle class contributed to a
greater availability of resources for the building of Catholic churches; and with the
implementation of the Catholic relief Acts, the building of low-key structures was
no longer necessary (Walker 2000). This, in turn, led to the development of pro-
gressively assertive architectural styles and the late Georgian Period witnessed the
introduction of large Catholic churches built in Classical styles (Oram 2001). These
churches were generally plain, rectangular buildings that featured attached tem-
ple-like fronts that were of Georgian-Classical or neo-Greek forms (Fig. 2) (Oram
2001).
Any Gothic structures built at this time were purely aesthetic in nature and
were marked by a casual attitude to historical accuracy (Loth and Sadler 1975)
that was rooted in the romanticising of Gothic structures and ruins in the eight-
eenth century. Picturesque Gothic styles were popularised through popular fiction
Fig. 2 St Mary’s Pro-Cathedral, Dublin (1825). Source wiki
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of the Georgian era. A prominent influencer was art historian and Whig politi-
cian Horace Walpole (1717–1797) who revived an interest in Gothic architecture
through his fictional works such as The Castle of Otranto (1764) (Eastlake 1979).
He was also the first influential man in the eighteenth century to “gothicise” a
building on a large scale, when in 1747, he began refurbishing his home, Straw-
berry Hill in Twickenham into a “mock” Gothic style (Clarke 1969; Lewis 2002).
Picturesque Gothic churches of the time (Fig.3) usually contained two-dimen-
sional pointed arches, battlements and parapets that were not responsible for any
structural support of the building (Stanton 1968; Walker 2000). They generally
kept to the plans of the Classical churches of the same period, which were built to
accommodate Protestant preaching centred worship practices. Common charac-
teristics included an open hall space which was filled with box pews, that focused
on a centralised high pulpit, which placed the preacher in the centre of the con-
gregations hearing and vision. Galleries were also often included to accommo-
date more parishioners, and these usually ran three lengths of the interior (Pugin
1836; Walker 2000). Catholic church building of the time generally adhered to
the popular building designs of contemporary Protestant churches, but with some
slight variation. Due to the importance of Catholic sacramental practices, an alter
took centre stage instead of a pulpit and this was usually placed in a dimension-
ally small chancel, and in some cases a recess (Fig.4) (Clarke 1969; Oram 2001).
Fig. 3 Old St Patrick’s Church, Donegall Street, Belfast, N Ireland (1815). Source Walker & Dixon
(1991) p. 35
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The Gothic Revival
It was towards the middle of the nineteenth century that ecclesiastical architectural
styles began to evolve from the galleried Classical and “faux” Gothicised styles that
had been popular in the late Georgian period, towards more sophisticated historical
revivalist styles as the century progressed. The most prolific of these was the Gothic
Revival, which completely transformed ecclesiastical building design. What made
this Gothic Revival different to the Gothicised styles that went before was that a
new scholarly and functional approach was taken in the design of churches (East-
lake 1872), with the implementation of “ecclesiastically correct” church plans, that
accommodated pre-Reformation liturgical practices. (Lewis 2002; Sheehy 1977).
The Gothic Revival made such an impact on nineteenth century church building
that, by the end of the century, it had established itself as the ultimate “church style”
in the popular consciousness (Drummond 1934) and pointed arches and tall towers
were thought of as the very epitome of ecclesiastical building (McNamara 2017).
“Gothic” is used to describe an architectural style that evolved from Roman-
esque architecture in Europe in the twelfth century (Fig.5) and lasted until the six-
teenth century, when it was succeeded by the architecture of the Renaissance Period
(Hendrix 2013). Gothic architecture is characterised by its lofty exteriors and light
airy interiors, with its emphasis on height and ornate decoration giving the appear-
ance of grandeur and excellence. Primary features associated with Gothic architec-
ture include pointed arches, load bearing buttresses and vaulted ceilings, which all
Fig. 4 Interior of St Malachy’s Church, Belfast, N Ireland (1844). Source irishcathedrals.blogspot.com
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provide functional support for the building. Decorative elements included the use
of pinnacles and battlements, which also help weigh down the building and in later
styles, windows are finished with increasingly elaborate tracery (Drummond 1934;
Hendrix 2013).
During the medieval period, the English developed their own unique Gothic
styles, which were categorised by Thomas Rickman in the early nineteenth century
in his work, An Attempt to Discriminate the Styles of English Architecture, From
the Conquest to the Reformation (1817). Rickman placed medieval English Gothic
into three general chronological stylistic definitions, which are still extensively ref-
erenced in Gothic Revival study today (Stanton 1968). They are; the Early English
style (1180–1250), which is characterised by its lancet windows and increasingly
elaborate tracery; the Decorated style (1290–1350), which is characterised by rich
Fig. 5 York Minster Cathedral (1472). Source Gary Ullah wikimedia
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ornament and spatial complexity; and the Perpendicular style (1350–1540), which
is characterised by verticality, linearity, repetitive panelling and increasingly com-
plex rib patterns. Medieval Gothic buildings were also constructed using stone, and
building plans represented the theology, philosophy, and epistemology of medieval
England (Hendrix 2013; Stanton 1968). Church plans were dictated by Christian
medieval worship practices and at the very least, contained a nave and developed
chancel area, with a relatively sizeable amount also incorporating a cruciform layout
that involved the use of transepts and sometimes clerestories (Stanton 1968).
Augustus Northmore Welby Pugin (1812–1852)
The Gothic Revival gathered momentum in Catholic church building in the 1840s
and it was prolific architect Augustus Northmore Welby Pugin (1812–1852) that was
at the forefront of developments (Walker 2000). Disillusioned with aspects of indus-
trialisation, Pugin perceived the architecture from the medieval period as deriving
from a more humane and cohesive society, in which “common faith and not capi-
talising” was the organising principle (Lewis 2002). He idealised the “holiness” of
medieval Christendom and promoted medieval Gothic “pointed” architecture as the
organic product of the Catholic faith (Stanton 1968). Carrying a deep disdain for the
architectural styles of the classical and faux Gothic churches of the late Georgian
period, Pugin viewed the styles as products of paganism and European enlighten-
ment (Heimann 2006). He derided both the aesthetic exterior and interior plans of
the buildings, claiming that they were built “with the least regard to tradition, mysti-
cal reasons, or even common propriety” (Pugin 1841).
Pugin condemned preaching centred church plans as “abominations” and “intol-
erable” and claimed that they should be “utterly abolished” (Pugin 1843), describing
late Georgian church interiors as “a room full of seats (constructed) at the least pos-
sible cost”. Adding further that any ornament applied to the buildings were “tacked
on” to hide the “meanness” of the building (Pugin 1841). He described picturesque
Gothic designs as “a great defect” and “shells”, which take on the appearance of
“pointed” churches but they “were applied to Classical masses”; and when faced
with the interior, the “illusion” of authentically Gothic architecture “vanishes”
(Pugin 1836, 1841).
Pugin also claimed that an ecclesiastical architect had to work with his faith as
well as his architectural knowledge and ability; as it was essential that the archi-
tect understood and embraced the church’s liturgy, rubrics, rites and ceremonies
(Pugin 1836; Walker 2000). Ecclesiastical architects in Pugin’s view would then
fully understand that “each portion of the church was destined for a particular use, in
which arrangement and decoration perfectly corresponded” (Pugin 1836).
Idealising the Gothic architecture that immediately preceded the Reformation,
he claimed that Decorated and Perpendicular Gothic edifices had “attained a most
extraordinary degree of excellence in this country” (Pugin 1836). He discussed
how the medieval English parish church, with its nave, developed chancel, pillars,
aisles, and clerestory was the “proper model for present imitation” (Pugin 1843).
Even though he idealised English Gothic parish church designs, he generally
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regarded them as “deficient in height” and he expounded the “internal altitudes”
of French Gothic Cathedrals such as Amiens, Beauvais and Chartres, which he
perceived would “add greatly to the effect of English models” (Pugin 1841). He
also promoted the use of spires “raising above the roofs” as in his view, these
were an expression of a moral and spiritual order (Drummond 1934).
Pugin was the leading voice on the advancement of ecclesiastically correct
Gothic Revival architecture (NIAH 2006). His ideas spread throughout the West
by means of his extensive architectural practices in both Ireland and Britain,
along with his popular writings. Due to this, Gothic Revival architecture eventu-
ally infiltrated all Christian denominations to a greater or lesser extent (Walker
2000). His most prolific Gothic church buildings in Ireland include St Aiden’s
Cathedral in Enniscorthy, County Wexford which was built in 1843 (Figs.6, 7)
and St Mary’s Cathedral in Killarney, County Kerry, which was completed in
1855. In the United States, Pugin’s ideas spread swiftly, and within months of the
release of his publication True Principles (1841), Richard Upjohn had revised the
designs he had created for Trinity Episcopal Church in New York. It is highly evi-
dent that the Perpendicular style church (1846) was inspired by Pugin’s ideas and
in many Gothic Revival publications, the Church is regarded as setting a prec-
edence for the expansion of the Gothic Revival in ecclesiastical building within
the United States (Lewis 2002; Loth and Sadler 1975; Smith 2006; Wheelwright
1939).
Fig. 6 St Aiden’s Cathedral Enniscorthy, Wexford (1843). Source Andreas F Borchert wikimedia
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Evolving Gothic styles
During the 1860s, concepts and interpretations of Gothic Revival architecture
moved beyond Walpole’s purely aesthetic Gothic of the late Georgian period and
Pugin’s “ecclesiastically correct” Gothic, to more eclectic Gothic Revival styles
(Eastlake 1979). Church designs became increasingly variable and there was also a
divergence from the use of strictly English models to the introduction of Continental
style elements (Whiffen 1981). At the forefront of these developments was art critic
John Ruskin (1819–1900), who provided social and artistic interpretations of Gothic
Revival architecture that moved beyond strict ecclesiastical associations and offered
broader interpretations, functions and origins for Gothic architecture, that included
placing more emphasis on Medieval Craft Guilds. He also provided organic inter-
pretations for the development of Gothic architecture and linked Gothic design fea-
tures to natures forests and caves (Smith 2006). Like Pugin, Ruskin denounced the
industrial age and its “machine-based ornaments” (Ruskin 1849) and he idealised
medieval societal attitudes and building techniques, stating that the medieval Gothic
was “built in an era of good building by men who lived a life of freedom, humil-
ity and joy” (Ruskin 1849). However, unlike Pugin, Ruskin was a staunch Protes-
tant and was neither a ritualist nor apologist for Rome (Clarke 1969). He denounced
Pugin (Conner 1978) and his strict associations of the Gothic with Catholic liturgi-
cal practices, mysticism and symbolism (Loth and Sadler 1975).
Ruskin’s taste in Gothic architectural styles was comprehensive and although he
lauded the English “earliest” Decorated style, he also commended French Gothic
and Italian Romanesque. However, above all, he favoured the Gothic of Venice
Fig. 7 Interior of St Aiden’s Enniscorthy. Source Andreas F Borchert wikimedia
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(Fig.8), which he stated was Gothic “in its purest development” (Ruskin 1849). This
broadening of concepts and introducing of continental styles within Gothic Revival
building offered the ecclesiastical architect greater scope in creating increasingly
variable and eclectic Gothic Revival churches (Loth and Sadler 1975). Catholic
architects were also receptive to introducing Italian Gothic features into their build-
ing designs, due to their close associations with Rome (Clarke 1969).
Ruskin’s fresh input into Gothic Revival thinking increasingly influenced many
young architects, who had previously been content to follow Pugin’s lead (Whiffen
1981). His literature was more widely read in the United States than his native Eng-
land and, although Ruskin’s ideas are apparent in many British churches, his ideas
were exceptionally popular in the United States. This was likely due to the United
States not having a Gothic tradition to look back on; and they were not as troubled
about what may have been perceived in some circles in England as substituting an
“alien style over a national style” (Loth and Sadler 1975). Popular Venetian Gothic
features introduced into American Catholic church building at the time include the
use of campaniles, polychrome brickwork and mixes of pointed, square and round-
headed window designs.
A growing reverence for French Gothic was also developing in American church
design. In the mid-1860s, when France was in the middle of their own Gothic
Revival, French Gothic style elements gained popularity in American Catholic
Church building. Inspiration came from the building of such flamboyant Gothic
Revival structures as the Sainte-Clotilde Cathedral (Fig.9), which was designed by
Fig. 8 St Lawrence Metropolitan Cathedral, Genoa, Italy (late fourteenth century). Source KOMMYHA
wikimedia
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SN Soc Sci (2022) 2: 172 Page 15 of 75 172
F.C Gau of Cologne and completed in 1857. There was also an increased interest
in the research and refurbishment of original medieval French structures, includ-
ing the thirteenth century edifice of Chartres Cathedral in Paris (Loth and Sadler
1975). Other prominent influences included the designs and writings of the archi-
tectural historian Eugene Viollet-le-Duc (1814–1879), who was responsible for
the restoration of many Gothic churches in France, and he also produced popular
writings including, Dictionnaire Raisonne de l’architure Francaise du XI au XVI
Siecle (1854) (Eastlake 1979). Popular French features that became apparent in
American Catholic church building included, large and intricately decorated rose
windows, three-portal facades with highly ornate pointed archivolts, pediments and
Fig. 9 Basilique Sainte Clotilde, Paris (1857). Source Mbzt Wikipedia
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tympanums, along with tapered twin spires and stone-lace ornamentation (Loth and
Sadler 1975).
In the post-Civil War years, the doctrines of Pugin still carried weight in Catho-
lic church building, due to the close associations between ecclesiastically correct
layouts and Catholic liturgical practices and many Catholic churches were still built
to an ecclesiastically correct plan (Lewis 2002; Sheehy 1977). However, a mix of
English, Italian, French and occasionally German Gothic elements were introduced
to building exteriors, which resulted in building styles becoming less homogenously
English Gothic in style. A notable example of an eclectic Gothic Revival edifice in
the United States is James Renwick’s (1818–1895) St Patrick’s Catholic Cathedral in
New York (Fig.10). The building is heavily adorned with French Gothic elements,
but it kept an ecclesiastically correct layout that featured strong English detailing.
The cathedral formerly opened for worship in 1879, and the spires were completed
in 1888 (Loth and Sadler 1975).
Why study?—Research aims
Keely’s architectural career flourished at a time when the Catholic church in the
United States was going through its greatest expansion in America’s history. As
already outlined, the Irish were at the forefront of these developments, as they
were the most dominant ethnic Catholic group at the time, due to the millions of
Irish Catholics that emigrated to America throughout the century. Keely entered
the United States ecclesiastical architectural scene in 1842, at a time when Catho-
lic architects in the United States were rare, and he quickly became the dominant
Catholic architect of the era, when he completed his first commission in Williams-
burg, New York in 1846. He went on to design most of the Catholic Cathedrals
in the North-East of America, as well as several hundred parish churches, and his
designs can be observed as far west as Watertown in Wisconsin and as far south as
Charleston in South Carolina; with examples also located in Canada. He also trans-
formed Catholic church construction and design when he built his first commission
in a Gothic Revival style. Described as a “new epoch” in American Catholic church
building (Kervick 1953), the style took hold and remained the dominant style for the
remainder of the century.
However, despite these achievements the documentation of his life and work is
scant when compared to other contemporary ecclesiastical architects of the era such
as Richard Upjohn and James Renwick (Lewis 2002; Loth & Sadler 1975; Smith
2006; Stanton 1968; Wheelwright 1939). There is only one pamphlet and journal
article dedicated to his life and work, which are; Francis W. Kervick’s, Patrick
Charles Keely, architect: A record of his life and work (1953) and Richard J Pur-
cell’s journal article, P. C. Keely: Builder of Churches in the United States (1943).
Generalised literature concerning the impact of the Gothic Revival in America tends
to focus on Episcopal church building (along with other Protestant denominations),
and any mention of its impact on Catholic worship spaces is limited. However, there
are fleeting mentions of Keely’s achievements in specialised Catholic publications,
such as parochial histories and diocesan chronicles (Purcell 1943).
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Kervick (1953) speculated that the neglect of Keely’s legacy could be attributed
to the era’s prevalent anti-Irish-Catholic bigotry, along with professional jealousy
from colleagues, who resented the fact that Keely, who lacked any formal train-
ing, was in constant demand. Kervick’s explanations are plausible, but they could
be expanded on further. The neglect of Keely’s legacy could also be the result of
wider issues concerning the way in which Irish Catholic history was traditionally
portrayed within the context of the general history of the United States. Up until
Fig. 10 St Patrick’s Cathedral
New York (1879). Source Far-
ragutfu wikimedia
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around the middle of the twentieth century, American history was often built on
an Anglo-Protestant, or post-Protestant national culture, with Anglicans and other
Protestant denominations taking a central role in America’s colonial history (Egan
1968). Catholics, and particularly Irish Catholics, were not considered as influen-
tial shapers of America’s history, and critics of the Catholic intellectual record have
considered causal factors as to why this was so. These include: the immigrant back-
ground of the Irish; their generally lower-class status; a lack of an intellectual tradi-
tion; their perceived weak achievement orientation; their ghetto mentality; clerical
paternalism and authoritarianism; etc. (Gleason 1970). Due to this, positive Catholic
contributions to mainstream American culture were often played down in the his-
torical narrative and this attitude would have been at its most endemic when Keely
was designing his churches, due to the already mentioned anti-Catholic bigotry that
was widespread at the time.
In the early twentieth century, anti-Catholic bias was a part of academic life
and Catholics were often viewed as inhabiting distinct and often insular subcul-
tures, which resulted in the premise of Catholic “otherness” (Tentler 1993). This
resulted in problems with integrating Irish Catholic history into the overall story
of America’s historical development (Gleason 1970). A consequence of this was a
lack of interest among American historians as to the role Catholics played within
mainstream American society. American Catholic history at this stage was often a
specialised ecclesiastical history, that concentrated on the internal development of
the church, and it was usually of prime interest to Catholic historians only (Rischin
1972). Meagre studies concerning Irish immigrants often concentrated on the lower
classes, and their reception and adjustment upon arriving in America; with general
narratives often portraying them as “passive victims” in an often-inhospitable soci-
ety (Gleason 1970).
Fortunately, from around the middle of the twentieth century onwards, and
prompted by the growth of social history, literature concerning the role that Irish
Catholics played within shaping American society expanded greatly; and Catholics
were integrated more fully and intelligently into reconstructions of the American
past (Tentler 1993). Studies moved away from the linear perceptions of preceding
decades and instead of concentrating on institutional aspects of the Church’s history,
along with how the American environment affected immigrant Catholics, studies
began to focus more on how Catholics contributed to American Society and culture.
There is a wealth of literature now that details how Irish Catholic immigrants set-
tled, shaped and defined American cities. Along with how they influenced demo-
graphic shifts and ethnic changes, which impacted on the nation’s economy, as well
as its social, religious and political landscape (Mitchell 2006).
However, research into the extensive influence of the Irish on the expansion of
the American Catholic Church in the nineteenth century, and particularly their role
in standardising American Catholic church building and design (Smith 2006) is still
lacking in study. Therefore, studying the work of Patrick Charles Keely, the archi-
tect that was at the forefront of these developments, not only adds to his legacy, but
also builds on the legacy of the evolution of the Catholic Church in nineteenth cen-
tury America and its associated Irish heritage. In addition, it adds another dimension
to the study of the impact of the Gothic Revival on American worship spaces, by
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documenting its influence within Catholic church building. This can then be added
to the literature that is already available concerning the impact of Gothic Revival
architecture on Protestant churches and provide a more holistic perspective that
includes Catholic churches alongside Protestant studies.
Ultimately, this article aims to demonstrate the impact the Gothic Revival move-
ment had on American Catholic Church building and the substantial role that Keely
played in these developments. This was achieved by researching and recording the
architectural and historical development of the Catholic Church in the United States,
in the years before Keely’s arrival, to demonstrate the architectural changes that took
place when Keely began designing churches. The architectural features of Keely’s
churches were then studied in chronological order and the changes in architectural
styles were observed and recorded. Individual churches are also discussed alongside
a general local historical setting, to provide historical context surrounding the build-
ings and to demonstrate the strong Irish influence in the building of these churches.
Information was obtained by analysing the features of the individual churches
themselves and researching archival material on individual buildings from the
National Register of Historic Places (https:// www. nps. gov/ subje cts/ natio nalre gister/
index. htm). Contemporary Diocesan Chronicles, parish histories and secondary his-
torical sources were also used. As were online sources, which included church histo-
ries, that were available on many individual church websites.
Brief architectural andhistorical scene pre‑keely
The Catholic church in the United States expanded rapidly in the 1840s and church
building programmes increased. As already noted, mass Irish Catholic immigration
at this stage resulted in the church becoming increasingly dominated by an effec-
tive Irish contingent (Shea 1878; Smith 2006) and Catholic immigration from other
European countries and Canada were almost negligible in comparison (Egan 1968).
However, this was not always the case, as up until 1815, the American Catholic
population was predominantly Anglo-American with a discernible French minor-
ity, that numbered around 100,000. They were scattered across the north-eastern
region (Dolan 2). The first ethno-demographic changes were recorded in 1818 in
New York’s Catholic population by the second Bishop of New York John Connelly
(1750–1825). The bishop documented in his notebook that New York was home
to c.16,000 Catholics that were mostly Irish. He added further that approximately
10,000 of these had arrived in the three years prior to his recording (Egan 1968).
New York, along with Boston was the destination of choice for most Irish
Catholics from 1815 until the 1830s, due to the job opportunities that were avail-
able in both cities. It was not until the late 1830s, when the chance of employ-
ment came with the proliferation of various railroad lines, that many more Irish
Catholics were drawn to other States (Lord etal. Vol II 1944b). Church build-
ing in urban areas at this time generally followed the neoclassical fashions of
the late Georgian era. In New York, renowned classical architect Minard Lafever
(1798–1854) designed the Ionic St James’ church in Manhattan, which opened for
worship in 1837 (Fig.11). Although, it should be noted that in later years, Lafever
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unhesitatingly switched his output from Greek to historically correct Gothic once
fashions started changing (Miller 1971).
Other classical New York Catholic churches included Old St Mary’s Church,
Manhattan (1833) (Riordan 1914), St Peter’s Church Manhattan (1838) (Fig.12)
and the Church of the Transfiguration in Mott Street (1815), which was originally
home to the Zion Episcopal Church (Dunlap 2004). A pseudo-Gothic example
in New York is the old St Patrick’s Cathedral (now demolished) in Mott Street,
which opened for worship in 1815. The name was chosen by Bishop Carroll to
reflect that a large body of New York’s Catholics were now Irish (Egan 1968).
Its design was essentially aesthetic Gothic ornament attached to classical plans.
It was the largest religious structure in New York at the time and it was designed
by Father Joseph Francois Mangin, the celebrated New York architect who also
designed New York City Hall. The building was regarded as “the finest Catholic
church in the country” at the time of completion (Dunlap 2004).
Fig. 11 St James’ Catholic Church Manhattan (1837) Source Shelley (2007)
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In Boston, the “most famous architect of the town” architect Charles Bulfinch
(1763–1844) (Lord et al. Vol I 1944a) designed The Church of the Holy Cross
(which became a cathedral in 1808), after supplying plans for the building to his
friend Bishop John Cheverus (1768–1836) without fee (Scanlan 1908). The church
opened for worship in 1803 (Kenney 1908) and it was a rectangular structure that
was Ionic in design (Fig.13) and was typical of the galleried churches of the late
Georgian period (Fig. 14). Bulfinch was America’s first native born professional
architect and his comprehensive portfolio largely consisted of civic and public build-
ings, that were designed in the neoclassical styles (Kirker 1969). Some of his nota-
ble commissions included the State House on Beacon Hill, along with the Capitol at
Washington (Kenney 1908).
Aside from The Cathedral of the Holy Cross in Boston, only two other Cath-
olic churches had been built by 1810 throughout the New England region. These
were the small-bricked colonial-style edifice of St Patrick’s church in Newcastle,
Maine and a log chapel for the Native Americans at Pleasant Point in Maine (Scan-
lan 1908). Outside of New York and Boston, it was not until the 1830s that Catho-
lic church building gathered pace to accommodate the ever-increasing numbers of
Irish Catholics that were flocking to many areas throughout the north-east. The ini-
tial architectural styles of these buildings were unpretentious and rudimentary and
were described by the Archbishop of Saint Paul and Minneapolis, Austin Dowling
(1868–1930) as “plain wooden types” (Dowling 1899); although some were also
rudimentary bricked structures and others were old church buildings that were pur-
chased from Protestant denominations (Dolan 2009).
Fig. 12 St Peter’s Catholic Church, Manhattan (1838). Source Beyond My Ken: Wikimedia
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Rudimentary type church designs with rectangular plans (that sometimes-
incorporated galleries) can be found throughout Massachusetts during the 1830s
and 1840s. Examples in Boston include old St Mary’s Church in Charlestown
(1834) (Fig.15) and old St Patrick’s Church in Roxbury (1835) (Fig.16) (Ken-
ney 1908). Both churches were simplistic in design, and St Mary’s was described
as “resembling a warehouse, save for the cross and cupola at the front” (Lord
et al. Vol II 1944b) and was a vernacular rectangular structure, with a mix of
plain square and round-headed windows. St Patrick’s was less elaborate again and
was a bricked mass with plain windows and a single portal in the façade; and the
building was topped with a rudimentary wooden cupola. The interior of St Pat-
rick’s was a rectangular galleried interior, with a recess incorporated for the altar,
that was typical of other Catholic churches of the era (Kenney 1908). St Patrick’s
Church in Watertown (dedicated 1848) was also constructed in a meeting house
style with round-headed windows and a modest wooden porch. The interior plans
included an open hall space, with one large recess for the centre altar and two
smaller recesses for the flanking minor altars (Sullivan 1895).
Fig. 13 Old Cathedral of the Holy Cross, Boston (1803). Source Public Domain Wikipedia
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Fig. 14 Interior of Old Holy Cross Cathedral. Source Public Domain Wikipedia
Fig. 15 Old St Mary’s Church Charlestown, Boston (1834). Source Leahy (1899)
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Two examples of early Catholic churches elsewhere include the old Church of
the Assumption in Middlebury, Vermont, which was completed in 1840 (Michaud
1899). It was a plain rectangular building with three round-headed windows in
the façade, along with three square-headed portals. The structure was also topped
with a wooden cupola. The wooden edifice of the original St John the Baptist
Church in Castleton (Coffin 2001), which was erected in the mid-1830s (Michaud
1899) is a typical example of the “plain wooden types” that Dowling described
(Dowling 1899). It is a rectangular wooden structure with basic Gothic detailing
that includes plain pointed windows and a pointed-framed portal; and there was
also a quatrefoil shaped window located in the upper section of the façade (Coffin
2001).
Carpenter’s Gothic was also a popular design choice in the United States
(Lewis 2002), before ecclesiastically correct Gothic architecture made an appear-
ance. The plans for Carpenter’s Gothic churches were essentially the same as the
pseudo-Gothic styles that were popular in the late Georgian period, only build-
ings were constructed with wood instead of brick (Loth & Sadler 1975). The style
became popular, due to the incredible abundance of quality timber in the United
States and strong carpentry traditions (Loth and Sadler 1975). This style was
evident in the construction of old St Patrick’s church in Lowell, which was the
first Catholic church built in the town, and it was dedicated for worship in 1831
(Fig.17).
Fig. 16 Old St Patrick’s Church, Roxbury (1835). Source Leahy (1899)
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Keely’s early career
Keely entered the United States and he settled in Brooklyn in 1842, when Irish Cath-
olic immigration was fast reaching its peak. He initially worked as an artisan and
carpenter, designing altars and working on decorative detailing for various churches,
including Lafever’s St James’ Church in Manhattan and St John’s Church in Newark.
The altar he carved for St James’ was admired for its “fine” tracery and his work
Fig. 17 Old St Patrick’s Church, Lowell (1831) Source Mitchell (2006)
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garnered the attention of a young priest named Father Sylvester Malone (Purcell
1943). Malone was sent to form a parish and build a church at Williamsburg in Long
Island (Kervick 1953) and he asked Keely to create plans for the new church. Keely
presented plans of a Gothic Style building, that were eventually accepted by Arch-
bishop Hughes (1797–1864), after initial reservations that the church designs were
too ambitious for such a poor parish (Purcell 1943).
The building opened for worship to critical acclaim in 1846 (Fig. 18) and
became the centre of attraction throughout the region, with its dedication marking
a “new epoch” in Catholic Church building in the United States (Kervick 1953).
One local newspaper described the church as “ecclesiastically correct” and “quite
Fig. 18 SS Peter and Paul’s Church, Williamsburg, New York. Source Catholic Editing Co c.1914
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the reverse” in comparison with the “tawdry, modern grandeur” of the pseudo-
Gothic that had gone before, which they documented as “a profusion of orna-
ment and costly work without effect”. A Catholic chronicler also described the
church as a “splendid specimen of Gothic architecture” that was built to “correct
architectural proportions” (Purcell 1943). It is clear with the attention that the
church received, that the deviation away from Classical and “faux” gothic style
facades to a Gothic Revival exterior was innovative and novel to the local popula-
tion. The completed edifice did contain universal Gothic features such as pointed
arches, pinnacles, battlements, and window tracery (Whiffen 1981). However, it
adhered to the Classical plans of preceding years and was bereft of a medieval
layout. Plans also included a shallow sanctuary and galleries, both of which were
abhorred by Pugin (1841).
The lack of authentic medieval plans was rooted in Keely designing this church
with financial restrictions, and he was having to accommodate a large congregation
in a relatively small space. Also, Irish immigrants coming into the United States
were not used to elaborate churches and ceremonies, which were common within
Episcopalian and French Catholic circles. This stemmed from the historic persecu-
tion they faced under penal legislation in their native land. Kervick (1953) noted
that people that had been forced to attend ceremonies back in Ireland in rudimentary
buildings, or on a hillside, with a rock serving as an altar, were happy at this stage
with “a space for the altar and a roof over their heads” (Kervick 1953).
In comparison with SS Peter’s and Paul’s and in the same year that it opened,
elitist Episcopalians dedicated the grand and highly authentic Gothic Revival Trin-
ity Church in New York, after Richard Upjohn (1802–1878), who was catapulted to
national fame after designing the church became acquainted with Pugin’s writings.
It was described as one of the “purest and grandest specimen of the style yet seen in
America” (Fig.19) (Loth and Sadler 1975). Fellow Episcopal architect James Ren-
wick jr. had also received his first major commission to design the Grace Episcopal
church (Fig.20), described as “one of the first American designs to show a true
understanding of the Gothic Revival style”. It too opened for worship in the same
year as Keely’s SS Peter’s and Paul’s and the church was the beginning of a career
for Renwick as one of America’s most successful ecclesiastical architects. This cul-
minated for him in the design of one of New York’s most recognisable churches, St
Patrick’s Church in Manhattan, which opened for worship in 1879 (Loth and Sadler
1975).
Despite SS Peter and Paul’s not being in the same league as contemporary
Episcopal creations, Keely’s career as an ecclesiastical architect flourished and he
quickly became “celebrated” as the first Irish Catholic architect in the United States.
Mass Catholic church building programmes were ongoing in the late 1840s and Irish
priests sought out Keely to design their churches (Purcell 1943). Keely’s next few
churches in New York also followed basic Gothic templates and included St Brigid’s
church in Manhattan (Fig.21). The first stone for St Brigid’s church was laid in Sep-
tember 1848 and the church was constructed so rapidly it was described by contem-
porary historian John G Shea (1878) as a “remarkable achievement, as Ireland had
just passed through the terrible famine” and due to this, calls on the charity of the
Irish Catholics of New York were “constant and pressing” (Shea 1878).
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Nevertheless, the church was dedicated for worship on 24th December 1848 and
it was a large rectangular structure that was adorned with Decorated Gothic-style
pointed windows (Dunlap 2004; Kervick 1953; Purcell 1943). Even though the
structure highly resembled the pseudo-Gothic of earlier decades, historian John G
Shea (1878) described it as “an attempt to copy the elegance that the builders of the
Middle Ages threw into their churches in Europe”. He commented further that the
church was a “great step in advance” in Gothic architectural design, as, in Shea’s
view, many of the earlier Catholic churches built previously in New York were “sub-
stantial and plain” (Shea 1878).
However, it is clear from the church plans that Keely still had a way to go in erect-
ing authentically “ecclesiastically correct” Gothic churches as promoted by Pugin, as
the interior, which can still be observed today, exemplifies the large Galleried churches
of the late Georgian period (Fig. 22). Although, the vaulted ceilings and arcades of
pointed arches, that are used to support the galleries demonstrate that Keely was start-
ing to incorporate authentic medieval Gothic features into his church designs. Other
Fig. 19 Trinity Episcopal Church, New York (1846). Source Yale University Public Domain
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churches that Keely built in New York at this stage and in a similar fashion, include
St Nicholas Kirche (now demolished) in East Second Street Manhattan, that was also
erected in 1848 for the local German Catholic population (Dunlap 2004, Purcell 1943,
Riordan 1914, Shea 1878). Along with St Patrick’s Church in Kent Avenue in Brooklyn
(now known as St Lucy-St Patrick’s) that was dedicated for worship by Bishop Laugh-
lin in 1856 (Sharp 1954). Examples elsewhere include the Church of the Assumption in
Philadelphia (now abandoned), which was dedicated for worship in 1849.
Increasingly authentic Gothic churches
Going into the 1850s, Irish Catholic immigration had reached its peak and Catho-
lic life was flourishing in the larger towns and cities (Scanlan 1908). In the New
England States, more Irish Catholic immigrants were moving there than any other
Fig. 20 Grace Episcopal Church, New York (1846). Source www. grace churc hnyc. org
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Fig. 21 St Brigid’s Church, Manhattan (1848). Source Chris06 Wikimedia
Fig. 22 Interior of St Brigid’s Church, Manhattan (1848). Sources Chris06 Wikimedia
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ethnic group (Lord etal. Vol II 1944b); and Catholicism gained footholds in many
of New England’s traditionally Puritan towns and villages, that earlier in the century
would have been deemed impenetrable (Purcell 1943). New parishes were formed
and church building in the region proliferated exponentially, to accommodate this
great wave of Catholic settlers (O’Connor 1998; Young 1899), as both clergy and
laity wanted to build elaborate structures that symbolised their growing presence
and influence. Keely’s practice expanded rapidly as a result and towards the end of
1854, there were no less than thirty-six churches designed by him under construc-
tion (Lucey 1957).
Keely’s first commission in New England (NRHP 2007) was St Mary’s Church in
Newport (Fig.23). It was the earliest Catholic parish founded in the State of Rhode
Island and was established in 1828 (Lord etal 1944a, b). The church was dedicated
in 1852 to accommodate the increasing Irish Catholic population that had settled in
the area to work in the mills and breweries. There were also plentiful domestic roles
in Newport for Irish women in the hotels, or with wealthy families in the seaside
town (Dowling 1899). The church is a dramatic example of the changes in archi-
tectural designs from rudimentary small Catholic worship spaces in New England
to more ornate and ecclesiastically correct models, that reflected the growing pros-
perity and influence of at least some Catholic parishioners in the North-East of the
United States. The cost of the church was largely met by the more affluent members
of society, which included wealthy Catholic parishioners from Baltimore and New
York, who spent their summers in Newport (Kervick 1953; NRHP 2007). The local
Newport residents were generally working class and the building of the extravagant
Fig. 23 St Mary’s Church, Newport, Rhode Island (1852). Source googlemaps
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church would likely have resulted in failure if it were left solely to their contribu-
tions (Dowling 1899).
The church could accommodate 700 parishioners, was quintessentially English
Decorated Gothic in design and was built to correct ecclesiastical plans (Fig.24).
Keely also added his own personal touch to the building, with his executed designs
of the ornamental hammer beam ceiling. It was described as a “great achievement of
ornamental woodwork” that was “carved with such delicacy that it almost appears
weightless” (NRHP 2007). St John’s Church in Middletown Connecticut was dedi-
cated in the same year as St Mary’s and it was constructed to a similar template
(Figs.25, 26). It is the earliest building of the Gothic Revival style in Middletown
(NRHP 2007) and was built to accommodate the stream of Catholics that settled in
Middletown between 1845 and 1850 (O’Donnell 1899). Many of the parishioners
worked in the Portland quarry and the building of the church advanced quickly, due
to the generosity of the Portland quarry owners, who donated the brownstone for the
building of the edifice. Funds were also collected quickly through sales of lots in the
newly established cemetery and the building was also constructed by local volun-
teers (CHC 1978).
St Joseph’s Catholic Church in Providence, Rhode Island was dedicated in 1855,
to accommodate the large numbers of Irish Catholics that were settling there. The
Bishop of Hartford Bernard O’Reilly (1803–1856) encouraged the local people to
build a church and Reverend Joseph Stokes was appointed first pastor of the district
(Dowling 1899). The parish was by no means an affluent one at this stage and it
did not have the extensive funding, or the resources of the two previous churches.
The church is not as ornately decorated as St John’s or St Mary’s and was described
Fig. 24 Interior of St Mary’s Church, Newport. Source www. stmar ynewp ort. org
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Fig. 25 St John’s Church, Middletown, Connecticut (1852). Source googlemaps
Fig. 26 Interior of St John’s Church, Middletown. Source Joe Mabel Wikimedia
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in the application for its inclusion in the National Register of Historic Places as
“austere” (NRHP 1973). The church is generally Early English Gothic in style, but
it does contain Decorated Gothic elements. The church plans include a nave and
developedchancel area, with the chancel featuring a large three-light decorated win-
dow. This church also contains galleries that are still in existence today and are fixed
to the iron clustered arcades, which are encased with plaster and painted a stone col-
our, to give the effect of clustered columns.
Keely’s first commission in Massachusetts was the first Catholic church to be con-
structed in Newburyport. The Immaculate Conception Church (dedicated in 1853)
was a red-bricked modest Gothic edifice that featured a belltower and generally early
English style Gothic elements. Although a beautiful Decorated five-light window
was originally contained in the chancel wall. Interior plans included a triple-aisled
nave and separate chancel area, with pointed arcades leading up to and terminating
at the chancel area. The church was also designed with a clerestory. Although the
church was less extravagant in its exterior, when compared to some of Keely’s later
achievements, it was a remarkable advancement from the rudimentary designs that
dominated earlier Massachusetts’ churches. It was also built on the slender earnings
of the majority Irish working class population. Irish Catholics had flocked to the
town to work on the railroad and in the cotton factory, that were both established in
the town in 1841 (Leahy 1899).
In the same year that Immaculate Conception Church was dedicated, Keely also
introduced ecclesiastically correct Gothic Revival plans into Gridley F Bryant’s
pseudo-Gothic style SS Peter and Paul’s Church in Boston; after the original 1843
church was badly damaged in a fire in 1848. Keely generally kept the exterior ele-
ments of Bryant’s church but remodelled it to include a nave and developed chancel
area, side-aisles, and a transept. He also introduced clustered arcades with foliated
capitals to the building, along with a corbelled roof and a roodscreen, which was
placed over the altar (Sullivan 1895).
Cathedrals andcathedralesque churches—Idealistically Pugin
When Keely designed his early churches, he was already planning his first cathedral
in Albany. At this stage in Albany’s history, the Catholic population was increasing
steady and persistently, from its humble beginnings, when the first church of “Old”
St Mary’s was built in the late eighteenth century (Louden 1895). Like the rest of
New York state, the Catholic population in Albany County increased dramatically
in the 1840s and peaked around the time of the Great Famine. The County was a
desirable place for Irish immigrants to settle, due to the need for labour regarding
canal building, shipping and civil construction (McCoy 2019). To accommodate
the burgeoning Catholic population, New York’s first Archbishop John Hughes
(1797–1864) and Bishop John McCloskey (1810–1885) envisioned an inspiring
Cathedral with a commanding view of Albany, that would provide Catholic worship
within the diocese for generations to come; and they commissioned Keely to draft
the plans (Purcell 1943).
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Due to the high expectations of Hughes and McCloskey, Keely had the oppor-
tunity to display his talents to the full when designing the cathedral, as he was not
hindered by expense restrictions (like many of his other commissions) and he was
able to “develop his principles of architectural practice” (Kervick 1953). The Cathe-
dral of the Immaculate Conception (1852, Fig.27) was the first authentically correct
Gothic Revival Cathedral to be built for the Catholic church in the United States.
It was designed to “ecclesiastically correct” Gothic Revival plans that exemplified
Pugin’s ideas and it set a precedence for the establishment of ecclesiastically cor-
rect Gothic Revival designs within Catholic church building in the United States.
It also gave Keely a reputation as “the Prince of church architects” (Purcell 1943).
The building was constructed with dark brown sandstone and its large dimensions
include a length of two-hundred and thirty feet, along with an extreme height of
two-hundred and ten feet at the top of the taller spire (Louden 1895).
The beautiful Decorated Gothic edifice equalled Upjohn’s and Renwick’s Episco-
pal designs in splendour. This is highly exemplified by the large Decorated window
and three pointed arched portals in the front of the façade, as well as the adornment
Fig. 27 The Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception, Albany (1852). Source Matt H Wade Wikimedia
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of Decorated Gothic windows that run down the two side elevations; with large Dec-
orated Gothic windows also incorporated into the outer walls of the transept. The
lofty French-style towers are also in line with Pugin’s principles, as, although he
idealised English Gothic models, he quoted that they were generally “deficient in
height”. As already noted, he idealised the twin towers of French cathedrals such
as Amiens and Chartres, discussing that their internal altitude would “add greatly”
when incorporated into English styles (Pugin 1841). Other external features that
follow Pugin’s lead include the tall spires, which Pugin felt should be “universally
restored” on all church buildings (Pugin 1843); along with the flying buttresses,
which he stated not only “beautify” the building but are necessary to “support a
lofty wall” (Pugin 1841).
The church plans were also authentically medieval (Fig. 28) and featured a
church nave demarcated with pillars and aisles, along with a transept, clerestory, and
apsidal chancel area, which were all in line with Pugin’s principles (Pugin 1841).
The interior of the building is highly reminiscent of the large Gothic cathedrals of
the middle-ages, with its elegant ribbed vaulted ceilings and enormous blocked imi-
tation freestone arcades of beautifully decorated pointed arches. The arches run up
the length of the spacious nave and terminate at the chancel area; were a grand high
altar takes centre stage. It is interesting that some of the rich stained-glass windows
featured in the structure had direct links to Pugin and were manufactured by John
Hardman & Company in Birmingham. John Hardman was married to Pugin’s eldest
daughter Anne, and he manufactured metalwork, stained-glass and other furnishings
Fig. 28 The Interior of the Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception, Albany. Source Nheyob Wikipedia
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for notable churches of the era. He was also actively involved in continuing the pro-
motion of Pugin’s ideas after Pugin died in 1852 (Fisher 2017; Kervick 1953).
The building of the beautiful cathedral at Albany caught the attention of the first
Bishop of Buffalo John Timon (1797–1867) and he commissioned Keely to draw
up the plans for St Joseph’s Cathedral in Buffalo, which was dedicated on 6th July
1855 (Fig.29) (Donohoe 1904; Purcell 1943). St Joseph’s is an elegant Early Eng-
lish Style Cathedral, with a cruciform plan incorporating a transept, clerestory,
chancel and triple-aisled nave with pointed arches that terminate at the chancel area
(Fig.30).
Like the rest of New York State, Irish Catholic immigration increased dramati-
cally in Buffalo from its modest beginnings in 1817, when initial Irish settlement
in the region consisted of a small community living in flats near Exchange Street,
with many residents working on the Erie Canal. By the mid-nineteenth century,
most Irish immigrants settled in an area of Buffalo known as the Old First Ward and
they gained employment on the docks, railroads, lumber yards and grain elevators.
With the help of the Sisters of Charity, Bishop Timon founded churches, schools,
soup kitchens and a cemetery to serve the expanding immigrant community. He also
helped alleviate many of the hardships that the Irish faced and promoted education
(Licata 2015). St Joseph’s was opened to critical acclaim and holds a place in the
affections of the local Catholic population (Kervick 1953). A Diocesan Annalist
from the Catholic Sentinel described the church as “a masterpiece of church archi-
tecture”, stating further that it was constructed by the “learned architect Mr Keely”
who was the most prominent “promoter of ecclesiastical architecture in our Western
Hemisphere” (Purcell 1943).
Fig. 29 St Joseph’s Cathedral, Buffalo, NY (1855). Source www. googl emaps. co. uk
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Another notable Keely church in Albany was St Joseph’s (now abandoned),
which was dedicated for worship (with the exception of the tower) in 1860. Like
Albany’s cathedral, it appears that no expense was spared when designing this beau-
tiful church. This vast 212 by 116-feet edifice was described by historian Michael J
Louden as “one of the handsomest churches on the continent” (Louden 1895). Add-
ing further that it gave the impression of a building from the European middle-ages,
that was “carried across the centuries and set up on American soil” (Louden 1895).
It was constructed in blue limestone and trimmed with French Caen stone. However,
in 1866, the Caen stone was replaced with Ohio limestone, due to the original stone
not weathering well. The centralised tower located in the façade of the building is an
immense two-hundred and thirty-five feet high and it housed ten bells (Howell and
Tenney 1866).
Keely was also responsible for the rebuilding of St Patrick’s Church in Low-
ell (Figs.31, 32), transforming the old Carpenter’s Gothic church into an authen-
tic Gothic style, which was rededicated for worship in 1854. At this stage in Low-
ell’s history, the Irish Catholic immigrant population had become the main labour
force and was firmly established in the region (Murphy etal 2019), with 28% of
the newly confirmed city’s 37, 553 inhabitants registered as Catholic Irish. These
numbers continually increased until after the Civil war in the 1860s, when the Irish
accounted for almost half of Lowell’s population and the majority of its immigrants
(Marston 1988). The construction of the new St Patrick’s Church symbolised the
increasing power of the Catholic church in Lowell, as many Catholics in the area
Fig. 30 Interior of St Joseph’s Cathedral, Buffalo. Source college.holycross.edu
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were growing prosperous under the pastorate of Father James T McDermott (Sul-
livan 1895). It was a “most magnificent structure” of Cathedral proportions, of stone
laid in cement with an impressive central tower. The new church was the largest of
any denomination in Lowell at the time of construction, and it dominated the skyline
for miles around, overshadowed only by the mills. Few churches in the country at
this stage were equal to its splendour and it measured one-hundred and seventy feet
long, by one-hundred feet through the transept. It had a seating capacity of two thou-
sand, which was eight hundred more than the old St Peter’s church within the town
(Mitchell 2006).
Another example of a large stone Gothic church that Keely designed in the 1850s
was the Cathedral of St Mary the Assumption (gained Cathedral status in 1904), in
the industrialised town of Fall River, which was dedicated in 1855 (MHC 1981).
Fig. 31 St Patrick’s Church Lowell, MA (1854). Source EMW Wikimedia
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The granite structure was built under the pastorate of Father Edward Murphy, where
the Catholic population had rapidly outgrown an old wooden framed church. Mur-
phy asked Keely to design the church as in his view, he was “the most widely known
and successful Catholic architect of his day” (Dowling 1899). While not as impos-
ing or exquisite as his Cathedrals in New York of the same period and not quite
as authentic in appearance as St Patrick’s church in Lowell, the church is regarded
as “one of the finest specimens of Gothic architecture in Massachusetts” (Purcell
1943).
The Cathedral of John the Baptist (1870) is another authentic Gothic Revival
church that Keely designed in Paterson, New Jersey (Fig.33). The cathedral was
an ecclesiastically correct edifice constructed in brownstone, which was obtained
from local quarries in Little Falls. Its dimensions are one-hundred and eighty feet
by eighty feet; and it has a tower and spire that reaches two-hundred and twenty-
five feet (NRHP 1977). The church could sit comfortably in the townscape of
Fig. 32 Interior of St Patrick’s Church, Lowell. Source EMW Wikipedia
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any Victorian British town or city; and the darkness of the stone, combined with
the mix of Decorated and Early English features bares resemblance to Pugin’s
celebrated Grade 1 listed building, St Giles Catholic Church in Cheadle, Staf-
fordshire (1846) (Pevsner 1974; Short 1981). Another authentic example was the
old brownstone Cathedral of St John and St Finbar in Charleston, South Carolina
(1854), which was unfortunately destroyed by fire in 1861. However, Keely was
also responsible for the designs of the replacement Cathedral, which was renamed
the Cathedral of St John the Baptist, and it was completed in 1907 (Kervick
1953).
An interior feature that Keely also included in many of his authentic Gothic
church designs (with inspiration likely coming from his carpenter experience),
was the incorporation of highly decorated and intricately carved wooden beam
ceilings, which were in addition to, or in place of the groined or ribbed vaulted
ceilings that were usually included in his plans. This indicates that Keely was
becoming confident enough in his career to begin adding his own unique ele-
ments to an otherwise copied Revival style. Examples of these beautiful addi-
tions can be found at St Mary’s Church Newport, Rhode Island (1852), St Mary’s
Church Fall River, Massachusetts (1855), St Joseph’s Church Albany, New York
(1860) and St Mary’s Church Lawrence, Massachusetts (1871), along with St Pat-
rick’s Church Hartford, Connecticut (1876).
Fig. 33 Cathedral of John the Baptist, New Jersey (1870). Source Farrgutfu Wikipedia
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Mid‑1860s onwards—continental style Gothic
Keely’s church designs from the late 1860s onwards broke away from a strict adher-
ence to English Gothic Revival models, to a broadening ecclesiastical architectural
eclecticism that also borrowed from Continental Europe (Whiffen 1981). He pro-
gressively incorporated blends of Venetian and French Gothic elements, alongside
English Gothic into his church designs. This included the use of large and intricately
decorated rose windows, that were placed on focal walls, along with the use of
stone-lace ornamentation and three-portal facades, with intricately decorated archi-
volts and tympanums. Examples include the unusual French-style edifice of Immac-
ulate Conception Cathedral in Burlington, Vermont (1867), which was the first
Catholic cathedral constructed in New England. A flamboyant example is the three-
portal facade that was designed for St Mary’s Cathedral in Halifax (1869). However,
it should be noted that Keely generally kept ecclesiastically correct interiors for all
churches at this stage, due to the close associations between medieval layouts and
Catholic liturgical practices.
A distinctly apparent example is Immaculate Conception Church in Lowell (1877,
Fig.34). The church was designed for the Oblate Order and was established to cater
for Lowell’s French and English communities, who had lived together in Lowell for
twenty years prior to the completion of the church.
However, the church became a firm favourite for many residents in the city, due
to the high standards maintained there (Leahy 1899). Keely was secured by resident
priest Father Garin to design the church and it is a large Gothic pile that seats two
thousand (Sullivan 1895). The structure contains a mix of Early English and Deco-
rated Gothic style windows, along with large and highly intricate beautiful French-
style rose windows that are situated in either end of the transept. The structure also
contains an Italianesque campanile tower. However, the interior of the building
adhered to the ecclesiastically correct layout of many of his earlier churches and
included a nave, transept and apsidal chancel area, along with clerestory (Fig. 35)
(Leahy 1899). It should also be noted that Keely was no stranger to working in Low-
ell, as he had previously designed the already documented St Patrick’s Church in the
early 1850s and was also responsible for the red-bricked Romanesque style edifice
of Sacred Heart in the city, which opened for worship in 1874 (Sullivan 1895). He
also designed his last great cathedral sized church of St Peter’s (1900) in Lowell,
which is discussed later.
One of Keely’s finest works in Massachusetts was dedicated in 1871 and it was
St Mary’s Church in Lawrence (Fig. 36) (Kervick 1953). This ornate and cathe-
dralesque church was described by Sullivan as “the largest and handsomest struc-
ture in the city” and “one of the finest (churches) in New England” (Sullivan 1895)
and it was another church in which Keely moved away from strictly English Gothic
to include French style Gothic elements. The interior of the building is lofty and
spacious and consists of an ecclesiastical layout of a transept, nave, clerestory and
apsidal chancel area, along with pointed arcades that lead down the length of the
nave and terminate at the chancel area.
The church’s roots can be found in the development of Old St Mary’s wooden
chapel, which opened for worship in 1846, at a time when the town of Lawrence
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was in its infancy. The small number of Catholics that lived in the area prior
to this had no church to speak of and most walked to Lowell for divine service
(Leahy 1899). Within a decade, the population had grown so fast, due to the
building of a dam, canals, and large mills between 1845 and 1852, that the town
was upgraded to city status in 1853. The Catholic population grew in step with
the expanding population, as the establishment of these facilities brought a great
number of workmen to the town, with a considerable number of these being Irish
Catholics (Sullivan 1895).
Fig. 34 Church of the Immaculate Conception, Lowell MA (1877). Source Emw Wikimedia
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Fig. 35 Interior of Church of the Immaculate Conception, Lowell. Source www. iclow ell. org
Fig. 36 St Mary’s Church Lawrence, MA (1871). Source www. weddi ngmap per. com
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Keely’s most industrious edifice in Massachusetts is arguably his commission for
the rebuilding of the Cathedral of the Holy Cross in Boston, which was dedicated
for worship in 1875 (Purcell 1943). Bishop John B Fitzpatrick (1812–1866) wanted
this church to be the “crowning glory” of Boston and he designed the plans for the
cathedral along with Keely, before his death in 1866. Fitzpatrick had gathered ideas
for the Cathedral from his study concerning the Gothic churches of Europe and his
ideas impressed Keely so much that he stated that “he had never met a man (like
Fitzpatrick) who had such grand ideas of what a cathedral should be” (Lord etal.
Vol II 1944b) (see Figs.37, 38).
Like St Mary’s in Lawrence, it was a mix of English and French style elements.
It is an imposing stately pile (Leahy 1899) that was almost as large as Notre Dame
in Paris and St John Lateran in Rome (O’Connor 1998) and its size surpasses the
Cathedrals in Salisbury, Strasbourg and Venice (Sullivan 1895). It covers over an
acre of ground and the edifice is over forty-six thousand square feet (Scanlan 1908).
It was built using local conglomerate rock from Roxbury and features trimming
stones of a lighter colour (Kervick 1953). The church also housed the second larg-
est organ in America and was able to seat a choir of over three-hundred members
(Scanlan 1908). The dedication of the cathedral also coincided with a very impor-
tant change in the status of the Church in New England, as, by a special decree, Bos-
ton was made an independent Archdiocese that was separated from the ecclesiastical
province of New York; and Bishop John J Williams (1822–1907), who was Bishop
Fitzpatrick’s successor, was made its Metropolitan (Kenney 1908).
Fig. 37 Cathedral of the Holy Cross, Boston (1875). Source Google maps
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The Immaculate Conception Cathedral in Portland, Maine was dedicated for
worship in 1869 (Fig.39) and was described by Robert T Murphy in the Bio-
graphical Dictionary of Architects as Keely’s “most notable work” in Maine.
It was designed for the first Bishop of the Diocese, Bishop David W Bacon
(1813–1874) (Murphy 1987), who was acquainted with Keely, as both men set-
tled in Brooklyn. Bacon also officiated at Keely’s wedding to Sarah Farmer in
1846. The building of the structure was plagued by financial concerns that were
exacerbated by the Civil War. Further financial difficulties developed due to a
fire that ripped through the city in 1866, which resulted in many Catholic fam-
ilies falling into poverty. Many homes and business premises were destroyed,
along with the first phase of construction of the cathedral (Lucey 1957).
Wealthy Catholics in Portland were few, but they were expected to give much
to the funding of the edifice (Lucey 1957) and eventually, the largest Catho-
lic structure in Maine opened for worship. It is a French Gothic inspired red-
bricked structure with freestone trimmings and a great buttressed corner tower
and spire that reaches two-hundred and thirty-six feet in height. The cathedral’s
dimensions are one-hundred and eighty-six feet by seventy feet and it can seat
nine-hundred people (NRHP 3). It exhibits a loftiness in its interior with the
addition of a clerestory and it consists of a basic basilican plan of a nave and
apsidal chancel area. Clustered arcades run down the two central sides of the
nave and meet in the chancel area in a semi-circular fashion.
Fig. 38 Interior of the Cathedral of the Holy Cross, Boston. Source Algfail Wikipedia
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1870s—Venetian Gothic
Many of Keely’s designs in the later stages of his career completely deviated away
from the use of any English and French Gothic elements and were constructed in
highly ornate Venetian Gothic styles, as eclectic architectural thinking, coupled
with the era’s market-based materialism, resulted in the incorporation of a variety
of Gothic styles into Catholic Church design. This was especially evident in Keely’s
“fashionable” urban churches and examples include St Boniface Church in Brooklyn
Fig. 39 Immaculate Conception Cathedral, Portland, Maine (1869). Source Rdjekema Wikimedia
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(1869), The Church of the Holy Innocents in Manhattan (1870) and St Bernard’s
Church in Chelsea, New York City (1875); with Boston examples including St
Peter’s Church in Dorchester (1884). For these churches, Keely also departed from
strict ecclesiastically correct plans and designed a variety of interiors that were indi-
vidual to each church. The use of galleries made a reappearance in the design of the
three New York churches and their interiors are highly reminiscent of the galleried
churches of the late Georgian era. There was also a return to a recess and/or stage
area in place of a developed chancel to house the altar.
St Bernard’s was an ornate and highly authentic Venetian style and was the first
church in the United States to be dedicated by a Cardinal in 1875. An illustration of
the church before it lost its coned steeples in 1890 (due to a fire) (Fig.40), gives the
impression of a beautifully ornate miniature European Cathedral that would have
been a spectacle in the surrounding townscape. Its ornate style likely came from
the fact that this was a church that was built for an affluent congregation, and it
Fig. 40 St Bernard’s Church, Chelsea, New York (1875). Sources Shea (1878) and Wikimapia
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was deemed a “fashionable” church for the weddings and funerals of the City’s elite
(Miller 2017). The use of galleries (Fig.41), a feature that was previously perceived
as “taboo” in authentic Gothic construction, demonstrates that the strict adher-
ence to historical accuracy and medieval authenticity in ecclesiastical building was
becoming less important in “chic” urban church building, as Ruskinian thought on
individualism and eclecticism advanced in popularity. It is reasonable to suggest that
the elite in the city may have wanted their church constructed in line with the archi-
tectural fashions of the time.
Keely also built other urban Gothic churches during the period that neither fol-
lowed ecclesiastically correct or galleried interior plans. St Peter’s Church in
Dorchester (Fig. 42) is one example, which was dedicated in 1884. In 1872, the
greater part of the Dorchester district of the City of Boston was home to a more
prosperous congregation and up until this point it had no Catholic church (Sullivan
1895). The newly appointed pastor, Reverend Peter Ronan set about establishing a
church that would meet the wants and needs for the “well-to-do” congregation for
years to come. The church was a central object of the Dorchester landscape at the
time of completion and was in full view of the harbour and South Boston.
Due to the affluence of the congregation, the church was constructed at a cost
of $300,000 and was free from debt at the time of completion (Leahy 1899). This
ornately designed venetian church, that was described by Sullivan as a “poem of
architectural beauty” was built using Roxbury pudding stone laid in broken ashlar
work and contained Cape Ann granite trimmings (Sullivan 1895). The interior of
St Peter’s (1884), along with St Mary’s in Charlestown (1892) (Figs. 43, 44) are
described by author William Augustine Leahy (1899) of having an “uncommon
Fig. 41 Interior of St Bernard’s Church. Sources Shea (1878) and Wikimapia
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Fig. 42 Interior of St Peter’s Church, Dorchester, Boston (1884). Source Boston Herald
Fig. 43 Bird’s eye view of the interior of St Mary’s Church, Charlestown, MA (1892). Source www.
stmar ycath erine. org
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amplitude”, due to the absence of supporting columns, as the nave and aisles were
delineated by “the arrangement of the roof” (Leahy 1899). The interiors are com-
pletely open-plan, with no pillars or arcades. The roof of the interiors are comprised
of highly decorative and intricately complex hammer beam ceilings, which form
a single span and rest entirely upon the side walls. Elaborate beams protrude out
from the ceiling into the interior to delineate the nave and aisles. There is also space
reserved at the front of the nave for the altar.
Both churches display highly unusual interiors when compared with other con-
temporary churches and on the surface, it appears to show Keely experimenting
with new designs in ecclesiastical construction, especially when it came to smaller,
affluent congregations in urban areas. However, the first church to be built with an
open timber roof, that was supported wholly on hammer beams and spandrels was St
John’s Episcopal Church in Buffalo in 1848. The edifice was designed by Calvin N.
Otis (Loth and Sadler 1975) and an illustration reveals that its interior was remark-
ably similar to St Mary’s church. Although, whether Keely was directly inspired by
Otis’ design is unknown.
The designs of Keely’s last two cathedrals and his last cathedral-sized church
are highly ostentatious Venetian designs and were described by Sullivan (1895) as
“massive and imposing” (Sullivan 1895). As outlined earlier, Ruskinian thought was
popular at this stage and the Catholic church also embraced Venetian designs due
to their close associations with Rome. Although there are many variables in dimen-
sions and decoration, the structures contained the same general attributes when
it came to architectural form and layout. All buildings featured a mix of Roman-
esque and Gothic window detailing, the façade was flanked by two campaniles on
each building and all were incorporated with ecclesiastically correct interiors. An
Fig. 44 Interior of St Mary’s Church, Charlestown, MA. Source www. stmar ycath erine. org
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additional feature that is included within all the church interiors are the beautifully
decorated wooden panelled ceilings, that contain centre pieces of highly elaborate
religious artwork, which are located in the transept area.
First up was Saints Peter and Paul’s Cathedral in Providence, Rhode Island,
which was dedicated for worship in 1889 (Fig.45). The Cathedral was constructed
at a time when the Catholic population in Rhode Island was increasing rapidly and
“prospering wonderfully”. The first Catholic Bishop of Providence, Thomas F Hen-
dricken (1827–1886) supervised the project, and was known as a clergyman that
could organise parishes effectively and command large sums of money (Dowling
1899).
The massive Cathedral is a testament to his determination and the Connecti-
cut brownstone building dominates its surroundings (NRHP 1974). The imposing
Venetian structure filled an entire block upon completion, and it is one-hundred and
Fig. 45 Sts Peter & Paul’s Cathedral, Providence, Rhode Island (1889). Source Kenneth C Zirkel Wiki-
media
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ninety-eight feet in length and has an extreme width of one-hundred and thirty-six
feet. The cathedral plans are ecclesiastically correct and cruciform.(Fig.46)and the
structure contains a clerestory. There are also galleries incorporated into the clere-
story, which reach out into the arcades, along with an organ gallery that is located on
the entrance wall (NRHP 1974).
Keely’s last cathedral in New England is St Joseph’s Cathedral in Hartford Con-
necticut, which was dedicated for worship in 1892 (Fig. 47). The Catholic popu-
lation of Hartford was advancing westwards and St Patrick’s and St Peter’s par-
ishes were already established to accommodate parishioners in the east and south
of the city. At this stage, the population of the Cathedral parish was estimated at
roughly five-thousand seven-hundred parishioners, that were mostly Irish and their
descendants. This magnificent cathedral was also Venetian Gothic in design and
the structure could sit approximately two-thousand two-hundred and fifty persons
(O’Donnell 1899). It contained seventy-two stained-glass windows in a mix of round
and pointed styles and it was “surpassed by few similar edifices on the American
continent” (O’Donnell 1899). The complex and intricately carved groined wooden
ceilings also highly resemble the ceiling in the Providence cathedral. It should also
be noted that the original altar in St Josephs was also designed by Keely (O’Donnell
1899). Unfortunately, this beautiful Cathedral succumbed to fire in 1956 and it was
replaced with the present cathedral in 1862 .
The last cathedral sized church that Keely designed was the second church of St
Peter’s in Lowell, which was dedicated for worship in 1900 (Fig.48); 4years after
Keely died. The plans for the grand Continental Gothic edifice were regarded by
Keely as among the finest he had ever created, and the structure was described as
having a “massive and imposing” appearance (Sullivan 1895). The edifice could be
Fig. 46 St Joseph’s Cathedral Hartford Connecticut (1892). Source www. ctpos tcards. net
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seen from many parts of the city and it was at the centre of the Chapel Street Irish
community (McKean 2016). Unfortunately, the building was closed due to declining
enrolment in 1986 and was eventually demolished after falling into a state of disre-
pair in 1996 (Owen 2018).
When comparing Keely’s last cathedrals with the cathedrals constructed earlier in
his career, such as The Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception in Albany (1852),
it can be demonstrated that his drive to design relatively “pure” English Gothic style
Cathedrals was replaced with a preference to build imposing structures in Continen-
tal Gothic designs. He was also adding his own unique elements, such as the highly
intricate wooden panelled ceilings and incorporated artwork. However, Pugin’s
Fig. 47 Interior of Sts Peter & Paul’s Cathedral, Providence. Source Kenneth C Zirkel Wikimedia
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ideas still carried weight in the plans for important cathedrals; and the eclectic inte-
rior layouts that were reserved for his fashionable “downtown” churches were set
aside in favour of strict ecclesiastically correct layouts. This was likely due to the
difficulty in disentangling the historic and perceived architectural importance that
link medieval layouts to Catholic worship practices.
A lasting legacy—a “practical” Gothic design
When it came to the building of his most notable cathedrals, or “fashionable” urban
churches, Keely was essentially a “copier” of contemporary Gothic fashions, and he
followed changing ecclesiastical architectural trends closely, while adding his own
unique interior elements, such as intricately carved ceilings. However, most of his
commissions involved designing churches for poorer congregations, that were deal-
ing with limited finances. As Keely’s career progressed, he had to devise ways to
build Gothic churches that were authentic yet affordable for these congregations and
he developed a general “go to” plan for the designs of many of his churches, that did
not alter dramatically throughout his career. These churches are instantly recognis-
able as “Keely” churches.
The exterior design of these churches generally resembled the Carpenter’s Gothic
churches of earlier decades that consisted of a façade with a centralised tower, that is
flanked by two sloping aisle gables. However, the church plans were usually a basic
basilican plan that comprised a nave and apsidal chancel area. Although occasion-
ally, a developed chancel, transept and/or modest clerestory were also added. Most
church interiors also contained pointed arcades that delineate the nave and they also
featured groined or wooden beamed ceilings. They were built in variations of either
red-brick or stone and most contained three portals that usually consisted of a portal
Fig. 48 St Peter’s Church Lowell, Massachusetts (1900). Source Leahy 1899
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in the tower and one in each flanking gable. Churches could then be individual-
ised with variations in decorative Gothic detailing (usually English Gothic in style)
according to client affordability and taste.
These churches can be found throughout the United States and at every stage of
Keely’s career, with the earliest examples surveyed including St Joseph’s Catholic
Church in Providence, Rhode Island (1855) and later examples include the sacred
Heart Church in Waterbury, Connecticut (1889) and St Joseph’s Church in Erie,
Pennsylvania (1889). Examples also go as far south as St Patrick’s in Charleston,
South Carolina (1887), as far west as St Bernard’s Church in Watertown, Wiscon-
sin (1889) (Fig.49) and as far north as St Simon and Jude Church Tignish (1860)
on Prince Edward Island in Canada. Red bricked versions with white stone trim
that are extremely similar in design include St Anthony’s Church, Brooklyn (1874,
Fig.50), St Stephen’s Church Brooklyn (1875, Fig.51) and the already mentioned
Fig. 49 Most Holy Trinity Church, Detroit, Michigan (1855). Source Elli Wikimedia
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Sacred Heart Church in Waterbury, Connecticut (1889). While less elaborate, red-
bricked examples include the Church of the Holy Name of Jesus in Chicopee (1859,
Fig.52), which was one of the first Catholic churches built in the region.
Chicopee developed into a major industrial centre in the mid-nineteenth century
and an immigrant pool made up of mainly Irish Catholic labourers settled there to
work in the factories. These immigrants brought significant cultural changes to the
Connecticut River Valley, which had been predominantly Congregationalist and
almost exclusively Protestant up until that point (Strahan 2018). Another church that
Keely designed in a similar fashion and at around the same time, was St Jerome’s
church in Holyoke. Holyoke was nicknamed “The Irish City”, as the Irish came in
large bodies in the 1830s to work on the dam, canals and railroads (McCoy 1899).
Fig. 50 St Anthony’s Church, Brooklyn, New York (1874). Source Jim.henderson Wikimedia
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The Church is also listed as Keely’s 100th church, and it was the first of many Cath-
olic churches and religious institutions to be constructed in the town after it was
dedicated for worship in 1859 (Strahan 2018).
Keely’s first ever church he designed in Maine, St John’s Church in Bangor
(Fig.53), was another red-bricked example dedicated for worship in 1856 (Lucey
1957). The development of Catholicism in Maine and New Hampshire was particu-
larly slow up until the mid-nineteenth century; and when Bishop David William
Bacon (1813–1874) was named the first Bishop of the Diocese of Portland in 1855
(a diocese which covered both States at this time), there were only eight churches
Fig. 51 St Stephen’s Church Brooklyn, New York (1875). Source Jim.henderson Wikimedia
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and six priests in the entire region (Young 1899). In 1842, the Catholic population
of New Hampshire was estimated at just one-thousand three-hundred and seventy
and this has been attributed to the strong anti-Catholic spirit of the State proving to
be an effectual barrier to the progress of the faith. This changed in the 1850s, when
both States experienced a dramatic growth in the Catholic population and Catholic
life soon proliferated (Finen 1899).
In the 1850s, Bangor’s Catholic population had grown to approximately six-thou-
sand and although St Michael’s had already been established there, a new church
was required. The church of St John’s is an imposing structure and Reverend J. A.
Young described it as “a high-quality local example of Gothic Revival architecture”
Fig. 52 Church of the Holy Name of Jesus, Chicopee, Massachusetts (1859). Source www. massl ive. com
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and “one of the finest churches in the State” adding further that it stands as “a major
symbol of the city’s Irish American heritage” (Young 1899). It was also described
by Historian William Lucey as the “best bricked edifice in the country” (Lucey
1957).
The church is a Gothic Revival style building that is minimalist in design and
overall, it exuberates symmetry and “clean” and straight components. The parish-
ioners at this stage were generally needy and poor, due to the poverty and sickness
that plagued many of the incoming immigrants (Young 1899). The minimalistic
approach was taken due to the limitation of funds and historian Robert Murphy
recorded that “intricate carved ornamentation was sacrificed” for the “inspirational
Fig. 53 St John’s Church, Bangor, Maine (1855). Source www. inban gor. com
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effects that were to be gained by the soaring monumentality” of both the exterior
and interior (Murphy 1987). The church was also built at the height of Know-Noth-
ingism in the 1850s, and Catholic buildings in Maine were particularly vulnerable
to vandalism and arson. The Catholics of Maine were thus concerned with spending
money on a costly church, for it then to be vandalised or destroyed by fire (Lucey
1957). St John’s Church is a large structure that is one-hundred and fifty-six feet
by ninety-eight feet wide through the transept and can accommodate up to fifteen-
hundred people. Its plans are cruciform and include a nave, transept and separate
chancel area, although, there is no clerestory. The edifice also contains a centralised
tower and spire, which is topped with a cross that reaches one-hundred and eighty
feet in height (NRHP 1972).
Keely designed two other red-bricked structures in Maine at Biddeford and
Lewiston. St Mary’s Church in Biddeford was built for Biddeford’s Irish community
and dedicated for worship in 1858 (Young 1899) and St Joseph’s church in Lewiston
followed in 1865 (Fig.54). Both the Biddeford and Lewiston churches were a similar
format to St John’s in Bangor, and both possessed a centralised tower and two slop-
ing gables in the façade. Like St John’s, they incorporated relatively plain Gothic
detailing, however, both buildings were much smaller than the Bangor church. As
with St John’s, both the churches were vulnerable to vandalism and it was docu-
mented that Irish labourers stood guard when the churches wereconstructed (NRHP
1972). It should also be noted that St Mary’s Church in Biddeford was demolished
Fig. 54 St Joseph’s Church, Lewiston, Maine (1865). Source John Phelan Wikipedia
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in 1923 to make way for a new church, but St Joseph’s in Lewiston still stands on
Main Street (Murphy 1987).
Examples instone
As already outlined, many of these “practical” Gothic churches were also con-
structed using stone. The stone gave the illusion of grandeur and elegance, which
distracted from the use of basic Gothic detailing. One example is St Bridget’s
Church in West Rutland, Vermont, which was dedicated for worship in 1861
(Fig.55). St Bridget’s is a beautiful church that was built using the finest local mar-
ble and it replaced an earlier framed church that was demolished (Michaud 1899).
Like the brick churches, the edifice consists of a centralised tower in the façade,
which is flanked by two sloping gables. The interior of the structure is simplistic
in design and follows a basic basilican plan of a nave and separate chancel area,
with arcades of thin-columned arches running the length of the nave and terminating
Fig. 55 St Bridget’s Church, West Rutland, Vermont (1861). Source googlemaps
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at the chancel area (Coffin 2001). The chancel area also features a highly intricate
stained-glass rose window in the upper section of the chancel wall.
Many of Keely’s stone churches can be found in the State of Connecticut and
the bulk of his commissions there were constructed from the mid-1870s into the
1880s. This reflected the fact that Connecticut witnessed the most dramatic changes
in religious demographics in New England, except for Massachusetts, throughout
the latter half of the nineteenth century. There was a rapid increase of Catholics into
the State beginning in the 1840s, with most of them being Irish labourers. By 1890,
there were 152, 945 Catholics living in the region, giving them a 5,761 majority
over the 142, 184 Protestant population (O’Donnell 1899).
St Augustine’s church in Bridgeport (1868, Fig.56) is a grey-stone building with
a front-facing centralised tower and octagonal steeple, which is flanked by two slop-
ing gables. The building plan is basic basilican and consists of a nave and apsidal
chancel area; with interior features including groined ceilings and arcades. Another
example is St Peter’s Church in Danbury Connecticut, which was dedicated for wor-
ship in 1875 (Fig.57), to help cater to the six-thousand Catholic population in the
region, of which five-thousand were Irish and their descendants (O’Donnell 1899).
The church was constructed using rusticated granite that was quarried locally and
its one-hundred and seventy-five-foot spire was a prominent landmark that was vis-
ible throughout the district (NRHP 1983a; b). The façade of the church features a
buttressed tower, with ornate turrets incorporated into either side of the tower, that
were topped with cone pinnacles. Smaller versions of these buttresses were also
Fig. 56 St Augustine’s Church, Bridgeport, Connecticut (1868). Source Farragutful Wikimedia
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incorporated into the outside corners of the flanking gables. The interior is also of
a plain basilican plan, with a nave and apsidal chancel area, with pointed arcades
and groined ceilings. Five pointed stained-glass windows were also included in the
upper chancel wall.
St Patrick’s Church in Hartford was dedicated for worship in 1876 (Fig. 58)
(O’Donnell 1899) and the building also possesses a centralised tower with flanking
sloping aisle gables. However, the building is quite different in appearance to the
grey-stone buildings of St Augustine and St Peter’s, due to the use of rough textured
brown stone blocks in its construction and increased decorative Gothic detailing.
The portal in the buttressed tower is highly ornate and features an embellished pedi-
ment that is topped with a cross. The pretty rose window that is located above the
portal is set in a pointed frame and the upper stages of the tower include a niche
containing a statue of St Patrick. The belfry stage includes large-pointed openings
and the tower, which was originally surmounted with a steeple, is now topped with
Fig. 57 St Peter’s Church, Danbury, Connecticut (1875). Source googlemaps
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battlements and a large Celtic cross (NRHP 1983a; b). The flanking aisle gables also
feature smaller rose windows in each and directly below these are portals, which
are smaller, yet similar in design to the main portal entrance. The interior of the
building consists of a nave and separate chancel area with pointed arcades and ham-
mer beam ceilings. A beautiful feature of the church is the large decorated five-light
stained-glass window with floral tracery that is located on the chancel wall.
Examples of stone churches elsewhere include St Bernard’s Church in Water-
town, Wisconsin (1876) (Kervick 1953) and St Joseph’s Church in Erie, Pennsyl-
vania (1889, Fig.59). One of the two Protestant Churches that Keely designed is
also to a similar template. Asylum Hill Congregational church (1865, Fig.60) is a
beautiful ornate stone church that is situated in Hartford, Connecticut and it was the
only Congregational Church in Connecticut at the time that was built in the Gothic
Revival style (HBC).
Conclusion
Patrick Keely is arguably the leading architect of nineteenth century Catholic Amer-
ica and he was responsible for the designs of many churches that were built in the
new parishes that proliferated in the mid to late nineteenth century. He was also a
pioneer in introducing Gothic Revival architecture into Catholic Church building.
Keely not only introduced the style, but through his many commissions, he enabled
Fig. 58 St Patrick’s Church, Hartford, Connecticut (1876). Source Eugenio Hansen Wikimedia
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it to become the dominant style for American Catholic church building in the nine-
teenth century and he continued to develop and transform it as the century pro-
gressed. There is no doubt that Keely’s Irish Catholic background in an increasingly
Irish dominated church, coupled with the rarity of Catholic architects and growing
demand for Catholic churches, were prominent factors in Keely’s breakthrough as a
promising Catholic architect. He also achieved professional status with little formal
architectural training, at a time when the general feeling was that a Catholic immi-
grant could be little more than an artisan or a labourer (Purcell 1943).
However, this should not be used to infer that Keely’s career was simply handed
to him, largely on account of these factors. The development of an extensive practice
quickly and exponentially, through the demands for his services among the Catholic
hierarchy and clergy (Decker 2000), would not have materialised if he had not pos-
sessed the drive, skills and talent to create many attractive and innovative churches,
that caught the eye of prospective clients. His busy practice can be most exemplified
in an excerpt from American Historian Reverend William L Lucey’s (1903–1969)
The Catholic Church in Maine (1957). He described Keely as the “best Catholic
Fig. 59 St Joseph’s Church, Erie, Pennsylvania (1889). Source googlemaps
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architect in the country” and explained that “in the fall of 1854, no less than thirty-
six churches designed by him (Keely) were under construction” (Lucey 1957). Arch-
bishop Austin Dowling (1868–1930) also fully credits Keely with the architectural
style changes that took place in Catholic Church building in his writings concerning
the growth of the church in New England with the quote, “Everywhere, churches
were being erected, usually of the plain wooden type of the 40s, but often now,
(there was the building of) handsome structures of stone (that were) designed by
the young architect Keely” (Dowling 1899). Other Catholic chroniclers described
him as a “genius” (Sullivan 1895), along with “distinguished”, “famous” and “cel-
ebrated” (McCoy 1899; Michaud 1899; Scanlan: 1908), in relation to his pioneering
role and the development of his enormous practice.
As discussed earlier, Keely’s talents were initially recognised by Father Sylvester
Malone (1821–1899), when he became aware of Keely’s abilities through minor
Fig. 60 Asylum Hill Congregational Church, Hartford, Connecticut (1865). Source Historic Buildings of
CT
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work he had carried out at the Church of St John in Newark (Kervick 1953) along
with an altar he designed for St John’s Church in Manhattan, which was “admired
for its fine tracery” (Purcell 1943). His work was enough to convince the young
priest that Keely was accomplished enough to create plans for a new church in Wil-
liamsburg, despite Keely working at the time as a carpenter and artisan and lacking
any form of architectural training (Kervick 1953). Keely’s architectural knowledge
quickly became apparent through his design choices for the Williamsburg church.
His creation of a Gothic Revival design, when New York’s Catholic churches were
generally built in Classical styles, indicates that he was acutely aware of the chang-
ing ecclesiastical architectural fashions that were sweeping the west. It seems that
he was determined to bring these changing concepts into New York Catholic church
building, despite initial reservations by clergy, and he designed the first Gothic
Revival Catholic church to be constructed in the region at the time (Purcell 1943).
This indicates bold initiative on his part, as up until that point, many builders in
the city were hesitant to make the full switch from Greek to Gothic, because the
timber framing systems that they were trained to use had initially been developed
to accommodate Classical rather than Medieval styles. Moreover, shaping planes
were made to produce mouldings with Greek or Roman profiles and if the client
demanded Gothic, all architects could do was change the shape of the window and
door frames from round or flat to pointed; and add a little Gothic ornamentation
(Loth and Sadler 1975). He also faced direct challenges from Archbishop Hughes on
the building style, as the archbishop initially rejected his Gothic designs, deeming
them to be “too ambitious and expensive” for such a poor parish (Kervick 1953).
Nevertheless, Keely worked around this rejection by creating a design that was inno-
vative enough to garner positive attention from the surrounding population, yet its
simplified plans resulted in the maintenance of the building not placing too much
of a financial strain upon the client. He also kept it within a budget that satisfied the
archbishop, who eventually allowed for building work to commence (Purcell 1943).
This reveals an ability to adapt and mould Gothic Revival styles and produce ade-
quate Gothic buildings that satisfy the resident clergy and laity under the strain of
financial difficulties.
When Keely was provided with ample resources during the early stages of his
career, however, he was also capable of building beautiful and authentic “histori-
cally correct” Gothic Revival churches, with examples including the two cathedrals
in Albany and Buffalo, along with St Patrick’s in Lowell, as well as smaller authen-
tic churches built in Rhode Island and Connecticut. These were the buildings that
solidified his career as the “Prince” of church architects within the Catholic hierar-
chy, with the Diocesan analyst Reverend Thomas Donohoe describing him in respect
of these buildings as the most prominent “promoter of ecclesiastical architecture in
our Western Hemisphere” (Donohue 1929).
Keely continued to be at the forefront of changing styles and concepts concern-
ing Gothic architecture throughout his career and kept abreast of popular architec-
tural tastes, by continually transforming his designs throughout the century in line
with changing architectural fashions. When the emphasis concerning Gothic build-
ing was placed on English styles and historical accuracy, he used English architec-
tural guides for the formulation of his own building practices and architectural ideas
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and as already noted, built many authentic ecclesiastically correct Gothic Revival
churches in the 1850s and 1860s.
As general trends in Gothic Revival thinking moved beyond primarily histori-
cal authenticity and into the realms of eclecticism and originality in the late 1860s,
it was evident that Keely was not afraid to branch out. He introduced Continental
Gothic elements into his building designs and produced more variable and eclectic
Gothic edifices that moved beyond strict adherence to English styles. This is exem-
plified most when comparing his cathedrals in the 1850s to the last Cathedrals and
cathedral-sized churches he constructed at the end of his career, where there was
a complete shift from English style models to Venetian styles. He especially kept
abreast of changing architectural styles when it came to more affluent urban con-
gregations and he experimented with eclectic Gothic styles, open plan interiors and
hammerbeam ceilings in churches in fashionable New York and Boston districts.
However, when it came to important Cathedrals and cathedral-sized churches, it was
not so easy to disentangle the close associations of medieval layouts with Catholic
worship practices. Ecclesiastically correct interiors appeared to be the only fitting
style for these notable buildings and Keely kept to Pugin’s principles for these build-
ing interiors.
The church buildings that Keely produced throughout his career demonstrate
that he was a talented architect, who was at the forefront of the changing Gothic
Revival styles that dominated American Catholic church building. However, it
could be argued that his greatest achievement was in his ability to create a practical
Gothic model for smaller parish churches and generally less affluent congregations,
by developing a go-to template that he used throughout his career. Churches built
in this style made them instantly recognisable as “Keely” churches and it moved
him beyond the realms of generally a “copier” of current fashions and trends to an
“adapter” of the style, so that parishes in poorer regions could also have their own
authentic Gothic churches.
Keely did this by developing a design that generally consisted of a basic basilican
plan of nave and apsidal chancel area, although some churches included a transept
and modest clerestory. The church façade comprised a centralised tower, usually
with spire and two flanking aisle gables. What makes these churches innovative is
that they could then be individualised by building them in a variety of different stone
types or brickwork. An assortment of decorative Gothic elements could then also be
added to individual churches, which were dictated by affordability, client preference
and taste.
The bulk of his portfolio consists of these churches and they range from a pleth-
ora of ornate little stone churches to urbanised bricked structures with white stone
trim. The use of ornate stone and/or white stone trim was also an innovative way
for Keely to conceal the plainness of more austere structures through the illusion of
grandeur, by producing Gothic effect without the excess of decorative Gothic ele-
ments (Purcell 1943). In one instance, Keely sacrificed carved ornamentation in the
pursuit of affordability, for the inspirational effects that could be gained from monu-
mentality (Murphy 1987). As discussed earlier, the Church of St John’s in Bangor
was described as a “major symbol of the City’s Irish American heritage”, due to
its imposing presence, yet it is an austere structure with minimal Gothic detailing.
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Another factor that prevented Keely from building churches rich in decorative
Gothic elements in poorer parishes, particularly in the 1850s and 1860s, was that
some were vulnerable to vandalism and arson, due to the prevalence of militant
nativist movements, that were determined to cull the ever-growing Catholic popula-
tions. Thus, some parishes were reluctant to spend money on a costly church that
could then be vandalised or destroyed by fire (Lucey 1957).
Overall, Keely’s Gothic churches were highly variable in style and some were
more remarkable than others. He was a highly versatile architect that as already
noted, had to adapt his building styles to accommodate different factors such as:
financial restrictions, client preferences, changing architectural fashions and con-
cepts, congregation numbers, land-plot size and the threat of vandalism or arson. His
portfolio of hundreds of churches is evident that when he was building his Gothic
churches, he faced many of these challenges head on and the result is a diverse range
of Gothic Catholic churches of all shapes, designs and sizes that were constructed
throughout the north-east of America.
He also occasionally designed buildings in other styles and there are a few
Romanesque, Classical and Italianate examples included in his portfolio. However,
the architect Francis W Kervick explained that Keely was not “in sympathy” with
these styles and claimed that this “was apparent” through his designs for St James
the Greater Church in Boston (1875) and St Francis Xavier Church in New York
City (1882) (Kervick 1953), which were Italianate and Romanesque, respectively.
Kervick’s findings can be demonstrated through the one-hundred and fifteen notable
Keely churches in all regions that were researched for this paper. Ninety-six of these
churches were constructed in Gothic Revival styles, in comparison with nineteen
churches designed in other styles, which illustrates that Gothic was Keely’s domi-
nant and favoured style choice for ecclesiastical construction. He also designed two
churches for other denominations, and both were built in a Gothic Revival style.
These are the Church of the Holy Redeemer, which is an Episcopal Church in
Brooklyn (1866), along with Asylum Hill Congregational Church in Hartford, Con-
necticut (1865) (Purcell 1943), which was the only Congregational church in the
region at the time to be built in a Gothic Revival style (HBC).
As this conclusion ends, it should also be noted that Keely’s influence did not end
at his many building commissions, but he also trained a new generation of Catholic
ecclesiastical architects, that developed their own practices and carried on his influ-
ence after he died in 1896. James Murphy (1834–1907) was a noteworthy example,
who became a renowned ecclesiastical architect in his own right. He initially trained
under Keely, then eventually started a partnership with him that lasted from the mid-
1860s until 1875. When the partnership was dissolved, Murphy set up his own prac-
tice, and he established offices in Boston and Providence (Eberhart 2002). Murphy
became an accredited ecclesiastical Catholic architect in the late nineteenth century
and he catered to the ever-growing number of Catholic parishes in the New England
region. Notable Gothic structures designed by Murphy in New England include St
Mary’s Church New Haven, Connecticut (1874, O’Donnell 1899), St John’s Church
Stamford, Connecticut (1875, O’Donnell 1899), St Mary’s Church Westfield, Mas-
sachusetts (1885, McCoy 1899) and The Church of St Thomas in Adams, Massa-
chusetts (McCoy 1899). Another famous example is Thomas Houghton (1842–1913),
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SN Soc Sci (2022) 2: 172 Page 71 of 75 172
who was married to Keely’s daughter Mary and he was responsible for elaborate New
York Gothic edifices such as, The Church of Our lady of Victory, Brooklyn (1895),
(White etal 2000), St Francis Xavier Church in Brooklyn (1904) along with St Agnes
Church in Brooklyn, which was dedicated in 1913 (Tallerico 2014). Like Murphy, he
also trained under Keely, and eventually formed a partnership with him in 1890. He
assisted Keely with church designs until Keely died in 1896 and continued Keely’s
practice in his own name up until he himself died in 1913 (Novelty Theatre 2016).
Supplementary Information The online version contains supplementary material available at https:// doi.
org/ 10. 1007/ s43545- 022- 00464-y.
Data availability The data generated to compile this manuscript is in the public domain and can be eas-
ily accessed online. Archives, which are also freely available include The National Register of Historic
Places.
Declarations
Conflict of interest On behalf of all authors, the corresponding author states that there is no conflict of
interest.
Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License,
which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as
you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Com-
mons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article
are included in the article’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the
material. If material is not included in the article’s Creative Commons licence and your intended use is
not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission
directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http:// creat iveco mmons. org/ licen
ses/ by/4. 0/.
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