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Implications of Ancestry Estimation: An analysis of identification rates in unidentified persons cases
Abstract
Recently, attention has been drawn to the biases present in the methodologies employed by Forensic Anthropologists, and in the medicolegal system, towards People of Color throughout the identification process. As one of the important contributors to the medicolegal system, it is essential that forensic anthropologists understand the impact of their analyses on the identification rate of marginalized unidentified decedents. Thus, through the utilization of positive identification records from Wayne and Ingham Counties in Michigan, U.S., this research investigated the disparities in identification rates between decedents reported as White and those reported as People of Color (POC). The data indicated that those reported as POC were identified at a significantly slower rate than those reported as White. Although it is difficult to identify why these discrepancies were observed, it is thought that case-specific differences, societal and structural inequalities, implicit and/or explicit bias of the individuals working on the cases, mistrust in law enforcement and medicolegal professionals, ambiguous terminology used to describe ancestry or social race within the medicolegal system, and/or a disconnect between ancestry/race reported by the medicolegal professionals and the individual’s actual identity could be contributing factors. These findings underscore the need for further research in this area, to determine what is contributing to these racial disparities in identification rate, for those reported as POC who are already overrepresented in forensic casework. Advisor: William R. Belcher
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People of color or mixed race account for more than half of all people experiencing homelessness, despite comprising less than a quarter of the total population in the United States. What are the primary drivers of this severe racial concentration of homelessness? Through a literature review of historical and contemporary research, this article highlights the extensive history of homelessness among Black, Latinx, and Native American communities and finds evidence for racialized pathways into homelessness. The literature points to three primary systems of stratification that drive racial disparities in homelessness: racial economic inequality, housing discrimination and residential segregation, and the homeless response system. These findings suggest that homelessness is tightly interwoven with institutions and social systems that maintain racial hierarchy. Structural policies that address socioeconomic and racial inequality are more likely than current approaches to make substantial progress in reducing racial disparities in homelessness.
One of the parameters forensic anthropologists have traditionally estimated is ancestry, which is used in the United States as a proxy for social race. Its use is controversial because the biological race concept was debunked by scientists decades ago. However, many forensic anthropologists contend, in part, that because social race categories used by law enforcement can be predicted by cranial variation, ancestry remains a necessary parameter for estimation. Here, we use content analysis of the Journal of Forensic Sciences for the period 2009–2019 to demonstrate the use of various nomenclature and resultant confusion in ancestry estimation studies, and as a mechanism to discuss how forensic anthropologists have eschewed a human variation approach to studying human morphological differences in favor of a simplistic and debunked typological one. Further, we employ modern geometric morphometric and spatial analysis methods on craniofacial coordinate anatomical landmarks from several Latin American samples to test the validity of applying the antiquated tri-continental approach to ancestry (i.e., African, Asian, European). Our results indicate groups are not patterned by the ancestry trifecta. These findings illustrate the benefit and necessity of embracing studies that employ population structure models to better understand human variation and the historical factors that have influenced it.
The effective search for the missing and identification of persons, alive or dead, are core components in the prevention and in resolving the issue of Missing Persons. espite the growing literature on this topic, there is still a lack of publications describing the Search as a process that includes different phases inherently composed of forensic investigative and identification principles for both living and deceased missing persons. This paper is the result of discussions between the Forensic Unit of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and members of its external Forensic Advisory Board. It aims to present the Search process as an overarching concept that includes the investigation and identification phases of the missing in any state (dead or alive), in any scenario (with or without bodies), with an integrated, multidisciplinary, and multiagency approach for implementation by all actors involved in the investigation and identification phases of missing persons.
Since the professionalization of US‐based forensic anthropology in the 1970s, ancestry estimation has been included as a standard part of the biological profile, because practitioners have assumed it necessary to achieve identifications in medicolegal contexts. Simultaneously, forensic anthropologists have not fully considered the racist context of the criminal justice system in the United States related to the treatment of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color; nor have we considered that ancestry estimation might actually hinder identification efforts because of entrenched racial biases. Despite ongoing criticisms from mainstream biological anthropology that ancestry estimation perpetuates race science, forensic anthropologists have continued the practice. Recent years have seen the prolific development of retooled typological approaches with 21st century statistical prowess to include methods for estimating ancestry from cranial morphoscopic traits, despite no evidence that these traits reflect microevolutionary processes or are suitable genetic proxies for population structure; and such approaches have failed to critically evaluate the societal consequences for perpetuating the biological race concept. Around the country, these methods are enculturated in every aspect of the discipline ranging from university classrooms, to the board‐certification examination marking the culmination of training, to standard operating procedures adopted by forensic anthropology laboratories. Here, we use critical race theory to interrogate the approaches utilized to estimate ancestry to include a critique of the continued use of morphoscopic traits, and we assert that the practice of ancestry estimation contributes to white supremacy. Based on the lack of scientific support that these traits reflect evolutionary history, and the inability to disentangle skeletal‐based ancestry estimates from supporting the biological validity of race, we urge all forensic anthropologists to abolish the practice of ancestry estimation.
Recent discussions have revolved around the concept of ancestry and ancestry estimation; however, the associated terminology and its theoretical underpinnings have not been similarly examined. This research evaluates the concepts (e.g., race, ancestry, ethnicity) currently in use, examines if they are consistent with the groups employed to illustrate them (e.g., Black, European, Hispanic), and looks for patterns in language usage. Articles in the Anthropology, Odontology, and General sections of the Journal of Forensic Sciences between 2009 and 2019 were evaluated for ancestry‐related language use. For each article, the concepts, examples, and bibliographic information were recorded, and the relationship between concept and example was examined. These data were cross‐tabulated to evaluate relationships between the variables. Cramer's V was used to assess the strength of association of these relationships. In this sample, ancestry predominates, especially recently The concept used is significantly associated with all variables except publication date and authors’ institution(s). Despite the prevalence of the ancestry concept, racially based terms for individual groups were common. The use of ancestry, over race, in forensic contexts has been suggested to be a primarily linguistic change; these results may support that assertion. Inconsistent language usage leads to a lack of clarity in meaning among researchers and misinterpretation of the data. It is critical to recognize that inconsistencies exist, but also to understand why they exist. These results underscore the long overdue need for the inclusion of diverse perspectives in forensic anthropology, especially in the current conversations surrounding ancestry and ancestry estimation.
Forensic anthropologists assist law enforcement agencies and medical examiner's offices with investigations involving human remains, providing insight into trauma analysis, the establishment of postmortem interval, and the estimation of biological profile data. Ancestry is considered one of the more difficult aspects of the biological profile, due in large part to the complicated relationship between skeletal morphology and social constructs. The methods
used to estimate ancestry rely on the correlation between skeletal morphology, geographic origin, and an individual's social race. While there is a well documented contemptible history associated with the development of ancestry estimation methods in biological
anthropology, many of the more traditional, now antiquated, methods are still used in some laboratories. The push to improve the framework within which ancestry data are analyzed requires validation and reassessment for each method in addition to the development of novel approaches utilizing modern technological advances. An array of software programs designed to aid in ancestry estimation is available. These advances do not signal the end of ancestry-related research. Indeed, several areas seemingly stagnated by tradition and time require further study through more than simply review and rarefaction. The future of ancestry estimation research centers on: (a) abandoning the trait list approach, (b) rejecting the three-group model, (c) establishing larger and more representative reference data, (d) assessing the utility of mixed method models, and (e) developing new statistical approaches and updating current software tools.
One in three ever‐partnered women worldwide has experienced intimate partner violence (IPV), yet there is little systematic global evidence on the association between socio‐economic status (SES), demographic characteristics and IPV. This paper uses information from more than one‐quarter of one million female respondents age 15–49 in IPV modules from 36 Demographic and Health Surveys to provide detailed evidence on IPV gradients around the developing world. The analysis reveals relatively large negative IPV–SES gradients for respondent years of schooling and household wealth. Marriage and higher age are generally associated with lower IPV, whereas the physical violence–age profile follows an inverted U‐shape.
The extent to which cognitive biases may influence decision-making in forensic science is an important question with implications for training and practice. We conducted a systematic review of the literature on cognitive biases in forensic science disciplines. The initial literature search including electronic searching of three databases (two social science, one science) and manual review of reference lists in identified articles. An initial screening of title and abstract by two independent reviewers followed by full text review resulted in the identification of 29 primary source (research) studies. A critical methodological deficiency, serious enough to make the study too problematic to provide useful evidence, was identified in two of the studies. Most (n = 22) conducted analyses limited to practitioners (n = 17), forensic science trainees (n = 2), or both forensic science practitioners and students (n = 3); other analyses were based on university student or general population participants. Latent fingerprint analysis was examined in 11 studies, with 1–3 other studies found in 13 other disciplines or domains. This set of studies provides a robust database, with evidence of the influence of confirmation bias on analysts conclusions, specifically among the studies with practitioners or trainees presented with case-specific information about the “suspect” or crime scenario (in 9 of 11 studies examining this question), procedures regarding use of exemplar(s) (in 4 of 4 studies), or knowledge of a previous decision (in 4 of 4 studies). The available research supports the idea of susceptibility of forensic science practitioners to various types of confirmation bias and of the potential value of procedures designed to reduce access to unnecessary information and control the order of providing relevant information, use of multiple comparison samples rather than a single suspect exemplar, and replication of results by analysts blinded to previous results.
This review covers previous and current literature on the impact of forensic anthropologists on the positive scientific identification of human remains and aims to provide an understanding of what information a forensic anthropologist can contribute to an investigation. Forensic anthropologists looking to identify human remains study traits of the skeleton and any orthopedic devices present. In order to obtain a positive scientific identification, evidence that is both sufficiently unique to the individual and comparable to available antemortem data from that individual must be found. The increased availability of radiographs, scans and implants in recent decades has facilitated the identification process. When these records are unavailable, other techniques, such as craniofacial superimposition and facial approximation, can be employed. While these methods may assist the identification process, they are most useful for exclusion of certain individuals and gathering leads from the public. Forensic anthropologists have heavily relied on the skull and its complexities for identification – typically focusing on the frontal sinus and other unique traits. Post-cranial remains can provide important information about bone density, possible disease and other characteristics that may also be utilized. Techniques used to positively identify individuals are not limited to medicolegal death investigations, and have been useful in other legal contexts. In the future, a team approach, utilizing all the information gathered by multiple forensic scientists – including forensic anthropologists – will most likely become more common.
This report identifies four key features of the criminal justice system that produce racially unequal outcomes, beyond the conditions of socioeconomic inequality that contribute to higher rates of some crimes in marginalized communities, and showcases initiatives to abate these sources of inequity in adult and juvenile justice systems around the country.
This article examines the relationship between race and the urban in the United States through an examination of the role of surveillance – a growing global phenomena in contemporary western cities – and its uses in creating and maintaining boundaries of race, particularly because surveillance of racial and ethnic minority groups tend to be grounded in specific and bounded geographic locations. Using historical evidence and data from the New York Police Department (NYPD) Stop and Frisk program during the 2003–2013 period, this article asks whether or not, strategies of state surveillance of racial and ethnic minority groups should be interpreted as a ‘new’ type of scientific racism given the state’s desire to deploy and its hyper-reliance on technologies to fulfil its surveillance role.
Cognitive bias may influence process flows and decision making steps in forensic DNA analyses and interpretation. Currently, seven sources of bias have been identified that may affect forensic decision making with roots in human nature; environment, culture, and experience; and case specific information. Most of the literature and research on cognitive bias in forensic science has focused on patterned evidence; however, forensic DNA testing is not immune to bias, especially when subjective interpretation is involved. DNA testing can be strengthened by recognizing the existence of bias, evaluating where it influences decision making, and, when applicable, implementing practices to reduce or control its effects. Elements that may improve forensic decision making regarding bias include cognitively informed education and training, quality assurance procedures, review processes, analysis and interpretation, and context management of irrelevant information. Although bias exists, reliable results often can be (and have been) produced. However, at times bias can (and has) impacted the interpretation of DNA results negatively. Therefore, being aware of the dangers of bias and implementing measures to control its potential impact should be considered. Measures and procedures that handicap the workings of the crime laboratory or add little value to improving the operation are not advocated, but simple yet effective measures are suggested. This article is meant to raise awareness of cognitive bias contamination in forensic DNA testing, and to give laboratories possible pathways to make sound decisions to address its influences.
General Audience Summary
The current study examines whether police officers’ evaluations of different pieces of evidence are related to their beliefs in the suspect’s guilt. In other words, will police officers who believe a suspect is guilty evaluate evidence more harshly than police officers who believe the same suspect is innocent? And will these biased evaluations further inflate their beliefs in the suspect’s guilt, resulting in a bias snowball effect? Police officers (n = 89) read about a crime that contained either incriminating, exonerating, or neutral evidence against a suspect, provided their beliefs that the suspect was guilty, and then evaluated four pieces of evidence: the suspect’s alibi, a comparison of handwriting samples, a comparison between a facial composite and the suspect, and an informant’s testimony. Results indicated that the more likely the police officers believed the suspect to be guilty, the more harshly they tended to evaluate the evidence, which then further inflated their beliefs of guilt. These results suggest that one reason innocent people get convicted is because police officers form a belief in the innocent person’s guilt, leading them to interpret further ambiguous evidence as being more incriminating than it actually is, further inflating their belief in the innocent person’s guilt.
Contact with the justice system can lead to a range of poor health and social outcomes. While persons of color are disproportionately represented in both the juvenile and criminal justice systems, reasons for these patters remain unclear. This study sought to examine the extent and sources of differences in arrests during adolescence and young adulthood among blacks, whites, and Hispanics in the USA. Multilevel cross-sectional logistic regression analyses were conducted using data from waves I and IV of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (n = 12,752 respondents). Results showed significantly higher likelihood of having ever been arrested among blacks, when compared to whites, even after controlling for a range of delinquent behaviors (odds ratio = 1.58, 95 % confidence interval = 1.27, 1.95). These black–white disparities were no longer present after accounting for racial composition of the neighborhood, supporting the growing body of research demonstrating the importance of contextual variables in driving disproportionate minority contact with the justice system.
The human element plays a critical role in forensic science. It is not limited only to issues relating to forensic decision-making, such as bias, but also relates to most aspects of forensic work (some of which even take place before a crime is ever committed or long after the verification of the forensic conclusion). In this paper, I explicate many aspects of forensic work that involve the human element and therefore show the relevance (and potential contribution) of cognitive neuroscience to forensic science. The 10 aspects covered in this paper are proactive forensic science, selection during recruitment, training, crime scene investigation, forensic decision-making, verification and conflict resolution, reporting, the role of the forensic examiner, presentation in court and judicial decisions. As the forensic community is taking on the challenges introduced by the realization that the human element is critical for forensic work, new opportunities emerge that allow for considerable improvement and enhancement of the forensic science endeavour.
© 2015 The Author(s) Published by the Royal Society. All rights reserved.
Using federal court data collected by the U.S. Sentencing Commission for the years 1993-1996, this study examines racial/ethnic differences-white versus black versus white-Hispanic versus black-Hispanic-in sentencing outcomes and criteria under the federal sentencing guidelines. Regression analyses of incarceration and term-length decisions reveal considerable judicial consistency in the use of sentencing criteria for all defendants; however, important racial/ethnic disparities in sentencing emerge. Consistent with theoretical hypotheses, the authors find that ethnicity has a small to moderate effect on sentencing outcomes that favors white defendants and penalizes Hispanic defendants; black defendants are in an intermediate position. Hispanic drug offenders are most at risk of receiving the harshest penalties, and their harsher treatment is most pronounced in prosecutor-controlled guidelines departure cases. These findings highlight both a classic organizational tension noted by Weber and a fundamental dilemma in policy efforts to structure sentencing processes (formal rationality) while allowing for judicial and prosecutorial discretion (substantive rationality). The findings also broaden our view of the continuing significance of race in American society-as a matter confronting not only blacks but also Hispanics and perhaps other ethnic groups as well.
Current research on criminal case processing typically examines a single decision-making point, so drawing reliable conclusions about the impact that factors such as defendants’ race or ethnicity exert across successive stages of the justice system is difficult. Using data from the New York County District Attorney's Office that tracks 185,275 diverse criminal cases, this study assesses racial and ethnic disparity for multiple discretionary points of prosecution and sentencing. Findings from multivariate logistic regression analyses demonstrate that the effects of race and ethnicity vary by discretionary point and offense category. Black and Latino defendants were more likely than White defendants to be detained, to receive a custodial plea offer, and to be incarcerated—and they received especially punitive outcomes for person offenses—but were more likely to benefit from case dismissals. The findings for Asian defendants were less consistent but suggest they were the least likely to be detained, to receive custodial offers, and to be incarcerated. These findings are discussed in the context of contemporary theoretical perspectives on racial bias and cumulative disadvantage in the justice system.
We review sociological, correlational, and experimental research that examines the effect of a target's race on the decision to shoot. Much of this work involves computer-based simulations of a police encounter, in which a participant must decide whether or not to shoot a potentially hostile target who is either Black or White. Experimental work with undergraduate participants reveals a clear pattern of bias (a tendency to shoot Black targets but not Whites), which is associated with stereotypes linking Blacks with the concept of danger. Subsequent work with police officers presents a more complex pattern. Although police are affected by target race in some respects, they generally do not show a biased pattern of shooting. We suggest that police performance depends on the exercise of cognitive control, which allows officers to overcome the influence of stereotypes, and we conclude with potential implications of this research for law enforcement.
An experimental study was designed to examine cognitive biases within forensic anthropological non-metric methods in assessing sex, ancestry and age at death. To investigate examiner interpretation, forty-one non-novice participants were semi randomly divided into three groups. Prior to conducting the assessment of the skeletal remains, two of the groups were given different extraneous contextual information regarding the sex, ancestry and age at death of the individual. The third group acted as a control group with no extraneous contex-tual information. The experiment was designed to investigate if the interpretation and conclusions of the skeletal remains would differ amongst participants within the three groups, and to assess whether the examiners would confirm or disagree with the given extraneous context when establishing a biological profile. The results revealed a significant biasing effect within the three groups, demonstrating a strong confirmation bias in the assessment of sex, ancestry and age at death. In assessment of sex, 31% of the participants in the control group concluded that the skeleton remains were male. In contrast, in the group that received contextual information that the remains were male, 72% concluded that the remains were male, and in the participant group where the context was that the remains were of a female, 0% of the participants concluded that the remains were male. Comparable results showing bias were found in assessing ancestry and age at death. These data demonstrate that cognitive bias can impact forensic anthropological non-metric methods on skeletal remains and affects the interpretation and con-clusions of the forensic scientists. This empirical study is a step in establishing an evidence base approach for dealing with cognitive issues in forensic anthropological assessments, so as to enhance this valuable forensic sci-ence discipline.
Vacant land is a significant economic problem for many cities, but also may affect the health and safety of residents. In order for community-based solutions to vacant land to be accepted by target populations, community members should be engaged in identifying local health impacts and generating solutions. We conducted 50 in-depth semi-structured interviews with people living in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, a city with high vacancy, about the impact of vacant land on community and individual health and safety, as well as ideas for solutions to vacant land. Participants described a neighborhood physical environment dominated by decaying abandoned homes and overgrown vacant lots which affected community well-being, physical health, and mental health. Vacant land was thought to affect community well-being by overshadowing positive aspects of the community, contributing to fractures between neighbors, attracting crime, and making residents fearful. Vacant land was described as impacting physical health through injury, the buildup of trash, and attraction of rodents, as well as mental health through anxiety and stigma. Participants had several ideas for solutions to vacant land in their community, including transformation of vacant lots into small park spaces for the elderly and playgrounds for youth, and the use of abandoned homes for subsidized housing and homeless shelters. A few participants took pride in maintaining vacant lots on their block, and others expressed interest in performing maintenance but lacked the resources to do so. Public health researchers and practitioners, and urban planners should engage local residents in the design and implementation of vacant land strategies. Furthermore, municipalities should ensure that the health and safety impact of vacant land helps drive policy decisions around vacant land.
We examined relationships between neighborhood poverty and allostatic load in a low- to moderate-income multiracial urban community. We tested the hypothesis that neighborhood poverty is associated with allostatic load, controlling for household poverty. We also examined the hypotheses that this association was mediated by psychosocial stress and health-related behaviors.
We conducted multilevel analyses using cross-sectional data from a probability sample survey in Detroit, Michigan (n = 919) and the 2000 US Census. The outcome measure was allostatic load. Independent variables included neighborhood and household poverty, psychosocial stress, and health-related behaviors. Covariates included neighborhood and individual demographic characteristics.
Neighborhood poverty was positively associated with allostatic load (P < .05), independent of household poverty and controlling for potential confounders. Relationships between neighborhood poverty were mediated by self-reported neighborhood environment stress but not by health-related behaviors.
Neighborhood poverty is associated with wear and tear on physiological systems, and this relationship is mediated through psychosocial stress. These relationships are evident after accounting for household poverty levels. Efforts to promote health equity should focus on neighborhood poverty, associated stressful environmental conditions, and household poverty.
Many commentators and judges have come to accept the changing reality of racial discrimination - discrimination that has largely shifted from overt and intentional to covert and unintentional. Despite this scholarly progress, the dearth of empirical studies testing implicit bias within the legal system is surprising. In an effort to begin filling the empirical research gap, this Article proposes and tests a new hypothesis called Biased Evidence Hypothesis. Biased Evidence Hypothesis posits that when racial stereotypes are activated, jurors automatically and unintentionally evaluate ambiguous trial evidence in racially biased ways. Because racial stereotypes in the legal context often involve stereotypes of African-Americans and other minority group members as aggressive criminals, Biased Evidence Hypothesis, if confirmed, could help explain the continued racial disparities that plague the American criminal justice system.To test Biased Evidence Hypothesis, we designed an empirical study that tested how mock-jurors judge trial evidence. As part of an “evidence slideshow” in an armed robbery case, we showed half of the study participants a security camera photo of a dark-skinned perpetrator and the other half of the participants an otherwise identical photo of a lighter-skinned perpetrator. We then presented participants with evidence from the trial, and asked them to judge how much each piece of evidence tended to indicate whether the defendant was guilty or not guilty. The results of the study supported Biased Evidence Hypothesis and indicated that participants who saw a photo of a dark- skinned perpetrator judged subsequent evidence as more supportive of a guilty verdict compared to participants who saw a photo of a lighter-skinned perpetrator. We consider the results of the empirical study not only as part of a discussion implicit racial bias in the legal system, but also as part of an amplification of the Story Model of decision-making. This model, which provides a step-by-step explanation of how jurors make decisions, has yet to consider the potentially pervasive impact of implicit racial bias in decision-making. Using the Story Model as a guide and considering the study results together with other emerging research on implicit bias, we deconstruct the multitude of ways that implicit racial bias can affect jury decision-making.
During 1991--2007, homicide was ranked as one of the top four leading causes of death each year for persons aged 1--40 years living in the United States. Furthermore, vast disparities in homicide rates have been reported between males and females and among different age and racial/ethnic groups. For example, previous studies have indicated that rates of death from homicide are particularly high among males, persons aged 15--34 years and <1 year, and blacks. Homicide rates for males are estimated to be approximately 3--4 times higher than that for females; among persons aged 20--24 years, the male homicide rate is 6 times higher than that for females. In addition, minority racial/ethnic children and young adults in the United States are disproportionately affected by homicide. During 1999--2002, among persons aged 10--19 years, the homicide rate for blacks was estimated to be 17.8 per 100,000 population, a rate 10 times that of whites (1.8 per 100,000) and higher than the rates reported for American Indians/Alaska Natives (AI/ANs) (6.0 per 100,000), Asian/Pacific Islanders (A/PIs) (2.9 per 100,000), and Hispanics (8.0 per 100,000).
Objectives
There are currently no baseline data regarding the amount and types of case reports produced by forensic anthropologists. This research fills that gap by providing data on caseloads of practicing forensic anthropologists and identifying variables that may contribute to amount and type of casework.
Materials and methods
A survey was distributed to practicing forensic anthropologists (n = 364) to explore number of case reports written and possible influential factors. Questions included demographic information, employment type, institution where master's degree or PhD were obtained, type of reports written, professional organization membership, certification, graduate research focus, among others. Data were analyzed using summary statistics, a random forest model, network analysis, and structural equation modeling.
Results
The mean number of sole-authored skeletal analysis reports per year was 12.33 and field recovery reports was 2 per year. Statistical analyses identified several variables influencing case loads which included: number of fieldwork reports per year, current employment, total number of cases analyzed, age, publication record, and institution of doctoral degree. Network analyses revealed that individuals in academic settings tended to have a bioarchaeological research focus from their graduate work, whereas those in an applied setting had a focus on forensic anthropology. Further, degree institution influenced employment type.
Discussion/conclusions
These data address expectations for the number of cases analyzed by a forensic anthropologist per year and set a baseline for expectations and performance. Based on these results, we suggest that forensic anthropology is underutilized in the medicolegal death investigation system and more forensic anthropologists should be employed within Medical Examiner/Coroner's Offices.
Policy Points
• Despite 30 years of attention to eliminating population health inequity, it remains entrenched, calling for new approaches.
• Targeted universalism, wellness‐based local development, and Jedi Public Health approaches that are community informed, evidence based, and focused on improving everyday settings and diverse lived experiences are important policy directions.
• State and federal revenue transfers are necessary to mitigate the harms of austerity and assure greater equity in fiscal and population health in places like Detroit, Michigan.
Context
US population health inequity remains entrenched, despite mandates to eliminate it. To promote a public health approach of consequence in this domain, stakeholders call for moving from risk‐factor epidemiology toward consideration of dynamic local variations in the physiological impacts of structured lived experience.
Methods
Using a community‐based, participatory research approach, we collected and analyzed a unique data set of 239 black, white, and Mexican adults from a stratified, multistage probability sample of three Detroit, Michigan, neighborhoods. We drew venous blood, collected saliva, took anthropometric measurements, and assayed specimens to measure allostatic load (AL), an indicator of stress‐mediated biological dysregulation, linking participants’ AL scores and survey responses. In a series of nested Poisson models, we regressed AL on socioeconomic, psychosocial, neighborhood, and behavioral stressors to test the hypothesis that race/ethnicity and poverty‐to‐income ratio (PIR) are conceptually fluctuating variables whose impacts on AL are sensitive to structured lived experience.
Findings
White and Mexican Detroit participants with PIR < 1 have higher AL than counterparts nationally; black participants in Detroit and nationwide had comparable AL. Within Detroit, disparities by PIR were higher in whites than blacks, with no significant difference by PIR in Mexicans. The size of estimated effects of having PIR < 1 for whites is 58 percentage points greater than that of Mexicans and twice that of blacks.
Conclusions
Structurally rooted unobserved heterogeneity bias threatens the validity of independent main effects interpretations of associations between race/ethnicity, socioeconomic characteristics, or place and health. One‐size‐fits‐all analytic or policy models developed from the perspective of the dominant social group insufficiently address the experiences of diverse populations in specific settings and historical moments; nor do they recognize culturally mediated protective resources residents may have developed against material and psychosocial hardship.
Racial designations have evolved over the years to accommodate the changes in our population demographics. The Federal Office of Management and Budget (OMB) has developed Federal Standards to assist with the uniform documentation and reporting of race and ethnicity. A minimum of five defined categories currently exist for race (American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, Black or African American, Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander and White). Ethnicity is separated into either Hispanic origin or Non-Hispanic origin. Current death certificates allow for the selection of one or more races; however, only one ethnicity may be chosen. Race of unknown decedents is either based subjectively on the observer's opinion or, in severely decomposed or skeletal remains, by anthropological analysis utilizing sound statistical methodology. If the data and statistical analysis suggest a good classification, the race determination will be correct more often than not. Information obtained from the National Missing and Unidentified Persons System (NamUs) indicates that absence of race determination does not hinder the identification potential. Mortality rates, life expectancy, disease risk and causes of death are often disaggregated by race and/or ethnicity. Differences in the presentation, etiology and outcomes of many diseases have been based on race and ethnicity data. Uniform collection of this data is the key to its importance. Medical examiners, coroners and others tasked with examination of decedents should utilize the defined categories set forth in the OMB Revised Standards for race and ethnicity documentation.
Correlation and association analyses are one of the most widely used statistical methods in research fields, including microbiome and integrative multiomics studies. Correlation and association have two implications: dependence and co-occurrence. Microbiome data are structured as phylogenetic tree and have several unique characteristics, including high dimensionality, compositionality, sparsity with excess zeros, and heterogeneity. These unique characteristics cause several statistical issues when analyzing microbiome data and integrating multiomics data, such as large p and small n, dependency, overdispersion, and zero-inflation. In microbiome research, on the one hand, classic correlation and association methods are still applied in real studies and used for the development of new methods; on the other hand, new methods have been developed to target statistical issues arising from unique characteristics of microbiome data. Here, we first provide a comprehensive view of classic and newly developed univariate correlation and association-based methods. We discuss the appropriateness and limitations of using classic methods and demonstrate how the newly developed methods mitigate the issues of microbiome data. Second, we emphasize that concepts of correlation and association analyses have been shifted by introducing network analysis, microbe-metabolite interactions, functional analysis, etc. Third, we introduce multivariate correlation and association-based methods, which are organized by the categories of exploratory, interpretive, and discriminatory analyses and classification methods. Fourth, we focus on the hypothesis testing of univariate and multivariate regression-based association methods, including alpha and beta diversities-based, count-based, and relative abundance (or compositional)-based association analyses. We demonstrate the characteristics and limitations of each approaches. Fifth, we introduce two specific microbiome-based methods: phylogenetic tree-based association analysis and testing for survival outcomes. Sixth, we provide an overall view of longitudinal methods in analysis of microbiome and omics data, which cover standard, static, regression-based time series methods, principal trend analysis, and newly developed univariate overdispersed and zero-inflated as well as multivariate distance/kernel-based longitudinal models. Finally, we comment on current association analysis and future direction of association analysis in microbiome and multiomics studies.
Background
People bring the social contexts of their lives into the medical encounter. As a social determinant of health, police brutality influences physical and mental health. However, negative experiences with institutions such as law enforcement might decrease trust in other institutions, including medical institutions. Mistrust might limit engagement with the healthcare system and affect population health. This study investigates the relationship between police brutality and medical mistrust and assesses whether it varies by race.Basic ProceduresData were obtained from a 2018 cross-sectional survey of adults living in urban areas in the USA (N = 4389). Medical mistrust was regressed on police brutality (experiences and appraisal of negative encounters with the police), controlling for socio-demographics, health status, and healthcare access. Means of mistrust were predicted by racial group after including interactions between police brutality and race.Main FindingsRespondents who had negative encounters with the police, even if they perceived these encounters to be necessary, had higher levels of medical mistrust compared to those with no negative police encounters. Police brutality increased mistrust for all racial groups.Principal Conclusions
Conditions outside the medical system such as experiencing police brutality impact relationships with the medical system. Given that clinicians are in a unique position of having access to firsthand information about the struggles and injustices that shape their patients’ health, advocating for systemic change on behalf of their patients might build trust.
Common law judges have traditionally been concerned about bias and the appearance of bias. Bias is believed to threaten the administration of justice and the legitimacy of legal decision‐making, particularly public confidence in the courts. This article contrasts legal approaches to bias with a range of biases, particularly cognitive biases, familiar to scientists who study human cognition and decision‐making. Research reveals that judges have narrowly conceived the biases that threaten legal decision‐making, insisting that some potential sources of bias are not open to review and that they are peculiarly resistant to bias through legal training and judicial experience. This article explains how, notwithstanding express concern with bias, there has been limited legal engagement with many risks known to actually bias decision‐making. Through examples, and drawing upon scientific research, it questions legal approaches and discusses the implications of more empirically‐based approaches to bias for decision making and institutional legitimacy.
The discipline of forensic anthropology has its roots in physical anthropology with early practitioners focusing on areas of study such as human growth and development, physiological adaptation, anthropometry and biomechanics. While it is axiomatic that forensic anthropologists have a detailed understanding of the human skeleton, it is the practitioners’ expertise in the analysis of differentially preserved human remains that today is at the heart of the discipline. In addition to the context of the case (whether a missing person, disaster victim identification, war grave recovery, cases of political, ethnic or religious violence, or questions pertaining to the living), the preservation and condition of the remains inevitably influences the extent to which the forensic anthropologist plays a role. This paper outlines different contexts where forensic anthropologists have contributed to forensic cases, and reflects on the influence of geography (and therefore political context) on the volume of cases requiring the expertise of forensic anthropologists in different countries. Consideration is then given to the developing state of professional practice and research in forensic anthropology, as well as the expanding repertoire of the forensic anthropologist’s work.
In the face of increasing evidence that human subjectivities and biases compromise scientific objectivity, much recent anthropological theory has rejected positivism. However, in the subfield of forensic anthropology, many practitioners still maintain the positivist ideal of value-free, objective science-likely due to their frequent expert-witness status and their desire to portray results as accurate, precise, replicable, and statistically (and legally) defensible. After being criticized by the National Academy of Sciences in 2009 for a lack of standardization and objectivity, forensic scientists are increasingly asking, "Is forensic science scientific enough? Can it be 'science with a capital S'?" In the era of method standardization and error quantification that has followed, forensic anthropologists have become committed to understanding error so as not to overstate method performance. However, this chapter maintains that espousing the rhetoric of "true" or "pure" objectivity also overstates the capabilities of forensic anthropology. In the spirit of understanding error, practitioners must understand the limits of their objectivity. This chapter presents evidence of subjectivity in forensic anthropological analyses and discusses how to evaluate that subjectivity, understand the error it introduces, and constrain it with strong theory, methods, and quality control. In lieu of pure objectivity, forensic anthropologists can strive for a mitigated objectivity that more accurately reflects the capabilities of their science.
Thirty-eight participants took part in a study that investigated the potential cascading effects of initial exposure to extraneous context upon subsequent decision-making. Participants investigated a mock crime scene, which included the excavation of clandestine burials that had a male skeletal cast dressed either in female or gender neutral clothing. This was followed by a forensic anthropological assessment of the skeletal remains, with a control group assessing the same male skeletal cast without any clothing context. The results indicated that the sex assessment was highly dependent upon the context in which participants were exposed to prior to the analysis. This was especially noticeable in the female clothing context where only one participant determined the male skeletal cast to be male. The results demonstrate the importance of understanding the role of context in forensic anthropology at an early stage of an investigation and its potential cascading effect on subsequent assessments.
At any given time, there are tens of thousands of Americans categorized as “missing” by law enforcement. However, only a fraction of those individuals receive news coverage, leading some commentators to hypothesize that missing persons with certain characteristics are more likely to garner media attention than others: namely, white women and girls. Empirical investigation into this theory is surprisingly sparse and also limited in multiple ways. This paper aims to fill those voids by empirically exploring whether that inequality, dubbed “Missing White Woman Syndrome,” truly exists. Based on a multi-method approach using Federal Bureau of Investigation data and data culled from four major online news sources, the results indicate not only that there are, in fact, race and gender disparities consistent with Missing White Woman Syndrome, but that they manifest themselves in two distinct ways: (1) disparities in the threshold issue of whether a missing person receives any media attention at all and (2) disparities in coverage intensity among the missing persons that do appear in the news. The paper concludes with an examination of the theoretical and practical implications of the results and a discussion of possible future directions for research.
Statistical programs have revolutionized the way in which forensic anthropologists conduct casework by allowing practitioners to use computationally complex analytics at the click of a button. Importantly, the products of these statistical programs are reproducible and contain measures of error or uncertainty, thereby strengthening conclusions. This paper is an introduction to (hu)MANid, a free, web-based application that uses linear and mixture discriminant function analyses to classify human mandibles into one of many worldwide and/or periodic reference groups. The mechanics, development, and use of the application will be discussed. Further, the program was tested against other software to compare model performances and classifications. Total correct classifications among the test cases and programs were identical. Ten mandibles were tested using both statistical procedures. Mixture discriminant analysis improved classification by an average of 9.3% and correctly identified three more mandibles than LDA. Therefore, we believe (hu)MANid will be an asset to the anthropological community.
Media coverage varies as a function of demographic and situational characteristics such that more “newsworthy” cases feature greater exposure. This study examines case characteristics associated with various levels of media attention for missing persons cases, as well as the framing of news reports. Including missing persons cases that received media attention as well as those that did not allowed for a greater understanding of the factors related to the degree of media exposure. Disparities in coverage were seen based on race and age. In addition, the narratives of the reports were framed as cautionary tales and victims were seen as active participants in their disappearance.
Missing from the considerable body of literature on disproportionate minority contact is an examination of the factors that influence risk of juvenile arrest. Using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997, the author examines racial/ethnic disparities in youth arrest, net of self-reported delinquency. Drawing from research using a minority threat perspective, this study examines whether disparities are exacerbated by macro levels of the relative size of the minority population and minority economic inequality. The results indicate Black youth have a higher risk of arrest than White youth in all contextual climates, but this disparity is magnified in predominantly non-Black communities. Differences between Hispanic and White youths’ risk of arrest did not reach statistical significance or vary across communities. The findings failed to yield support for the threat perspective but strongly supported the benign neglect thesis. Implications for theory and future research are discussed.
In sheer numbers, no form of government control comes close to the police stop. Each year, twelve percent of drivers in the United States are stopped by the police, and the figure is almost double among racial minorities. Police stops are among the most frequently criticized incidences of racial profiling, but while studies have shown that minorities are pulled over at higher rates, none have examined how police stops came to be encouraged and institutionalized. Pulled Over deftly traces the strange history of the investigatory police stop. The authors show that who is stopped and how they are treated convey powerful messages about citizenship and racial disparity in the United States. For African Americans, investigatory stops erode the perceived legitimacy of police stops and of the police generally, leading to decreased trust in the police and less willingness to solicit police assistance. This holds true even when police are courteous throughout the encounters and follow seemingly color-blind institutional protocols. In a country that celebrates racial equality, investigatory stops have a deleterious effect on minority communities that merits serious reconsideration. Pulled Over offers practical recommendations on how reforms can protect the rights of citizens and still effectively combat crime.
In 2014, approximately 100,000 lots lie “vacant” in Detroit after decades of industrial decline, white flight, and poverty. Planners and government officials have proposed to repurpose Detroit’s highest vacancy neighborhoods, deemed to have “no market value,” as blue and green infrastructure (retention ponds, carbon forests, urban farms, greenways). According to the Detroit Future City plan, traditional public services (water, street lights, transportation, garbage pickup) and the “grey infrastructures” that deliver them will be reduced and eventually withdrawn from these zones. While Detroit is widely touted for its potential as a model green city, the costs and benefits of green redevelopment are distributed unevenly within the context of gentrification and bankruptcy. Through an analysis of media representations, a contentious citywide planning project, and the construction of a private urban forest, I demonstrate how settler colonial imaginaries and rationalities articulate with austerity measures to prepare a postindustrial urban frontier for resettlement and reinvestment. During the historical era of U.S. settler colonialism, economic development happened through westward expansion on a continental scale (and then imperial scale), but today, in the urban United States, it occurs through internal differentiation of previously developed spaces and is taking a new form. Where the rural settlers of the 19th century sought to conquer wilderness, “urban pioneers” in the 21st century deploy nature as a tool of economic development in a city with a shrinking population and a large spatial footprint. Yet accumulation by green dispossession still turns on some of the defining features of settler colonialism, e.g., private property as a civilizing mechanism on the frontier, the appropriation of common collective land and resources, and the expendability of particular people and places. The production of this new urban frontier also depends, like any frontier, on erasure: the material and discursive work of presenting “empty” landscapes in need of improvement by non-local actors. I argue that understanding the stakes of postindustrial urban development struggles requires revived attention to how concepts of (white) settler society – which have been absorbed into political and legal-juridical institutions, discourses, myths, symbols, and national metaphors – are used to claim “wild” and “empty” lands like those in Detroit.
The potential for contextual information to bias assessments in the forensic sciences has been demonstrated, in several forensic disiplines. In this paper, biasability potential within forensic anthropology was examined by analyzing the effects of external manipulations on judgments and decision-making in visual trauma assessment. Three separate websites were created containing fourteen identical images. Participants were randomly assigned to one website. Each website provided different contextual information, to assess variation of interpretation of the same images between contexts. The results indicated a higher scoring of trauma identification responses for the Mass grave context. Furthermore, a significant biasing effect was detected in the interpretation of four images. Less experienced participants were more likely to indicate presence of trauma. This research demonstrates bias impact in forensic anthropological trauma assessments and highlights the importance of recognizing and limiting cognitive vulnerabilities that forensic anthropologists might bring to the analysis.
In “Toward a Theory of Race, Crime, and Urban Inequality,” Sampson and Wilson (1995) argued that racial disparities in violent crime are attributable in large part to the persistent structural disadvantages that are disproportionately concentrated in African American communities. They also argued that the ultimate causes of crime were similar for both Whites and Blacks, leading to what has been labeled the thesis of “racial invariance.” In light of the large scale social changes of the past two decades and the renewed political salience of race and crime in the United States, this paper reassesses and updates evidence evaluating the theory. In so doing, we clarify key concepts from the original thesis, delineate the proper context of validation, and address new challenges. Overall, we find that the accumulated empirical evidence provides broad but qualified support for the theoretical claims. We conclude by charting a dual path forward: an agenda for future research on the linkages between race and crime, and policy recommendations that align with the theory’s emphasis on neighborhood level structural forces but with causal space for cultural factors.
This chapter provides a review of metric and morphological methods for determining ancestry from skeletal forensic cases,
as well as a comparative look at emerging genetic “origins”-determination methods. The authors address two major issues with
respect to these methods. Are the methods consistent with observable patterns of human biological variation and with the apportioning
of variation in skeletal reference samples used to represent population groups? Do the methods have any utility for positive
identification of unknowns? In addition, the authors provide examples of the patterns of variation in cranial measurements,
infracranial measurements, and morphological characters as observed in skeletal reference samples to illustrate some of the
limitations of the underlying assumptions of “race”-determination methods.
Understanding and coping with cognitive bias in forensic science requires multiple studies, utilizing both laboratory-based experiments and data from casework. Neither type of studies has ever been conducted to examine bias in mixture DNA interpretations. A study that includes both types of data has recently been published in Science and Justice. The data and statistical analysis clearly - at the very least - suggest that bias may potentially influence DNA mixture interpretation. This is due, in part, to the subjective elements in interpretation of mixture DNA. The issue of bias and other cognitive influences is of a sensitive nature and presents complex experimental challenges. Our study takes a step in examining these issues and calls for more research.