La lettre morte des coopérations interrégionales dans la mégarégion parisienne

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The area of influence of global conurbations and agglomerations goes far beyond administrative borders. This questions the governance needed to deal with the challenges raised at this scale. This article offers to focus on the example of the Paris region, where the division has stayed the same since 1956 and where interregional cooperations have failed. More precisely, our objective is to understand why a small Parisian region was created and why its boundaries have not been modified to adapt to the functional aspect of the region. This geo-historical approach, using many archives, identifies the role played by the ideas and strategies of several actors, from Jean-François Gravier to the Valls government. The analysis also shows that political actors have difficulty in understanding the megaregional influence of Paris, and that the problems of cooperation in the megaregion will be exacerbated by the reform of the regional map (2015), which merged territories belonging in part to the urban area of Paris (Oise and Aisne, for example) with areas affected by very different dynamics and issues.
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This article deals with the cooperation between regional authorities, or interregional cooperation and is based on the case of the French regions. The main questions are : the influence of the geographical arguments on the institutional initiatives of cooperation ; the concrete impact of these initiatives on the regional development and on the institutionalisation of new territorial forms. The article first presents the issues and characteritics of interregional cooperation and then focuses on the development of this cooperation in France, in particular through the actions of the State services. The analysis emphasizes that interregional cooperation is most of all relevant within a European framework, as shown by the numerous cooperation projects set up in the frame of euroregions, while European law provides new instruments to structure territorial cooperation organizations.
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Depuis environ une dizaine d’année le débat sur le développement et l’aménagement de l’Île-de-France s’incarne autour de l’expression « Grand Paris ». Au-delà des controverses politiques et scientifiques sur l’avenir de la région capitale, trois enjeux majeurs, fortement liés, ont émergé. Il s’agit du développement économique et de la place de Paris dans le monde (Section 2), de la justice socio-spatiale et de la qualité de vie (Section 3) et de la gouvernance (Section 4), autant de clefs pour comprendre les projets et les évolutions en cours en région Île-de-France. L’objectif de ce papier, qui introduit le numéro spécial « Grand Paris », est d’alimenter une réflexion scientifique en explorant chacun de ces enjeux, à partir des principaux faits stylisés et du raisonnement sous-jacent des parties prenantes, tout en soulignant l’apport original des différents articles qui composent ce numéro. Over the last decade or so, the debate on the planning and development of the Paris (Île-de-France) region has revolved around two little words: “Grand Paris” (Greater Paris). Despite political and scientific controversies surrounding the future of the capital region, three major issues, different but interdependent in nature, have emerged: the economic development of Paris and its place on the world stage; socio-spatial justice and quality of life in the region (Section 3); and governance (Section 4). These three issues are key to understanding the processes under way in the Paris region in connection with the concept of a Greater Paris. The aim of this introduction to this special “Grand Paris” issue is to stimulate scientific discussion by exploring these issues on the basis of key stylized facts and the rationales of the various stakeholders, and by underlining the original contributions made by the different articles of this issue
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Halbert L. Examining the mega-city-region hypothesis: evidence from the Paris city-region/Bassin parisien, Regional Studies. Four dimensions of the concept of polycentricity (morphological, functional, relational, and political polycentricity) are discussed based on the study of the Paris city-region/Bassin parisien system. The concentration of 'Abstract Production' workers in the Paris agglomeration and the fairly concentrated geography of firms' information flows (as measured by their telephone calls) prevent the formation of an enlarged polycentric mega-city-region. Three explanations are proposed based on the strategies of real estate developers, information-intensive firms and policy-makers. In conclusion, the paper tries to evaluate in the Paris city-region and French context whether a limited polycentricity at Bassin parisien level is prejudicial at different policy-relevant scales. [image omitted] Halbert L. Examen de l'hypothese relative a la mega ville-region a partir de l'exemple du Bassin parisien, Regional Studies. Cet article traite de quatre dimensions du concept de polycentricite (morphologique, fonctionnelle, relationnelle et politique) en s'appuyant sur l'etude relative au systeme ville-region de Paris/Bassin parisien. La concentration de travailleurs de production abstraite dans l'agglomeration parisienne et la concentration relativement importante de flux d'information d'entreprise (mesuree par les appels telephoniques) empechent la formation d'une mega ville-region polycentrique elargie. Trois explications sont proposees qui sont basees sur les strategies des promoteurs immobiliers, des entreprises basees sur l'information et des decideurs politiques. En conclusion, j'essaie d'evaluer la ville-region de Paris et le contexte francais afin de savoir si une polycentricite limitee au niveau du Bassin parisien est prejudiciable aux differentes echelles politiques pertinentes. Polycentricite Ville-region elargie Services avances aux enterprises Production abstraite Appels telephoniques des entreprises Paris/Ile-de-France/Bassin parisien Halbert L. Untersuchung der Hypothese der Megastadtregion: Belege aus der Stadtregion Paris bzw. dem Bassin parisien, Regional Studies. In diesem Beitrag werden anhand einer Studie des Bassin-parisien-Systems bzw. der Stadtregion von Paris vier Dimensionen der Konzepts der Polyzentrizitat (morphologische, funktionale, relationale und politische Polyzentrizitat) erortert. Die Konzentration von Arbeitern im Bereich der 'abstrakten Produktion' im Ballungsraum Paris und die recht konzentrierte Geografie der Informationsstrome von Firmen (gemessen anhand ihrer Telefonate) verhindern die Bildung einer erweiterten, polyzentrischen Megastadtregion. Ausgehend von den Strategien von Immobilienfirmen, informationsintensiven Firmen und politischen Entscheidungstragern werden drei mogliche Erklarungen erortert. Abschliessend versuche ich im Kontext von der Pariser Stadtregion und von Frankreich zu bewerten, ob sich eine begrenzte Polyzentrizitat auf der Ebene des Bassin parisien in verschiedenen, politisch relevanten Massstaben schadlich auswirken kann. Polyzentrizitat Erweiterte Stadtregion Wirtschaftsdienstleistungen Abstrakte Produktion Firmentelefonate Paris/Ile-de-France/Bassin parisien Halbert L. Analisis de la hipotesis de las regiones mega-ciudad: ejemplo de la region ciudad de Paris/Bassin parisien, Regional Studies. En este articulo se abordan cuatro dimensiones del concepto de policentralidad (morfologica, funcional, relacional y politica) a partir de un estudio de la ciudad region de Paris y el sistema Bassin parisien. La concentracion de los trabajadores en el sector de la 'produccion abstracta' en la aglomeracion de Paris y la geografia bastante concentrada de los flujos de informacion de las empresas (medidas segun las llamadas telefonicas) impiden la creacion de una region mega-ciudad policentrica mas amplia. Se proponen tres explicaciones en funcion de las estrategias de promotores inmobiliarios, las empresas con alto nivel de informacion y los responsables politicos. Para terminar, intento evaluar si una policentralidad a nivel del Bassin parisien en la ciudad-region de Paris y en un contexto frances es perjudicial en diferentes escalas relevantes a la politica. Policentralidad Region ciudad ampliada Servicios avanzados de productores Produccion abstracta Llamadas telefonicas de empresas Paris/Ile-de-France/Bassin parisien
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This paper uses a global dataset of nighttime light emissions to produce an objectively consistent set of mega-regions for the globe. We draw on high resolution population data to estimate the population of each of these regions. We then process the light data in combination with published estimates of national GDP to produce rough but useful estimates of the economic activity of each region. We also present estimates of technological and scientific innovation. We identify 40 mega-regions with economic output of more than $100 billion that produce 66 percent of world output and accounts for 85 percent of global innovation.
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The Greater South East (GSE), defined here as the Government Office Regions of London, the South East and the East of England, is one of the great economies of Europe, with a GDP comparable to that of Spain or Russia and substantially exceeded by only three European states: France, Germany and Italy. Real growth rate comparisons are not possible, since no price indices are available for the GSE economy. In the short run these would largely reflect fluctuations in the national UK economy, into which all of the GSE is very tightly integrated, relative to those in continental economies. Over the long run, it might show something better, since nominal GDP is estimated to have risen by six per cent a year in the GSE between 1989 and 2001 against five per cent in the rest of the UK. In terms of income or output per head, its position is comparable to that of Northern Italy, the extended Parisian region, Bavaria/Baden Wurtemburg, or the West Netherlands, with GDP per capita some 20 per cent above the EU average. Among these economically successful European super-regions the GSE stands out for its combination of scale with internal economic integration, supporting a set of unmatched agglomeration economies across the region as whole. Structures of political integration are more problematic, however, both within the GSE and in its relationships with less economically dynamic regions in the north of the UK.
From the 2008 port reform to HAROPA: A fresh start for French ports Embracing the widely shared view that French ports were losing their competitive edge, the reform of 4 July 2008 proposed a business model for making ports more apt to cope with the competitive international situation. HAROPA was created as an association of three ports : Le Havre, Rouen and Paris. Beyond the traditional assignment of managing port facilities, it seeks to promote a customer-oriented approach for improving the range of services necessary for developing industrial and logistic activities along the Seine axis. Despite an unfavorable economic situation, a momentum, still tentative, has started. Structural trends force us to reconsider the means for consolidating recovery in this major sector of the national economy.
The Greater Paris Metropolitan Area? It’s the Île-de-France Region! We have reached a turning point signaled by the rising power of metropolitan areas. The Île-de-France Region, which includes Paris, has a key role to play. It is the greater Paris metropolitan area. This region, of the right geographical size and with historical legitimacy, will be the pillar of a new vision for a “Grand Paris” that will turn this area into one of the most prosperous and attractive in the world. The potential of Île-de-France is incredible owing to its centuries of heritage, at the origin of its diverse activities and its capacity for innovation. What has been lacking is ambitious programs and a new vision to tout the region’s attractiveness in a world that is changing fast owing to the environmental and digital revolutions. This new vision should encompass digital technology and the circular economy; its ambition should be to invent a model of development of its own, specific to our region, while also benefitting all of France.
Cet article traite du gouvernement des métropoles. Après avoir dans une première partie clarifié les notions de gouvernement, gouvernance, gouverner et gouvernabilité ainsi que celle de métropole, l’auteur s’intéresse aux très nombreuses tentatives de création d’un gouvernement métropolitain au cours des dernières décennies. Il dresse ainsi un bilan sévère mais réaliste des échecs et des demi-succès des réformes institutionnelles engagées dans la plupart des pays démocratiques mais aussi des initiatives plus récentes qu’il renferme sous la notion de gouvernance (planification stratégique, « new regionalism », coopérations entre acteurs, régimes politiques urbains, etc.). Dans un second temps, il explique ce bilan plutôt négatif par la permanence d’obstacles non résolus comme le rôle ambigu des États, la réticence, voire l’opposition des collectivités locales et des villes centre et enfin le refus des populations au travers des instruments de la démocratie locale. Une dernière partie met l’accent sur l’importance de l’action politique et sur les deux chantiers principaux qu’elle doit mettre en oeuvre pour faire des métropoles des territoires politiques : la construction d’une identité métropolitaine et celle d’un leadership territorial, faute de quoi le gouvernement métropolitain demeurera improbable.
With the fundamental rescaling of socio-economic relationships, the mega-city region (MCR) has emerged as an important geographical space for governance. At the same time it is highly fragmented institutionally, making it difficult to overcome collective action problems such as providing regional public transport and protecting open spaces. In practice, different arrangements are employed to address these problems, including hierarchical approaches, competitive self-coordination and joint decision-making. Drawing on experiences in five MCRs in Europe and the US, the relative use and success of these approaches was investigated. The analysis suggests that the composition of the actor constellation (e.g. the number and kind of parties involved) and local political support proved to be important factors in explaining the performance of a particular governance approach. In addition, the findings provide a new appreciation for the role of the state, particularly the national government, in governing MCRs.
The concept of “the city” —as well as “the state” and “the nation state” —is passé, agree contributors to this insightful book. The new scale for considering economic strength and growth opportunities is “the megaregion,” a network of metropolitan centers and their surrounding areas that are spatially and functionally linked through environmental, economic, and infrastructure interactions. Recently a great deal of attention has been focused on the emergence of the European Union and on European spatial planning, which has boosted the region’s competitiveness. Megaregions applies these emerging concepts in an American context. It addresses critical questions for our future: What are the spatial implications of local, regional, national, and global trends within the context of sustainability, economic competitiveness, and social equity? How can we address housing, transportation, and infrastructure needs in growing megaregions? How can we develop and implement the policy changes necessary to make viable, livable megaregions? By the year 2050, megaregions will contain two-thirds of the U.S. population. Given the projected growth of the U.S. population and the accompanying geographic changes, this forward-looking book argues that U.S. planners and policymakers must examine and implement the megaregion as a new and appropriate framework. Contributors, all of whom are leaders in their academic and professional specialties, address the most critical issues confronting the U.S. over the next fifty years. At the same time, they examine ways in which the idea of megaregions might help address our concerns about equity, the economy, and the environment. Together, these essays define the theoretical, analytical, and operational underpinnings of a new structure that could respond to the anticipated upheavals in U.S. population and living patterns.
Despite a growing academic scepticism about the significance of territory as a driver of politics, it remains a stubborn presence in the practice of politics. In the context of the wider UK devolution agenda the first decade of this century saw the emergence of an English regionalist project, based around a series of regional institutions and governance networks. In other words, it appeared that a new framework for subnational territorial politics was being constructed. With the help of a case study of the South East of England, I explore the fragility of the project in practice but also note the continuing importance of territory as a focus of politics, highlighting the importance of recognising that territory is not to be taken as something given, somehow preexisting and waiting to be filled with politics, but rather as something that is actively formed and shaped through the political process.
The argument is that London and the South East is an economic 'mega-region', larger than any existing administrative region in England. Drawing on research in South East Asia, the hypothesis is that this mega-region, while itself encapsulating a range of political and territorial tensions, should hold an intrinsic position of power in national policy making. While core central-state institutions, including HM Treasury, the Department for Trade and Industry and the Bank of England, do not explicitly prioritise the mega-regional economy, their concern for national economic compititiveness may mean that fiscal, interest rate and competition policies are attentive to the economic priorities of London and the South East. The proposotion that a prosperous London and South East economy is a necessary prerequisite for a viable national economy is an idea that remains influencial in central government circles. Indeed, the lack of a strong and coordinated voice that can articulate a regional perspictive for London and the South East serves paradoxically to inhance the perceived importance of this part of the economy in national policy development.
89 p., cartes La France a-t-elle su tirer le meilleur parti de son territoire ? Pas encore, répond la Délégation à l'aménagement du territoire et à l'action régionale (DATAR) à laquelle le Gouvernement a demandé de réfléchir à la France de 2020. Fidèle à sa mission d'anticipation et de prospective, et à travers des données, des cartes, des tendances, des scénarios, reliant dynamiques spatiales et organisation de l'action publique, la DATAR souhaite susciter la réflexion des citoyens et des acteurs territoriaux. Alors que les territoires s'organisent et que de nouveaux enjeux se précisent, comment engager la France dans un processus de développement durable et partagé au sein de l'espace européen ? Quelles formes d'action publique seraient le mieux à même d'accompagner des dynamiques territoriales associant compétitivité et solidarité ? La DATAR propose une France maillée en pays, en agglomérations et en interrégions alliant efficacité et cohésion sociale. Au nom de l'équité et du réalisme, elle fait le choix d'un scénario polycentrique et ouvre le débat sur les politiques d'aménagement du futur.
Book description: 'Large polycentric city-regions pose perplexing problems to social scientists and policy-makers. Not only do they represent complex socio-economic systems in their own right, but they also increasingly function as the main locational anchors of wider globalization processes. This book provides a masterful analysis of these issues, with a particular focus on the emergence, dynamics, and planning of polycentric city-regions in contemporary Europe' Allen Scott of University of California, and author of Global City-Regions. A new 21st century urban phenomenon is emerging: the networked polycentric mega-city region. Developed around one or more cities of global status, it is characterized by a cluster of cities and towns, physically separate but intensively networked in a complex spatial division of labour. This book describes and analyses eight such regions in North West Europe. For the first time, this work shows how businesses interrelate and communicate in geographical space - within each region, between them, and with the wider world. It goes on to demonstrate the profound consequences for spatial planning and regional development in Europe - and, by implication, other similar urban regions of the world. The Polycentric Metropolis introduces the concept of a mega-city region, analyses its characteristics, examines the issues surrounding regional identities, and discusses policy ramifications and outcomes for infrastructure, transport systems and regulation. Packed with high quality maps, case study data and written in a clear style by highly experienced authors, this will be an insightful and significant analysis suitable for professionals in urban planning and policy, environmental consultancies, business and investment communities, technical libraries, and students in urban studies, geography, economics and town/spatial planning.
This paper examines the changing practices of spatial planning, critically engaging with state theory to argue that a new generation of ‘soft spaces’ and ‘fuzzy boundaries’ occupies a key position in the emergent planning system. In the process we question whether privileged scales and sectors can meaningfully be identified in current state-restructuring processes. We use interviews with key national policy makers and a case study of the Thames Gateway to test our ideas.
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