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You make me feel… autonomous or controlled: a multi-method study on autonomy and control perception in platform organizations

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Abstract

Digitalization supports the development of platform organizations, changing work relationships between individuals and organizations. This paper analyzes workers’ perceptions of autonomy and control in for- and non-profit platform organizations. Based on a mixed-methods study combining qualitative interviews and a quantitative questionnaire in digital food supply chains, this contribution empirically evaluates the interrelation of autonomy and control for two German sample groups of riders and volunteers. The analysis shows that the perceptions of autonomy and control are constitutive of work outcomes and thus essential for understanding work relationships in platform organizations. These perceptions differ in for- and non-profit contexts, providing insights to motivation and labor processes in platform work.

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... increased worker flexibility and autonomy (e.g.,Milkman et al., 2021;Ruiner & Klumpp, 2023;Sessions et al., 2023;Wiener et al., 2023;Wood et al., 2019), it has also been argued that the use of AM can restrict autonomy (e.g.,Duggan et al., 2020Duggan et al., , 2022Parent-Rocheleau et al., 2024). For instance, ridesharing drivers are socialized to view themselves as entrepreneurs but often lack any real control over their jobs(Purcell & Brook, 2022); and food-delivery drivers might experience depersonalization due to characteristics of their work (e.g., independent contracting, AM, and no interactions with coworkers;Anicich, 2022). ...
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Rapid growth in the gig economy has been facilitated by the increased use of algorithmic management (AM) in online platforms (OPs) coordinating gig work. There has been a concomitant increase in scholarship related to AM across scientific domains (e.g., computer science, engineering, operations management, management, sociology , and law). However, this literature is fragmented with scholars disagreeing on the conceptualization and measurement of AM, as well as a lack of consensus on the dimensions of AM influencing various gig worker-related outcomes, the mechanisms through which these influences are exerted, and the relevant boundary conditions. To address these issues, we systematically reviewed the academic literature across scientific disciplines related to the AM of gig workers using natural language processing (NLP)-based topic modeling. Our analysis yielded 12 topics, which we integrate using an input-process-output (IPO) framework to illustrate differing effects of AM on worker-related outcomes. Based on our findings, we provide a comprehensive definition of AM, including its key dimensions, and highlight main mediating pathways through which the individual dimensions of AM impact various gig worker-related outcomes. Finally, we provide a roadmap for future research on AM in the gig economy (GE) using an organizational behavior lens.
... Dieser Beitrag ist in vier Abschnitte gegliedert: Nach der Einleitung erfolgt zunächst eine Darstellung der Grundcharakteristika zum Stand der Forschung zur digitalen Transformation in Dienstleistungskontexten. Der dritte Abschnitt erläutert mögliche Instrumente und Handlungsbereiche zur erfolgreichen und mitarbeiterorientierten Gestaltung digitaler Transformationsprozesse. Der vierte Abschnitt diskutiert diese Aussagen kritisch, schlägt eine integrierte Gesamtkonzeption dazu vor und beschreibt einen Forschungsausblick.Die digitale Transformation bezeichnet den Prozess der stetigen Weiterentwicklung digitaler Technologien und den darauf basierenden grundlegenden organisationsbezogenen und gesellschaftlichen Veränderungsprozess. Grundlegend ist dabei die Tatsache, dass durch digitale Systeme wie beispielsweise Online-Plattformen neue Geschäftsmodelle und Organisationsformen entstehen können(Ruiner & Klumpp, 2022c). Ursprünglich meint Digitalisierung die Umwandlung von analogen Signalen (Daten) in (binäre) Werte. ...
... Die digitale Transformation bezeichnet den Prozess der stetigen Weiterentwicklung digitaler Technologien und den darauf basierenden grundlegenden organisationsbezogenen und gesellschaftlichen Veränderungsprozess. Grundlegend ist dabei die Tatsache, dass durch digitale Systeme wie beispielsweise Online-Plattformen neue Geschäftsmodelle und Organisationsformen entstehen können, u. a. auch im Non-Profit-Bereich (Ruiner & Klumpp, 2022c). Ursprünglich meint Digitalisierung die Umwandlung von analogen Signalen (Daten) in (binäre) Werte. ...
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Much ink has been spilt on why gig workers should be brought into the protective fold of mainstream employment law. Much less time has been spent considering the advantages and disadvantages of regulating gig work through alternative regulatory frameworks, such as via competition and consumer laws. In part, this is because we generally understand this jurisdiction to be inherently anti-collective. However, significant changes within competition and consumer regulation in Australia challenge our pre-existing assumptions about the potential role and utility of this jurisdiction for protecting the rights of the self-employed, including gig workers. The High Court decision in Workpac v Rossato, emphasising contractual formalism, also impels some reconsideration of the utility of commercial law solutions given that there is unlikely to be any expansion of labour law protections any time soon. In this short paper, we summarise two key developments in this space. First, we discuss the provisions relating to unfair contract terms under the Australian Consumer Law, which are about to be substantially enhanced. Second, we explore a class exemption introduced by the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, which effectively permits collective bargaining by small businesses, including those engaged in platform work. This article will critically examine each of these developments and weigh up their potential in addressing some of the most pressing issues facing non-employed workers in the gig economy and beyond.
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In this paper, we present the results of an ethnographic study focusing on food deliveries for the digital platform Wolt. The platform manages food transport ordered by customers to be delivered at home from restaurants, and subcontracts the transport to workers called 'couriers', who act as independent firms or entrepreneurs. The paper is based on six months of participant observation, during which time the first author worked as a courier, as well as on ad-hoc conversations and semi-structured interviews with other couriers. We describe couriers' work for the platform and discuss our findings using Möhlmann and Zalmanson's definition of algorithmic management. We found both similarities and differences. It was noticeable that the couriers were positive about their work that no penalties or wage reductions were enforced, and that human support complemented the platform's algorithmic management. Thus, the algorithmic management we observed is neither harsh (as it has been described on other platforms including Uber), nor like the algorithmic despotism present on Instacart, for example. Hence, we refer to it as 'lenient algorithmic management' and underline the importance of adding new perspectives to our understanding of what algorithmic management can be, as well as looking at the context in which it is practised. To complement this finding of lenient algorithmic management, we present a set of strategies couriers must engage in to be effective on the platform: Thus, couriers must 1) schedule their work for peak hours to limit the amount of time they waste, 2) bundle orders to increase their payment per tour, 3) make use of support to handle customers and cancel orders involving delays, and 4) make use of the ecology of local support structures. The contribution of this paper is to add new perspectives to the way we perceive algorithmic management by presenting a lenient form of algorithmic management and indicating the importance of looking at the context in which it is practised, while describing what it takes to be an effective worker on the Wolt platform.
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The emergence of multinational platforms organizing the interplay of a multiplicity of firms and consumers is analysed by regulation theory approach. The fall of Yahoo! and then the rise of Google, Amazon, Facebook, Apple and Wikipedia give an unprecedented impetus to the construction of new eco-system led by a constant flow of innovations on information. Can it define a new configuration in the history of capitalisms? Against the hypothesis of a technological determinism, various types of platform may coexist and delineate contrasted reconfigurations of the modern world: a market led platform capitalism in the USA, a panoptic control society in China, whereas ideally the European Union aims at converting information into a global Common, monitored by citizens.
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The existing literature on labor control of on-demand platforms primarily concentrates on algorithmic management. Based on the case study of Didi Chuxing, China’s ride-hailing giant, this article introduces some additional complexities into the dominant storyline by bringing two managerial elements to the fore, namely, labor intermediaries and communication technologies. Although both have long been integral to the control of flexible labor forces in the post-Fordist era, they remain underexplored in the context of the on-demand economy. I argue that labor intermediaries emerge as quick solutions to the indeterminacy of labor mobility power, a critical problem inherent in the just-in-time labor strategies that challenge on-demand platform companies. Communication technologies are crucial for the functioning of this mediated relationship, formulating a virtual space where daily managerial practices take place. Ultimately, I stress that, while the labor process of on-demand platforms represents a shift towards fluid workspace, it does not mean the elimination of the organization-based control that usually occurs in a physical and formal workspace. This case study urges scholars to understand labor control of on-demand platforms as a regime of hybridity that features both continuity and renewal of the various forms of managerial strategies common to flexible production.
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The emergence of so-called ‘gig work’, particularly that sold through digital platforms accessed through smartphone apps, has led to disputes about the proper classification of workers: Should platform workers be classified as independent contractors (as platforms typically insist), or as employees of the platforms through which they sell labor (as workers often claim)? Such disputes have urgency due to the way in which employee status is necessary to access certain benefits such as a minimum wage, sick pay, and so on. In addition, classification disputes have philosophical significance because their resolution requires some foundational account of why the law should make a distinction between employed and freelance workers in the first place. This paper aims to fill this foundational gap. Central to it is the idea that employment involves a worker ceding certain freedoms in return for a degree of security, at least with respect to income. Insofar as the misclassification objection has force against digital platforms, it is when a platform is attempting to have it both ways: Workers are giving up freedom but not being granted a proportionate increase in security. As I shall explain, this approach offers some flexibility as to how actual disputes might be resolved – justice may be indifferent between whether platforms offer greater security or permit workers greater freedom, provided they do at least one of these things.
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Does supervision from technological platforms alter gig workers’ motivation and perceptions of control? We address this question with two field studies set in the passenger livery (pick up and drop off) industry. A between-subjects field survey (n = 50) finds that UberX drivers perceive significantly greater organizational control compared to taxi drivers, but do not report significantly different levels of intrinsic motivation, needs satisfaction, or enjoyment of work. In a follow-up within-subjects field experiment (n = 79), we identify the causal impact of technological supervision on drivers’ perceptions of control and motivation. Black car limousine drivers who sometimes work on the UberBlack platform are randomly assigned to respond to questions about their perceptions while driving either for Uber or their limousine company. Limousine drivers in the Uber condition report greater market control and enjoyment of the work. We draw several conclusions: 1) large differences between gig workers and incumbent workers are selection effects, and 2) Uber’s platform modestly increases perceptions of market control and task enjoyment with 3) no impact on motivation or needs satisfaction. This article contributes to the literature on the classification of gig workers, the gamification of work, and studies of technology, management, and organizations. We call for greater theoretical attention to how workers experience technological supervision and discuss how platforms change the future of employment relationships and human resource management.
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This paper extends research on algorithmic management by examining mechanisms of compliance. Algorithmic management has predominantly been analysed in terms of the exercise of disciplinary power over workers and rational control of labour. Facing algorithms, platform workers would be in a situation of fear, passivity and frustration. In this paper, we utilise the Foucauldian framework of ‘dispositive’ in order to reconceptualise platforms as exerting both rational and normative control. Based on a qualitative case study of the food‐delivery platform Deliveroo, we underscore that algorithmic rational control, although fallible, is being reinforced by techniques of subjectification. Several dispositives on the platform, such as the pay‐per‐delivery and shift picker systems, generate an active mobilisation of workers. Our discussion highlights the governmentality power of algorithmic management, which builds consent by promoting a hyper‐meritocratic ideal of justice.
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Technology has driven new organisations of work and employment relationships, rendering changes that would have been unimaginable just a decade ago. The rise of digital platforms has not only enabled new forms of work activity but also transformed the way workers find new opportunities. This development, referred to as gig work, is distinct from traditional employment in that it is mediated through online platforms. While we can somewhat objectively designate traditional job characteristics as ‘good’ or ‘bad’, designating gig work itself as ‘good’ or ‘bad’ overlooks the fact that workers are inclined to evaluate the quality of their jobs according to their own individual needs, priorities, backgrounds and other circumstances—even if those jobs are objectively the same. Unlike previous scholarship on gig work, which has viewed job quality largely from a platform‐focused perspective, this article takes a worker‐centric approach and provides a typology of gig workers. The typology demarcates how gig work is used and indicates key attributes that differentiate how workers approach such jobs. Moreover, the typology reveals heterogeneity in gig workers’ motivations, characteristics and intentions. Consequently, platforms with ‘bad’ job quality characteristics can still offer work that some workers will see as ‘good’ and vice versa.
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Data and data management techniques increasingly permeate organizations and the contexts in which they are embedded. We conduct an empirical investigation of Last.fm, an online music discovery platform, with a view to unpacking the work of data and algorithms in the process of categorization. Drawing on Eleanor Rosch and her colleagues, we link the making of categories with the construction of basic objects that function as key filters or registers for perceiving and organizing the world and interacting with it. In contexts such as the ones we have studied, basic objects are made out of data rather than expert or community-based knowledge. In such settings, basic objects work as pervasive reality filters and as the entities on which other organizational objects and categories are built. As they diffuse, such objects and the categories they instantiate become naturalized, increasingly reconfiguring the social order of organizations and their environments as a data order. Once key organizational activities such as the making of objects and categorizing are rearranged by data and algorithms, organizations can no longer be framed as separate from the technologies they deploy.
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This paper builds a theoretical argument for exile as an alternative metaphor to the panopticon, for conceptualizing visibility and control in the context of distributed “new culture” organizations. Such organizations emphasize team relationships between employees who use digital technologies to stay connected with each other and the organization. I propose that in this context, a fear of exile – that is a fear of being left out, overlooked, ignored or banished – can act as a regulating force that inverts the radial spatial dynamic of the panopticon and shifts the responsibility for visibility, understood both in terms of competitive exposure and existential recognition, onto workers. As a consequence these workers enlist digital technologies to become visible at the real or imagined organizational centre. A conceptual appreciation of exile, as discussed in existential philosophy and postcolonial theory, is shown to offer productive grounds for future research on how a need for visibility in distributed, digitised, and increasingly precarious work environments regulates employee subjectivity, in a manner that is not captured under traditional theories of ICT-enabled surveillance in organizations.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the potential impact of food sharing platform business models and to identify the limits and barriers in measuring the impact. Using the “theory of change” (ToC) approach, this paper develops a theoretical framework that captures the activities, outputs and outcomes of food sharing platforms and links them to indicators. Design/methodology/approach – The study employs a two-step methodology, which includes a website content analysis followed by two focus groups. The purpose of the website content analysis was to list a set of activities that are performed by food sharing platforms. The focus groups allow to design the ToC and to discuss limits and barriers in measuring the impact of food sharing platforms. Findings – The study provides an overview of the main areas of impact of food sharing platforms (environmental, social, economic and political) and identifies the related outcomes. Furthermore, the paper highlights the need for the platform to manage the multifaceted tensions of food waste recovery vs prevention and the benefits of food recovery to helping hungry people vs the actual need to eradicate poverty by addressing social injustices and inequalities. Research limitations/implications – The selected sample involved in the focus group comprised a wide but not comprehensive set of stakeholders. Indeed, the obtained information cannot be generalized. In addition, the ToC approach requires a certain discretion of the facilitator and introduces the potential for partiality in conducting the analysis. Practical implications – The framework helps to unbundle the complex challenge of measuring the impact of food sharing platforms and it provides managers, practitioners and policy makers with a practical tool to direct their activities toward a better impact. Originality/value – From a theoretical perspective the study advances the literature on ( food) sharing platforms and contributes to research on the sustainability in the food sector. It indicates the impacts a novel actor relying on digital technology can have in the food sector and points out the tensions between food recovery and prevention and the impact on poverty. The proposed framework could be a useful tool to support practitioners in understanding the trade-offs among the outcomes they aim to attain, and to identify the proper strategies to manage them.
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Labour‐management practices and workers’ experiences in the gig economy are topics of major interest for researchers, regulators and the general public. Platform companies project a vision of gig workers as autonomous freelancers, but pervasive features of their own labour practices, along with workers’ traits, create new vulnerabilities and risks. Efforts to improve gig workers’ conditions to date have made in‐roads without achieving a general shift in platforms’ practices or gig workers’ conditions. In this paper, we explore how another, less‐recognised stakeholder group—consumers—shapes the conditions of gig work. Drawing on Australian public opinion data, we study consumers’ views of the gig economy and ask whether these will help or hinder pro‐worker campaigns. While consumers are sympathetic to gig workers’ financial plight, they also see benefits in the work’s flexibility and opportunities for jobseekers. We explain how our findings can inform advocacy campaigns and further gig economy research.
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The widespread implementation of algorithmic technologies in organizations prompts questions about how algorithms may reshape organizational control. We use Edwards’ (1979) perspective of “contested terrain,” wherein managers implement production technologies to maximize the value of labor and workers resist, to synthesize the interdisciplinary research on algorithms at work. We find that algorithmic control in the workplace operates through six main mechanisms, which we call the “6 Rs”—employers can use algorithms to direct workers by restricting and recommending, evaluate workers by recording and rating, and discipline workers by replacing and rewarding. We also discuss several key insights regarding algorithmic control. First, labor process theory helps to highlight potential problems with the largely positive view of algorithms at work. Second, the technical capabilities of algorithmic systems facilitate a form of rational control that is distinct from the technical and bureaucratic control used by employers for the past century. Third, employers’ use of algorithms is sparking the development of new algorithmic occupations. Finally, workers are individually and collectively resisting algorithmic control through a set of emerging tactics we call algoactivism. These insights sketch the contested terrain of algorithmic control and map critical areas for future research.
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The terms ‘platform economy’ or ‘sharing economy’ have become widespread with the development of digital platforms like Uber. This economy is transforming capitalism and raising important questions about its nature. Is it a new process of embeddedness or is it the next step for deregulation following the crisis of the financialised regime of accumulation (RA)? Is it a possible new Growth Regime? Using the approach of the French Régulation school of thought, we describe the nature and transformations of the form of competition inherent in platforms. Although this may favour some forms of re-embeddedness, we show that it will accelerate some of the trends and characteristics of the institutional forms of the financialised RA and that it is an endogenous product of its crisis. This raises further questions and uncertainties related to the ability of platforms to generate stable long run growth due to the dysfunctionality of the mode of régulation and the conflicts it could generate.
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This qualitative case study adopts a labour process analysis to unpack the distinctive features of capital’s control regimes in the food-delivery segment of the Australian platform-economy and assess labour agency in response to these. Drawing upon worker experiences with the Deliveroo and UberEATS platforms, it is shown how the labour process controls are multi-facetted and more than algorithmic management, with three distinct features standing out: the panoptic disposition of the technological infrastructure, the use of information asymmetries to constrain worker choice and the obfuscated nature of their performance management systems. Combined with the workers’ precarious labour market positions and the Australian political-economic context, only limited, mainly individual, expressions of agency were found.
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Following a host of high-profile scandals, the political influence of platform companies (the global corporations that that operate online ‘platforms’ such as Facebook, WhatsApp, YouTube, and many other online services) is slowly being re-evaluated. Amidst growing calls to regulate these companies and make them more democratically accountable, and a host of policy interventions that are actively being pursued in Europe and beyond, a better understanding of how platform practices, policies, and affordances (in effect, how platforms govern) interact with the external political forces trying to shape those practices and policies is needed. Building on digital media and communication scholarship as well as governance literature from political science and international relations, the aim of this article is to map an interdisciplinary research agenda for platform governance, a concept intended to capture the layers of governance relationships structuring interactions between key parties in today's platform society, including platform companies, users, advertisers, governments, and other political actors.
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What are the distinctive traits that characterize work(ing) through (and for) a digital platform? In the burgeoning debate on the ‘gig economy’, a critical examination that comprehensively addresses this issue beyond specific examples or case studies is currently missing. This article uses labour process theory – an important Marxist approach in the study of relations of production in industrial capitalism – to address this gap. Supported by empirical illustrations from existing research, the article discusses the notions of ‘point of production’, emotional labour and control in the gig economy to argue that labour process theory offers a unique set of tools to expand our understanding of the way in which labour power comes to be transformed into a commodity in a context where the encounter between supply and demand of work is mediated by a digital platform, and where feedback, ranking and rating systems serve purposes of managerialization and monitoring of workers.