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Renta básica universal y renta de cuidados en los debates feministas. La perspectiva de la reapropiación de la riqueza
Abstract
El artículo revisa debates en torno a la renta básica universal (RBU) y a la renta de cuidados (RC) y, con base en ello, presenta discusiones críticas feministas sobre la RBU. Analiza el marco, también feminista, que defiende la necesidad de reapropiación de la renta, y lo desarrolla en relación a la reciente propuesta de una RC. Por último, el texto deja planteadas preguntas sobre cómo articular las claves de discusión y politización de las propuestas de RBU y RC, considerando la persistente división sexual y racial del trabajo, las dinámicas de mercantilización y las demandas de reapropiación de la riqueza social. Para esos análisis se parte principal aunque no exclusivamente de referencias sobre y desde América Latina.
Este libro presenta los resultados de investigación del proyecto titulado “Género y educación infantil: discursos, prácticas y propuestas de acción”, avalado por el Grupo de Investigación Infancias, Educación y Diversidad, de la Escuela de Ciencias de la Educación (ECEDU) de la Universidad Nacional Abierta y a Distancia–UNAD.
La obra divulga discursos y reflexiones de diversos académicos, maestros, activistas y estudiosos sobre la perspectiva de género en la educación. Aborda esta última como una demanda ética y un requisito moral en la búsqueda de la equidad y la eliminación de la violencia de género.
En ese contexto, el libro ofrece a los lectores revisiones documentales, reflexiones y prácticas relacionadas con categorías clave como género, infancias y cuidados, políticas educativas para la educación infantil desde una perspectiva de género, la acción intencionada, el diseño de ambientes enriquecidos y la formación de educadores infantiles libres de sesgos de género.
Por último, se propone un currículo destinado a la formación de educadores infantiles, quienes se perfilan como líderes transformacionales con herramientas para deconstruir prejuicios y estereotipos de género, y promover relaciones equitativas entre niños y niñas, en su compromiso con la construcción de una cultura de paz.
Este artículo examina la conversación pública y las medidas políticas tomadas en materia de pensiones alimentarias y de transferencias monetarias de emergencia durante los primeros ocho meses de la pandemia en los 19 países de América Latina. Aunque las transferencias alimentarias son un derecho de toda persona menor de edad que no convive con uno de sus progenitores, la enorme mayoría de niños, niñas y adolescentes de esta región no las recibe. Buscamos determinar la visibilidad del problema y el esfuerzo estatal referente a esta cuestión, en general, y las medidas que explícitamente vincularon el derecho de familia con la protección social, en particular. Una vez determinada la presencia de los subsidios alimentarios en medios de prensa y, a partir de análisis documental de repositorios regionales y fuentes oficiales de las medidas identificadas, este artículo ofrece una visión panorámica de lo ocurrido desde la protección social con respecto a traslados monetarios de emergencia, por un lado, y las pensiones alimentarias, por el otro. Entre las medidas se identificaron aquellas, muy innovadoras, que asociaron las pensiones alimentarias a la protección social (seguros de desempleo y fondos de pensiones). Adicionalmente, la presencia extendida de transferencias monetarias de emergencia constituye una acción indirecta que pudo acercar ingresos a las personas menores de edad. El artículo subraya las oportunidades creadas por las medidas desplegadas y concluye argumentando que, tanto en los mejores como en los peores escenarios nacionales distinguidos, la garantía del ingreso a las personas menores de edad en buena medida depende de profundizar su lazo con la protección social mediante, por ejemplo, una renta básica universal.
O presente trabalho apresenta a proposta de renda básica incondicional de Philippe Van Parijs, como um projeto de liberdade, contrapondo-a com o feminismo interseccional. O objetivo é analisar o impacto da política de renda básica para mulheres excluídas do feminismo hegemônico. Propõe-se, assim, ampliar o debate sobre renda básica incondicional para mulheres que vivenciam entraves à liberdade e à igualdade advindos da interseção entre gênero, raça e classe. A hipótese inicial desta pesquisa é que a teoria de Van Parijs conseguiria responder às objeções interseccionais que lhe são contrapostas. Por meio de uma revisão bibliográfica, a análise foi feita em termos de “opções e vida” e de “renda”. Concluiu-se que a proposição vanparijsiana, embora possa ser um instrumento de liberdade necessário, não consegue atender a integralidade dos desafios apresentados pelo feminismo interseccional, o que refuta hipótese inicial deste trabalho.
The text approaches the contributions of feminism, whose epicenter is the examination of reproductive and care work, to the paradigm of the commons. Starting from the initial contributions, from the north, of female Marxist authors who participated in the campaign for the Salary for Domestic Work and from the internationalist Ecofeminism of the Bielefeld thinkers, the elaborations move and interweave in the present with perspectives that arise from the south, specifically from Latin America. The text offers a journey in which the continuities and innovations with respect to prior analysis are underlined. Among the innovations, the examination of reproductive struggles are highlighted, with a focus on the reordering developed from the perspective of the popular economy. Additionally, other approaches are noted which underline the connection between the work on the sustenance of life and the defense of the territory, the repolitization of misogynist violence, the critique of the idealization of the communal, and the reformulation of the principal of communality starting from reproduction and care. The importance of the reproductive commons, elaborated from feminisms, represents a fundamental contribution at the moment of establishing a through line for the contemporary analysis and struggles.
Basic income is likely to gain momentum as the next social welfare trend to sweep over the world with ideas of how to improve the fairness and efficiency of distributing money. Other earlier movements with similar ambitions to transform societies, ranging across the political spectrum from socialism to neo-liberalism, have led to very different consequences for strata of citizens, but have in common that they have de-prioritised gender equality in favour of other interests. Advocates of basic income suggest that in addition to pragmatic gains, such as a more efficient state administration, primarily a basic income will empower citizens, leading to the potential for greater human flourishing. Our question is whether this empowerment will be gendered and if so, how? So far, the basic income debate addresses gender only in so far as it would raise the income of the poorest, of whom a larger proportion are women. However, it is less clear how it might contribute to a transformation of gendered behaviour, making possible divergent shapes of life where binary and set notions of gender are not a restriction. We discuss the idea of basic income from a perspective of gender equality in the Swedish context.
The potential of a Basic Income Guarantee (BIG) to contribute to gender equality is a contested issue amongst feminist scholars. This article focuses on the nature of BIG as an individual based payment to explore its potential for reducing gender equality, specifically intra-household inequalities in material or financial welfare; economic autonomy; psychological well-being; and time allocation, especially leisure time and time spent in household and care work. We employ a gender analysis of existing BIG pilots/schemes as well as close substitutes (e.g., universal child benefits) to assess some of the key claims about the effects of a basic income (BI) on gendered inequality. We also present findings from empirical work on intra-household allocation and decision-making which underscore the role of independent income. The article finds some support for BIG as a feminist proposal with respect to mitigating intra-household inequality, but concludes that further empirical research is needed to argue persuasively for BIG as an instrument for furthering gender equality.
As opções políticas disponíveis para os paises capitalistas avançados, após a bancarrota do "socialismo real", se resumiriam a retroceder cada vez mais a um capitalismo de laissez-faire ou a agarrar-se ao welfare state tal como hoje existe? O autor argumenta que há uma outra opção possível, que deve ser vista como uma culminância do welfare state: o capitalismo de renda básica. A idéia à de que as sociedades mais abastadas podem assegurar a cada um dos seus membros uma renda substancial que para ser obtida independa de retribuição em trabalho ou de quaisquer outras condições. O artigo mostra qual é a argumentação ética em favor dessa proposta, analisa alguns dos seus problemas de exequibilidade e a localiza no antigo debate capitalismo versus socialismo.
Can feminists count on welfare states—or at least some aspects of these complex systems—as resources in the struggle for gender equality? Gender analysts of “welfare states” investigate this question and the broader set of issues around the mutually constitutive relationship between systems of social provision and regulation and gender. Feminist scholars have moved to bring the contingent practice of politics back into grounded fields of action and social change and away from the reification and abstractions that had come to dominate models of politics focused on “big” structures and systems, including those focused on “welfare states.” Conceptual innovations and reconceptualizations of foundational terms have been especially prominent in the comparative scholarship on welfare states, starting with gender, and including care, autonomy, citizenship, (in)dependence, political agency, and equality. In contrast to other subfields of political science and sociology, gendered insights have to some extent been incorporated into mainstream comparative scholarship on welfare states. The arguments between feminists and mainstream scholars over the course of the last two decades have been productive, powering the development of key themes and concepts pioneered by gender scholars, including “defamilialization,” the significance of unpaid care work in families and the difficulties of work-family “reconciliation,” gendered welfare state institutions, the relation between fertility and women's employment, and the partisan correlates of different family and gender policy models. Yet the mainstream still resists the deeper implications of feminist work, and has difficulties assimilating concepts of care, gendered power, dependency, and interdependency. Thus, the agenda of gendering comparative welfare state studies remains unfinished. To develop an understanding of what might be needed to finish that agenda, I assess the gendered contributions to the analysis of modern systems of social provision, starting with the concept of gender itself, then moving to studies of the gendered division of labor (including care) and of gendered political power.
A basic income has been regarded as a policy that could advance gender justice because of its ability to protect women from some of the consequences of the gendered division of labour. I argue, though, that full justice for women plausibly entails the abolishment of traditional gender roles and that a feminist assessment of basic income should then look at its ability to help us move away from traditional gender roles. I also argue that basic income could meet the demands we should place on our income security policy as we move towards a gender-just society; and I defend basic income against the objection that, given current gender norms, it might lead to a reinforcement of the gendered division of labour.
The “Marriage” Of Marxism and Feminism has been like the marriage of husband and wife depicted in English common law: marxism and feminism are one, and that one is marxism.1 Recent attempts to integrate marxism and feminism are unsatisfactory to us as feminists because they subsume the feminist struggle into the “larger” struggle against capital. To continue our simile further, either we need a healthier marriage or we need a divorce.
Time has become a valuable asset within capitalism. “Time is money” is a well known and usually shared principle. As in regard to many other type of assets, the distribution of time is pretty unfair, as well as it is the value consideration of the time allocated for different people to different activities. The distribution of time, as well as what people can or cannot do with their time, is a key issue among feminist debates. The main argument is that time allocation to paid and unpaid work is very different and unfair between genders. Women allocate much more time to unpaid work, and men, on the contrary allocate much more time to paid work. This has a reasonable and direct consequence in terms of income generation. This unequal distribution of time (and work) represents the main obstacle to women’s economic autonomy and to overcome gender income gaps.
Nowhere have basic income proposals been more hotly debated than among feminists. Perhaps it is ironic, then, argues Caitlin McLean, that a basic income has the potential to overcome deep divisions by satisfying core principles of gender equity, as well as improving the position of women in all their diversity.
Current debates concerning the future of social security provision in advanced capitalist states have raised the issue of a citizen's basic income (CBI) as a possible reform package: a proposal based on the principles of individuality, universality and unconditionality which would ensure a minimum income guaranteed for all members of society. Implementing a CBI, would consequently entail radical reform of existing patterns of welfare delivery and would bring into question the institutionalized relationship between work and welfare. Ailsa McKay's book makes a unique and positive contribution to the CBI literature by examining the proposal from a feminist economics perspective. Gender concerns are central to any debate on the future of social security policy, in that state intervention in the field of income redistribution has differential impacts on men and women. By drawing attention to the potential a CBI has in promoting equal rights of freedom for men and women this book serves to open up the debate to incorporate a more realistic and inclusive vision of the nature of modern socio-economic relationships.
The debate on the desirability of a Basic Income (BI) for women has polarized between those who defend the measure as a way of reducing gender inequalities and those who believe that the policy could worsen the gender gap. This article argues for the former position, introducing the problem of domestic service, a paradigm of inequality not only between the genders but also among women. First, different dimensions of the “domestic service problem” are discussed in order to challenge the view that domestic service could be a “solution” for some gender inequalities. Second, it is argued that BI could significantly reduce outsourcing of reproductive work (at least in the private sphere) and could encourage women to demand equality in the home and a better public provision of care services. These effects of a BI could lead to a fairer overall system in terms of gender and class.
In this article, I discuss a radical proposal to combat poverty and unemployment: the establishment of a state-funded 'basic income' for every citizen. This would be independent of sex, age, need, family responsibilities, or employment status. Here, I outline the basic income proposal, and the debates in the countries where it is currently being discussed. This proposal is not only of interest to the richest countries; southern countries are also interested in it as a method of combating poverty. I discuss different arguments put forward for a basic income, and relate these to ethical and moral questions. I also discuss ways of financing the proposal. Finally, I ask whether a basic income is a desirable policy for women, or whether additional concerns can be raised from a gender perspective.
This article considers proposals for a citizens basic income in the light of feminist arguments about welfare and inequality. The authors conceptualize welfare provision as a partnership between state, labor market, and family. It is the family that is examined in this article. Drawing on feminist critiques of the male breadwinner family, lesbian and gay demands for sexual citizenship, and the need to develop welfare policy suitable for a “postfamilial” society, this article argues that a citizens basic income has the potential to provide a basis for a truly universal citizenship.
A citizens' basic income scheme is based on the principles of individuality, universality, and unconditionality; when combined with the notion of meeting "basic needs" it would serve to provide a minimum income guarantee for all adult members of society. However, implementation would entail radical reform of existing patterns of welfare delivery and would bring into question the institutionalized relationship between work and welfare, a basic premise of modern welfare states. To date, the debate over a citizens' basic income has emphasized its effects on labor markets, thereby displaying an androcentric bias. Although the role of women in society is central to social policy reform, the existing basic income literature is disturbingly void of any comprehensive treatment of women. No genuine discussion has taken place about the nature of women's lives and work and how these should be valued. Social policy reform should take account of all gender inequalities and not just those relating to the traditional labor market. This paper argues that the citizens' basic income model can be a tool for promoting gender-neutral social citizenship rights, but that any future marriage of justice and efficiency must first divorce work from income.
The implications for gender equality of three regimes are compared: a low tax-low benefit regime, a regime of Basic Income Grants (BIG), and a welfare state offering a generous menu of in-kind and cash benefits concentrated on people with special needs, but not including lengthy paid parental leave. It is argued that the special needs of women, particularly lone mothers, make the welfare state regime superior in promoting gender equality to a regime with BIG benefits, which spreads its cash benefits equally to all citizens. Further, the reductions in labor force commitment that BIG fosters (and which lengthy paid parental leave also fosters) would reverse the progress women have made in the labor market. That progress is the main basis for women's improved status, and undermining it may even make a BIG regime inferior to the low benefits regime in its effect on gender equality.
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