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Parental Burnout Across the Globe During the COVID-19 Pandemic

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Abstract

Impact and Implications The results of this unique international study by the International Investigation of Parental Burnout – which includes Western and non-Western countries across the globe – point to the importance of considering parental burnout as a syndrome helping to meet specific Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Of all the potentially modifiable influences affecting individuals’ healthy lives and well-being across the life course (i.e., SDG 3), positive parenting in the early years has the potential to become a common pathway – by fostering social and emotional skills – to promote a range of healthy outcomes in both children and adults. Acknowledging that parenting can be extremely demanding and exhausting for parents who are confronted with specific individual-, family-, and country-level characteristics may give rise to develop programs how to encourage parents to minimize exhaustion in their parenting role and how to adopt nonviolent ways of disciplining children (SDG 16.2). The various individual and cultural factors as well as COVID-19 factors that have been found related to prevalence rates of parental burnout give indications with factors need to be addressed to promote health and well-being of parents and children (SDG 3) and to diminish or prevent violence against children (SDG 16.2).
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This version of the article may not completely replicate the final authoritative version
published International Perspectives in Psychology (2022), 11(3), 141152
https://doi.org/10.1027/2157-3891/a000050. It is not the version of record and is therefore not
suitable for citation. Please do not copy or cite without the permission of the author(s).
Title: Parental burnout across the globe during the COVID-19 pandemic
Authors
Hedwig van Bakel1, Coco Bastiaansen1, Ruby Hall1, Inga Schwabe1, Emmie Verspeek1, James J.
Gross37, Julie Ackerlund Brandt35, Joyce Aguiar29, Ege Akgun33, Gizem Arikan31, Kaisa
Aunola14, Zdenka Bajgarová12, Wim Beyers3, Zuzana Bílková12, Emilie Boujut15, Anna Brytek-
Matera27, Bin-Bin Chen9, Géraldine Dorard15, Munseol Eom39, Maria Josefina Escobar6,
Kaichiro Furutani22, Maria Filomena Gaspar28, Annette Griffith35, Mai Helmy13, Mai Trang
Huynh36, Emérence Kaneza4, Roberto Andres Lasso Báez11, Astrid Lebert15, Sarah Le
Vigouroux17, Yanhee Lee30, Hong Dao Mai36, Denisse Manrique-Millones25, Rosa Bertha
Millones Rivalles26, Marina Miscioscia21, Seyyedeh Fatemeh Mousavi19, Munseol Eom30, Alexis
Ndayizigiye4, Josue Ngnombouowo Tenkue5, Daniela Oyarce Cadiz7, Claudia Pineda-Marin11,
Maria Psychountaki18, Yang Qu10, Fernando Salinas-Quiroz38, María Pía Santelices8, Celine
Scola16, Charlotte Schrooyen3, Paolo Silva Cabrera34, Allessandra Simonelli21, Aelita
Skarbalienė23, Egidijus Skarbalius23, Bart Soenens3, Mathilda Sorkkila14, Cara Swit24, Dorota
Szczygieł27, George Theotokatos18, Ayse Meltem Ustundag-Budak32, Lesley Verhofstadt3, Dana
Vertsberger37, Jacqueline Wendland15, Moïra Mikolajczak2 and Isabelle Roskam2
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Corresponding author:
Hedwig J.A. van Bakel
Tilburg University, Tilburg School of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Department of TRANZO.
PO Box 90153, 5000 LE Tilburg, The Netherlands
Email: H.J.A.vanBakel@tilburguniversity.edu; Phone: +31134663138
Affiliations
1Tilburg University, The Netherlands; 2Catholic University Louvain, Belgium; 3Ghent University,
Belgium; 4Education and Psychotherapy Clinic, Burundi; 5University of Yaoundé, Cameroon; 6
Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez, Chile; 7Universidad Santo Tomas, Chile; 8 Pontificia Universidad
Católica de Chile; 9Fudan University, China; 10Northwestern University, USA; 11Konrad Lorenz
University, Colombia; 12University of South Bohemia Czech; 13Menoufia University, Egypt /
Sultan Qaboos University, Oman; 14University of Jyväskylä, Finland; 15University of Paris,
France; 16Aix-marseille University, France; 17University of Nimes, France; 18University of Athens,
Greece; 19Alzahra University, Iran; 21University of Padova, Italy; 22Hokkai-Gakuen University,
Japan; 23Klaipeda University, Lithuania; 24University of Canterbury, New Zealand; 25University
of Lima, Peru; 26Cesar Vallejo University, Peru; 27SWSP University of Social Sciences and
Humanities Warsaw, Poland; 28University of Coimbra, Portugal; 29University of Porto, Portugal;
30Sungkyunkwan University, South Korea; 31Ozyegin University, Turkey; 32Bahcesehir
University, Turkey; 33Ankara University, Turkey; 34Universidad de la Republica, Uruguay; 35The
Chicago School of Professional Psychology, USA; 36University of Education, Ho Chi Minh City,
Vietnam, 37Stanford University, USA, 38Tufts University, USA; 39 International Child Rights
Center, South Korea
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Acknowledgments and funding
This research was supported by NWO Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research Grants Corona:
Fast-track granted to the first author. The authors would like to thank Peter van der Velden for his support
with a part of the data analysis.
Conflict of Interest Statement
No Conflict of Interest
Abstract
The COVID-19 pandemic has affected all societies worldwide. The heightened levels of stress that
accompanied the crisis were also expected to affect parenting in many families. Since it is known that
high levels of stress in the parenting domain can lead to a condition that has severe consequences for
health and wellbeing, parental burnout, we examined whether the prevalence of parental burnout in 26
countries (9923 parents; 75% mothers; mean age 40) increased during COVID-19 compared to few years
before the pandemic. In most (but not all) countries, analyses showed a significant increase in the
prevalence of parental burnout during the pandemic. The results further revealed that next to
governmental measures (e.g., number of days locked down, home-schooling) and factors at the individual
and family level (e.g., gender, number of children), parents in less (versus more) indulgent countries
suffered more from parental burnout. The findings suggest that stricter norms regarding their parenting
roles and duties in general and during the pandemic in particular might have increased their levels of
parental burnout.
Keywords: Prevalence, COVID-19, Parental burnout, Culture, Indulgence
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Impact statement
The results of this unique international study by the International Investigation of Parental Burnout (IIPB)
-- which includes Western and non-Western countries across the globe -- point to the importance of
considering parental burnout as a syndrome helping to meet specific Sustainable Development Goals. Of
all the potentially modifiable influences affecting individuals’ healthy live and wellbeing across the life
course (i.e., SDG 3), positive parenting in the early years has the potential to become a common pathway
-by fostering social and emotional skills- to promote a range of heathy outcomes in both children and
adults. Acknowledging that parenting can be extremely demanding and exhausting for parents who are
confronted with specific individual, family and country level characteristics, may give rise to develop
programs how to encourage parents to minimize exhaustion in their parenting role and how to adopt
nonviolent ways of disciplining children (SDG 16.2). The various individual and cultural factors as well
as COVID-19 factors that have been found related to prevalence rates of parental burnout give indications
with factors need to be addressed to promote health and wellbeing of parents and children (SDG3) and to
diminish or prevent violence against children (SDG16.2).
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Parental Burnout Across the Globe During the COVID-19 Pandemic
Worldwide, approximately three-quarters of a million people each day experience the
rewards as well as the challenges of becoming new parents (Bornstein, 2019). These new parents
have the important task to raise their children and to contribute to their development and well-
being. The important role of parenting for children’s wellbeing is nowadays globally accepted
and recognised by the United Nations, in alignment with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable
Development that the member states of the United Nations adopted in 2015. Of the 17
Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) that have been set, several specifically address the family
and recognize the family as the center of social life and wellbeing (SDG 3), and therefore, make
parenting and the parenting task an integral part of the sustainable goals (United Nations, 2015).
Although parenting is experienced by many parents as satisfying, it also has been
recognized as stressful at times (Abidin, 1990; Deater-Deckard, 2014). When parents lack the
resources needed to handle the stressful moments related to parenting, they may develop
parental burnout,’ a condition comprised of four main dimensions: emotional exhaustion,
contrast with the previous parental self, loss of pleasure in the parental role, and emotional
distancing from one’s child(ren) (Mikolajczak & Roskam, 2018; Mikolajczak, et al., 2019). As
shown by Mikolajczak et al. (2020), parental burnout has been recognized as a unique syndrome,
empirically distinct from job burnout, depression or common parental stress that may occur when
risks (demands) are not compensated by enough resources within the family.
When parents experience extremely high levels of exhaustion and emotional distancing in
their parenting task they can become neglectful or violent towards their children (Hansotte, et al.,
2020). Mikolajczak, Brianda et al. (2018) showed a substantial association between experienced
parental burnout and neglectful and violent behavior towards the child(ren). Given that the
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association between parental burnout and violence did not decrease the significance level when
controlling for demographic factors and was not assumed at all typical of families with low socio-
economic status, the syndrome of parental burnout represented a threat to children’s well-being
even in the most educated families. Therefore, the specific target (SDG 16.2) in the 2030 Agenda
for Sustainable Development to end all forms of violence against children gives impetus towards
a focus on the syndrome of parental burnout in all countries across the globe.
Prevalence rates of parental burnout
A recent initiative known as the International Investigation of Parental Burnout (IIPB)
consortium assessed the prevalence of parental burnout in over 40 countries (Western and non-
western) globally before the pandemic (Roskam et al., 2021). Results of data collected in 2018-
2019 showed a worrying number of parents experiencing parental burnout worldwide.
Importantly, the prevalence rates of parental burnout varied across countries (Roskam et al.,
2021), and it appeared that country-specific cultural factors were found to be associated with
parental burnout. For example, differences between countries in prevalence rates of parental
burnout were found related to the countries’ specific cultural value of individualism. Parents in
more individualistic countries (e.g., Belgium, Poland, United States) reported higher average
levels of parental burnout compared to parents living in more collectivistic countries (e.g., Chile,
China, Portugal) (Roskam et al., 2021). Although more studies are needed to understand the
mechanisms that link individualism to parental burnout, the increasing demands created by
parenting norms and the intensification of parental investment in the more individualistic Euro-
American countries might explain this link (Nelson, 2010; Roskam et al., 2021). Moreover,
various factors at both the individual and family level were found related to parents’ feelings of
burnout by their parenting tasks (for a synthesis see Mikolajczak, Raes et al., 2018). But what
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about the role of parental burnout in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic that took over the world
in 2020?
Parental burnout during the COVID-19 pandemic
The outbreak of COVID-19 in 2020 and the attempts to control it had an enormous
impact on people’s family lives and on parenting tasks (Weaver & Swank, 2021). The COVID-
19 pandemic increased the number of stressors (e.g., additional chores, home schooling,
struggling to occupy children while working from home) and limited the access to usual
resources (e.g., no reliance on babysitters, no day care, no grandparents to watch over the
children, no leisure activities to breathe out from parenting). Since an imbalance between risks
and resources underlies parental burnout (Mikolajczak & Roskam, 2018), the COVID-19
pandemic -with its increased potential for risks and stressors- might lead to a rise in parental
burnout.
Since state-imposed lockdown measures could place parents at higher risk for parental
burnout symptoms (Griffith, 2020) and given that COVID-19 affected families in countries
across all five continents, with lockdown measures differing between countries, we examined
whether Hofstede’s (2001) cultural values, as indicators of cross-cultural differences, were
related to parental burnout levels during the pandemic. Hofstede (2001) identified six statistically
different dimensions of culture: 1) individualism versus collectivism (i.e., the extent to which
individuals are integrated within groups, the strength of ties with other individuals) 2) power
distance (i.e., the extent to which power is expected and accepted to be distributed unequally by
less powerful members of organizations, institutions, or society); 3) uncertainty avoidance (i.e.,
to which extent members feel comfortable or uncomfortable in ambiguous, new, different from
usual or surprising situations); 4) masculinity versus femininity (i.e., the distribution of values
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between gender); 5) long-term versus short-term orientation (i.e., the sense of conservatism or
traditionalism in an organization, institution, or society) and 6) indulgence versus restraint (i.e.,
the extent to which a society allows the fulfilment of basic human desires that are associated with
joy in life and happiness). Each country can be positioned on these six dimensions relative to
other countries.
By conducting a new data collection wave in the countries participating in the IIPB
consortium in 2020 and comparing the 2020 results to findings of data collected in 2018-2019,
we sought to investigate whether the prevalence rates and mean levels of parental burnout
increased during the lockdown.
The main research questions of this study were:
1. Have prevalence rates and/or mean levels of parental burnout increased in 2020
(Wave 2), measured during the COVID-19 pandemic, compared to 2018-2019 (Wave 1)?
2. Which sociodemographic and family characteristics are associated with higher
levels of parental burnout during the COVID-19 pandemic?
3. Which individual and state imposed governmental lockdown measures during the
COVID-19 pandemic have had an effect on the levels of parental burnout?
4. What country-specific cultural values have had an effect on levels of parental
burnout during the COVID-19 pandemic?
Given the unique situation of the COVID-19 pandemic across the globe, we were able to
assess what country-specific cultural values were related to the relation between lockdown
measures taken by the government and the level of parental burnout in a country.
5. To what extent have country-specific cultural values mitigated the strength of the
impact of governmental measures on parental burnout?
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Methods
Procedure and participants
For the data collection, members of the IIPB who participated in the first wave of data
collection (see Roskam et al., 2021) were contacted again in April 2020. Not all members were
able to collect data during the COVID-19 pandemic, usually due to practical reasons. Finally,
members of 26 countries agreed and were able to join the second wave of data collection. Six of
the countries were not present in the first wave of the data (i.e., Czech Republic, Egypt, Greece,
Israel, Lithuania, and New Zealand). Members of the IIPB collected data by varying recruitment
procedures (e.g., social media networks, newspaper advertisement, word of mouth, and door-to-
door) and the survey was completed either by paper-and-pencil or online. Parents were eligible
to be included in the study if they had at least one child, regardless of their age, still living at
home. To avoid bias, the study was introduced as a study designed to better understand parental
satisfaction and exhaustion around the world. No incentives were offered to participate. See
supplemental material (Appendix A) for the data collection procedure in each country.
Respondents who did not complete the Parental Burnout Assessment (PBA) (Roskam, Brianda &
Mikolajczak, 2018) were not included in the present research. The final sample included 9,923
parents (74.7 % mothers and 25.3% fathers) from the following countries: Belgium (14.6%);
Burundi (1.7%); Cameroun (2.2%); Finland (10.7%); France (7.2%); Italy (3.2%); Japan (2.0%);
Peru (3.0%); Poland (3.3%); Portugal (5.3%); the Netherlands (4.1%); Turkey (2.5%); United
States (2.7%); Vietnam (1.8%); Czech Republic (3.5%); Egypt (1.5%); Israel (2.5%); New
Zealand (0.8%); China (5.8%); Chili (6.8%); Colombia (2.2%); Lithuania (1.7%); Iran (2.1%);
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South Korea (2.4%); Greece (3.5%); and Uruguay (2.8%). Ethical approval was obtained by the
Ethic Review Board of Tilburg University (EC2018.013R) and/or an institutes’ ethics board.
Measures
Parental burnout
Parental burnout was assessed with the PBA (Roskam et al., 2018), a 23-item
questionnaire assessing the four core symptoms of parental burnout: Emotional exhaustion (9
items) (e.g., I feel completely run down by my role as a parent’); contrast with previous parental
self (6 items) (e.g., ‘I tell myself I’m no longer the parent I used to be’); loss of pleasure in one’s
parental role (5 items) (e.g., ‘I do not enjoy being with my children’); and emotional distancing
from one’s children (3 items) (e.g., ‘I am no longer able to show my children that I love them’).
All questions were scored using a 7-point Likert scale from 0 to 6 (i.e., never, a few times a year,
once a month or less, a few times a month, once a week, a few times a week, every day). In our
analyses, both the summed score, as well as a prevalence rate of parental burnout will be used as
outcome variables. Firstly, the parental burnout score is computed by summing the item scores
(ranging from 0 to 138): higher scores reflect higher parental burnout level. The internal
consistency of the scale was assessed by use of Cronbach’s alpha and was indicated to be good
to excellent within countries, ranging from .87 to .98 (see supplemental material Appendix B).
To indicate to what extent the construct of parental burnout is measured the same across the
different countries (with measurement invariances), we refer to Roskam et al. (2021). Secondly,
prevalence rates of parental burnout were computed to compare the waves of data collection.
Cut-off scores for parental burnout in the current study were operationalized based on a pre-
registered independent study (Brianda et al., 2020) using a multi-method and multi-informant
analysis strategy and Roskam et al’s. (2021) research. Indicators of parental burnout, such as
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self-reports of parents, views of external clinical judges, and a biological measure of chronic
stress (the hair cortisol concentration), resulted in a validated cut-off criterion value on PBA
equal to or greater than 86 (95% CI: 79.49 93.03) (see https://osf.io/ujfb3 for more details
about the analysis strategy). According to Roskam et al. (2021), parents were judged to have
parental burnout if their score was equal to or higher than 92 (i.e., if they experience all 23
symptoms at least once a week or if they experience at least 16 symptoms daily). This cut-off
score of 92 was considered the most stringent cut-off (i.e., the most conservative prevalence
value to avoid overdiagnosis of burnout and was therefore used in the subsequent analyses in the
current study.
Individual sociodemographic variables level 1.
In the present study, the following sociodemographic variables were included: Gender (0
= mother, 1 = father); age; educational level (number of successfully completed school years);
paid profession (0 = yes, 1 = no); type of neighbourhood (0 = disadvantaged, 1 = average, 2 =
prosperous); and financial situation 5 categories (0 = very good, 1 = good, 2 = sufficient, 3 =
moderate 4 = poor).
Family variables.
The following factors were included in the analyses as variables at the family level:
number of children; having a child in the age category 0-4 (0 = no, 1 = yes); having a child with
special needs such as a chronic illness or disability (0=no, 1= 1 child, 2 = more than 1 child); and
family type (0 = other, 1 = single parent, 2 = two-parent family).
Individual lockdown variables.
Respondents were asked to answer questions related to their personal situation during the
COVID-19 pandemic such as working from home (0 = yes, 1 = no); home-schooling your
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children (0 = yes, 1 = no); and number of days locked down; and attention a child requires (0 =
independent including lunch, 1 = independent excluding lunch, 2 = check every hour, 3 =
constantly soliciting me).
Country specific state-imposed lockdown measures level 2.
The Stringency Index of the Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker
(OxCGRT; Hale et al., 2021) was used as an assessment for the state-imposed lockdown
measures per country. The OxCGRT collected daily scores for each country on policy indicators
(e.g., school- and workplace closure), economic policies (e.g., income support), and health
system policies (e.g., testing regimes) with regards to the COVID-19 pandemic. In the current
study, one score on the Stringency Index was allocated for each country by calculating the
average score on this index during the period of data collection in that specific country (see
https://www.bsg.ox.ac.uk/research/research-projects/coronavirus-government-response-tracker).
A review of this scoring procedure suggested a high degree of accuracy in our data collection. As
of 31 December 2020, 84.79% of all the data points had not changed, and since 1 June 2020,
87.45% of the data points had not required a revision (i.e., post-hoc alterations to the coding
scheme and factual errors). Just 0.41% of the observations were escalated by the reviewers for
adjudication (0.25% since 1 June 2020). The scores generated using an IRT model were highly
correlated to a linear index (r = 0.98), which reinforces the validity of the approach (see Hale et
al. [2021] for information on the actual measures of the index and the methodology of the data
collection and aggregation procedure).
Cultural values.
Cultural values for each country were assessed with the six dimensions identified by
Hofstede (2001, 2011): Individualism (IDV), Power Distance (PDI), Masculinity (MAS),
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Uncertainty Avoidance (UA), Long Term Orientation (LTO), and Indulgence (IND). For the
levels of each country see https://www.hofstede-insights.com/product/compare-countries. Each
dimension ranges from 0 100, with 50 as a mid-level. The rule of thumb is that if a score is
under 50 the culture scores relatively low on that scale and if any score is over 50 the culture
scores high on that scale. Burundi and Cameroun do not have scores on any of the six cultural
values and for Israel no score for Indulgence was available (see supplemental material Appendix
C). Researchers have reported the following Cronbach’s alpha coefficients at the country-level
for each value dimension: .81 (IDV), .84 (PDI), .76 (MAS), .72 (UA), .57 (LTO) and .79 (IND)
(see Beugelsdijk et al., 2015; Hofstede & Minkov, 2013). In terms of construct validity,
significant correlations were reported by Taras et al. (2012) and Guo et al. (2018) between
theoretically relevant external criteria like the Human Development Index (i.e., a statistic
composite index of life expectancy, education and per capita income indicators) and IDV (.56, p
< 0.05), PDI (-.58, p < 0.05), MAS (.21, p < 0.05), and LTO (.60, p < 0.05), and between the
World Giving Index (i.e., a national measure of prosocial behavior) and UA (-.40, p < 0.01) and
IND (.54, p < 0.01). Table 1 shows the descriptive statistics for variables of interest in the current
2020 Wave. We additionally checked the main sociodemographic variables of the two waves.
The results revealed that gender (χ2 = 50.75, p <.0001), paid profession (χ2 = 18.81, p < .0001)
and neighbourhood (χ2 = 7.781, p < .0001) did not significant differ between the two waves.
However, this significant level may be due to the large sample sizes. Odds ratios for these
variables (gender, OR=1.28 [95% CI = 1.21-1.35, p < .001]; paid profession, OR = 1.14 [95% CI
= 1.08-1.21, p < .0001]; neighbourhood, OR = 1.08 [95% CI = 1.02-1.14, p < 0.05]) indicated
very small differences between the 2018-2019 and 2020 waves. Family composition (χ2 = 1.84, p
=.18), age (M1 = 39.20, SD = 8.90 vs. M2 = 39.99, SD = 8.08, t = -1.25, p =.33), educational level
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(M1 = 14.89, SD = 4.34 vs. M2 = 15.74, SD = 4.57, t = .15, p =.89), and number of children (M1 =
1.98, SD = 1.19 vs. M2 = 1.98, SD = 1.12, t = 0.99, p =.45) were not significantly different
between the two waves.
Insert Table 1 about here
Statistical analyses
To answer the first research question, we compared the mean levels of parental burnout
and prevalence rates of parental burnout of Wave 1 (2018-2019) and Wave 2 (2020, during the
COVID-19 pandemic) by performing a logistic regression analysis and Mann Whitney U tests.
For tests for invariance of measures of burnout we refer to tests as reported in the study of Wave
1 (Roskam et al., 2021).
For the second to fifth research question, a total of five models were fitted in SPSS 26 by
use of hierarchical multilevel regression modelling fitted with Restricted Maximum Likelihood
(REML). Hierarchical models were run to select the model that had the best fit to the data (i.e.,
provided the most parsimonious explanation for the data, but that still shows an adequate fit). For
this purpose, the Akaike’s information criterion (AIC) and the Schwarz’s Bayesian information
criterion (BIC) were used, where lower values indicate better model fit (Stoica & Selen, 2004;
Akaike, 2019). As a result, the best fitted model will be reported in the results section, in
comparison to the null-model. To increase the interpretability of model parameters, predictor
variables were rescaled with categorical variables having a meaningful zero-point. Continuous
variables were centered on the grand mean. Model 0 presents the empty model and functioned as
a reference null model to estimate intra-class correlation. Model 1 introduced the effects of
individual socio-demographical variables; Model 2 introduced family factors; Model 3
introduced the individual lockdown measures; Model 4 introduced the country specific state-
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imposed lockdown measures and cultural values of the country; and Model 5, included
interaction effects between the country specific state-imposed lockdown measures and cultural
values in each country to test whether country specific cultural values mitigated the strength of
the governmental measures on parental burnout.
Results
Prevalence rates of parental burnout in 2020 compared to 2018-2019
In total, 26 countries participated in 2020 and collected parental burnout data, with six
out of 26 countries not having participated in the first wave of the data collection (i.e., Czech
Republic, Egypt, Greece, Israel, Lithuania, and New Zealand) (See supplemental material
Appendix D for Figures with percentages of parental burnout in each country at wave 1 and
wave 2).
Results of a Mann-Whitney U test showed that the average mean level of parental
burnout did not significantly differ between the two waves (Wave 1 mean rank = 17.0, Wave 2
mean rank = 22.0, U = 133, z = -1.387, p = .172). However, the prevalence rates of parental
burnout were significantly higher in the second wave, compared to the first wave (Wave 1 mean
rank = 15.50, Wave 2 mean rank= 23.50, U = 104.5, z = -.2.219, p = .03).
To check whether the mean levels and prevalence rates of parental burnout were related
to participation or no participation in the COVID-19 wave we compared the countries that
collected data in Wave 1 only with countries that had gathered data in both waves. A Mann-
Whitney U test showed no significant differences in mean levels and prevalence rates of parental
burnout between the countries that participated in wave 1 and not in wave 2, and the countries
that participated in both waves (mean levels of parental burnout U = 213, z = -1.76, p = .860,
prevalence rates U = 119, z = -.025, p = .980).
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Results of a logistic regression analysis (Table 2) to compare prevalence rates of parental
burnout during the first wave in 2018-2019 and the second COVID-19 wave showed a
significant increase in parental burnout for the total sample (4.2% vs 5.8% respectively). The
odds of having parental burnout during the COVID-19 wave was 1.39 times higher than the odds
of having parental burnout during the pre-COVID wave 1 (p < .001) with varying odds among
countries.
Insert Table 2 about here
Impact of various individual and country level characteristics on parental burnout
Multilevel analyses were performed to answer the research questions concerning the
association between individual level characteristics, governmental measures and the levels of
parental burnout during the COVID-19 pandemic and to what extent differences in country
cultural values were related to the increase in the levels of parental burnout. The null-model
indicates an intraclass correlation of approximately 9 percent (76.96 / 833.32). Based on the fit
indices Model 4 showed the best fit to the data (see supplemental material Appendix E). This
fourth model included all variables that were added in the first three models (i.e.,
sociodemographic variables, family variables, lockdown variables) and also variables on level
two (i.e., stringency of lockdown and cultural values). The results of this final and best fitted
model (model 4) are described below in more detail (Table 3).
Insert Table 3 about here
Impact of individual and family characteristics on parental burnout
With regard to the sociodemographic variables, significant effects were found for gender,
age, and the financial situation of the parents. First, the results indicated that women (mothers)
showed a higher level of parental burnout compared to men (fathers) (B = 4.49, p < .001). The
results for age indicated that the higher the age of the parents, the lower the level of parental
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burnout (B = -.15, p = .014). In addition, the results showed that compared to a poor financial
situation, a very good (B = -10.07, p < .001), good (B = -6.98, p < .001), sufficient (B = - 4.90, p
=.012), and moderate (B = - 3.85, p =.046) financial situation decreased the level of parental
burnout. The better the financial situation, the lower the level of parental burnout. The family
type (e.g., two-parent, single parent or other) did not show a significant effect on the level of
parental burnout.
A significant effect was found for having a child with special needs, having a child under
the age of four, and the number of children in the household on levels of parental burnout. This
indicated that having two or more children with special needs or suffering from medical-,
physical-, emotional-, cognitive-, or behavioural problems increased the level of parental burnout
compared to having no child (B = -12.31, p < .001) or one child (B = - 4.83, p = .02) with special
needs. In addition, the number of children (B = 1.82, p < .001) increased the level of parental
burnout. For those parents having children all above the age of 4 levels of parental burnout
significantly decreased (B = -2.41, p = .02).
Impact of individual lockdown measures on parental burnout
For the individual lockdown variables, significant effects were found for days that
families were locked down, whether parents had a task of home-schooling their children, and the
amount of attention the child(ren) required from them during the day. First, the more days
respondents were locked down, the higher the mean level of parental burnout (B = .05, p <. 001).
The need for home-schooling significantly increased the levels of parental burnout (B = 3.21, p <
.001). In addition, compared to parents who had to check on their children every hour, parents
with independent children (B = -16.88, p <.001), and parents that only needed to be present
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during lunchtime (B = -9.08, p <.001) showed lower levels of parental burnout. The more
attention a child required, the higher the levels of parental burnout.
Country-specific cultural values and the strength of the impact of governmental measures
on parental burnout
With regard to the country level variables, no significant results were found for the
stringency index (i.e., the state-imposed lockdown measures). The analyses only revealed a
significant effect for the level of indulgence. The results of our analysis showed that the higher
the level of indulgence in a country, the lower the level of parental burnout (B = -.26, p = .016).
A final model did not reveal significant results, showing that country specific cultural
values did not mitigate the strength of the governmental measures on parental burnout.
Therefore, we refrain from describing this model in detail.
Discussion
Since the family is regarded as the natural and elementary unit of almost all societies,
there are many reasons to focus on the role of families and parenting in meeting the current
Sustainable Developmental Goals. An increase in families’ wellbeing and a reduction of family
violence is considered to be achieved by supporting parents in positive parenting practices and
by diminishing stressors in families (Richardson et al., 2020). In this context, the main goal of
the present study was to assess whether a stressor like the COVID-19 pandemic -with its related
state-imposed lockdown measures- affected the prevalence of parental burnout (as an indicator of
a lack of positive parenting practices and risk factor for increased family violence) worldwide.
The results of our analyses showed that the global prevalence of parental burnout significantly
increased in many countries during the COVID-19 pandemic. These results confirmed that the
pandemic affected family life seriously and dovetails with independent studies conducted in the
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United States (Russell et al., 2020), Italy (Spinelli et al., 2020), and Germany (Calvano, et al.,
2021).
Although the odds of experiencing parental burnout were higher in most Western and
non-Western countries in 2020 than before the COVID-19 pandemic in 2018-2019, the size of
the increase varied considerably across countries. Various individual and family factors were
found to be related to increases in rates of parental burnout. Mothers, younger parents, those in
poor financial situations, those with more than one child with problems or special needs, those
with more children living at home, and those having children under the age of four evidenced
higher levels of parental burnout during the pandemic. These factors also were found to be
significantly related to parental burnout in previous pre-COVID studies focusing on parental
burnout (Roskam et al., 2021). Having young children (between the age of 0 and 4), more
children, and children with special needs certainly increases the attention that children require
from parents on a daily basis (Lundberg et al., 1994; Mikolajczak et al. 2018) and increases the
levels of stress associated with parenting. This did not change in 2020. In times of COVID-19
when parents may lose jobs and are confronted with financial uncertain situations it is not
surprising that the amount of stress increases and puts an additional strain on family life and
parenting practices. People’s daily routines changed and apart from working from home and
parenting, parents were fed up with the task of home schooling their children. This required extra
attention and increased level of stress (Griffith, 2020). The results of our analysis are in line with
previous findings and support the assumption that strict lockdown measures (i.e., work remote,
stay at home, closing of schools and daycare facilities) increased parental burnout (Joyce, 2022;
Skjerdingstad et al., 2021).
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With regard to the cultural values discussed by Hofstede (2011), the seemingly protective
factor of collectivism (versus individualism) in experiencing parental burnout (Roskam et al.,
2021) disappeared during the pandemic when many families were in lockdown and social
contacts were restricted. During the pandemic, living in a more indulgent country appeared to be
a protective cultural value for developing parental burnout. The finding that indulgence is the
main contributing cultural value related to parental burnout across countries during the pandemic
seems to contrast with the finding of Roskam et al (2021) which showed no significant effect of
indulgence. This difference is particularly interesting because it shows that when external
circumstances change, the protective (or vulnerability) role of cultural values may change too. A
value that was not found to be particularly protective in “regular” circumstances became
particularly protective in a context of extreme stress on the parents. In response to adversity (e.g.
a pandemic and lockdown), individuals from a culture of indulgence might feel that they still
have control over their participation in life activities, while individuals from a background of
cultural restraint may have a sense of helplessness and be less actively involved in taking control
over their involvement in enjoyable activities. This finding on the protective role of indulgence
opens perspectives for studies at the individual level too and fits well with existing results
showing that parents who take leisure time are actually less vulnerable to parental burnout
(Piraux & Mehauden, 2018). Moreover, perhaps less strict norms regarding parenting roles and
duties during the pandemic, in particular, in indulgent countries can leave room for individuals to
adapt to the extraordinary COVID-19 situation. This may subsequently lead to more freedom for
parents how to balance work and home or how to shape the parental role.
Recently, studies have outlined how to prevent or decrease parental burnout (Brianda et
al (2020). High levels of parental burnout in families at risk can be reduced by supporting
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parents on how to deal with social pressure and perfectionism by enhancing their emotion
regulation competencies and stress management techniques. Parents who received a brief and
focused intervention not only reported significant decreases in parental burnout symptoms and
negative emotions but also decreases in neglect and violence towards their children.
Because of varying rates per country, different sample sizes across countries, variations
in geographical areas per country, the overrepresentation of mothers in almost all countries, and
potential unmeasured factors that cannot be ruled out, our results must be interpreted with
caution. Nevertheless, the results of this unique study involving 26 Western and non-Western
countries around the globe point to the importance of considering parental burnout as a syndrome
shaped by various individual and cultural factors as well as natural disasters like pandemics.
Acknowledging that parenting can be extremely demanding and exhausting for many parents
across the globe, particularly in times of the COVID-19 pandemic, may give rise to the
development of specific parenting programs. Those programs should focus on minimizing the
exhaustion of parents and should aim to support these individuals to adopt nonviolent ways of
parenting their children (SDG 16.2) in order to promote the health and wellbeing of their
offspring (SDG3).
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... This is alarming because when schools and other child-related institutions were closed, it was more difficult to detect and prevent maltreatment. Furthermore, it is known that the COVID-19 pandemic increased the prevalence of parental burnout (van Bakel et al., 2022) as the stress factors for parents reached a new level (Griffith, 2020). Since parental burnout, in turn, has been shown to be a significant risk for child maltreatment Mikolajczak et al., 2019;Roskam & Mikolajczak, 2020), it is essential to study maltreatment in this context. ...
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Despite evidence that parental communication about COVID-19 can have short-term benefits such as adolescents’ increased health behaviors, less is known about the potential long-term associations between such communication and adolescent adjustment, as well as the family characteristics that facilitate such communication. Moreover, it is important to examine such processes beyond Western societies and broaden the understanding of parental communication in non-Western societies. To fill these gaps in the literature, a two-wave longitudinal study on Chinese families spanning 1 year during the pandemic (July 2020–July 2021) was conducted. Analyses revealed that the relation between parent–adolescent closeness and parental communication about COVID-19 was moderated by parental burnout. Higher parent–adolescent closeness was linked with more communication about COVID-19 only when parents experienced low, but not high, parental burnout. Moreover, the longitudinal associations between parental communication about COVID-19 and adolescent adjustment (i.e., depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, and resilience) 1 year later were also moderated by parental burnout. More parental communication about COVID-19 was associated with lower levels of depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, and higher levels of resilience 1 year later only when parents experienced low, but not high, parental burnout. Findings suggest future interventions to target family communication to promote adolescent well-being during challenging times, especially for families who experience higher levels of parental burnout.
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Parenting during the COVID-19 pandemic was an unprecedented experience for many families around the world. With the sudden closure of schools and child care centers and the implementation of stay-at-home orders, parents were required to adjust to a new normal, one that required them to take on numerous responsibilities, all with diminished levels of social support. These changes resulted in a wide range of experiences, from feelings of overwhelm and stress to gratitude for time that was often not a reality in the hustle-bustle of everyday life in pre-pandemic times. This chapter discusses parenting during the COVID-19 pandemic, reviewing the impact on parental mental health, the impact on the parent–child relationship, and the implications for families and societal support.
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During the COVID-19 pandemic, the closure of schools and the resulting requirement to support children in homeschooling placed heavy demands on parents, who had to provide this support in addition to performing their work and care duties. Theoretically based on the concept of doing family, we analyze how parents perceived the homeschooling situation over time, how they responded to the experienced challenges, and which practices they developed over the course of the pandemic. We draw on an Austrian qualitative longitudinal study with a subsample of 60 parents with a total of 98 school-aged children (aged 6–14). Methodologically, the study employed problem-centered interviews and diary entries. Data was collected repeatedly (12 waves) between March 2020 and June 2022, and the data analysis was based on the grounded theory coding scheme. The results show that the parents’ experiences and related challenges varied substantially over time, and were strongly connected to their available resources. We identified three types of parental involvement in homeschooling: promoters, externalizers, and contributors. The responding parents’ main objective was to avoid educational disadvantages for their children. We conclude that homeschooling during the pandemic may lead to a re-evaluation of education and schools, and of parents’ contributions to the educational system.
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The present study examined the profiles of parental perceptions of their child’s school adjustment in terms of learning loss and school well-being during the COVID-19 pandemic in Finland. Furthermore, the extent to which the profiles differed with respect to the different children and their family characteristics, as well as their parents’ stress about their child’s schooling, were examined. Parents ( N = 26,313) completed a questionnaire in spring 2021 concerning parental stress and their children’s schooling. The five-profile solution was identified using latent profile analysis: (1) slightly-higher-than-average-school-adjustment ( n = 8198, 31.2%); (2) high-school-adjustment ( n = 3017, 11.5%); (3) slightly-lower-than-average-school-adjustment ( n = 5025, 19.1%); (4) low-school-adjustment ( n = 6777, 25.7%); and (5) mixed-school-adjustment ( n = 3296, 12.5%). The low-school-adjustment profile was overrepresented among parents of boys, older children, and children with special education needs as well as among parents with lower education levels, higher numbers of children, and in single-parent households. In addition, the results showed that parental stress about their child’s schooling was associated with their perceptions of their child’s school adjustment during the COVID-19 pandemic. Overall, the results demonstrate that parents’ views of their children’s school adjustment varied widely during the COVID-19 pandemic. At schools, particular attention should be given to at-risk families (e.g., families with low education levels and children with special education needs) in which children may be prone to learning loss and low well-being due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Increased and long-term parental stress related to one's parental role can lead to parental burnout. In the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic, families experienced intensified pressure due to the government-initiated contact restrictions applied to prevent the spread of the virus in the population. This study investigates the risk factors and predictors of parental burnout in a large sample of parents (N = 1488) during the COVID-19 pandemic in Norway. Demographic and psychosocial factors were assessed at two timepoints: at the beginning of the pandemic outbreak in March 2020 (T1) and at 3 months follow-up (T2). A hierarchical regression analysis was applied to identify the factors that contribute to parental burnout at T2. Parental burnout was additionally explored across subgroups. Findings revealed that younger age was associated with more parental burnout. Concurrent (T2) use of unhelpful coping strategies, insomnia symptoms, parental stress, and less parental satisfaction was significantly associated with the presence of greater parental burnout (T2). Additionally, parental stress and satisfaction measured in the earliest phase of the pandemic (T1) were associated with parental burnout 3 months later (T2) over and above concurrent parental stress/satisfaction. Unemployed parents and individuals with a mental health condition were identified as subgroups with substantially heightened levels of parental burnout.
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High levels of stress in the parenting domain can lead to parental burnout, a condition that has severe consequences for both parents and children. It is not yet clear, however, whether parental burnout varies by culture, and if so, why it might do so. In this study, we examined the prevalence of parental burnout in 42 countries (17,409 parents; 71% mothers; Mage = 39.20) and showed that the prevalence of parental burnout varies dramatically across countries. Analyses of cultural values revealed that individualistic cultures, in particular, displayed a noticeably higher prevalence and mean level of parental burnout. Indeed, individualism plays a larger role in parental burnout than either economic inequalities across countries, or any other individual and family characteristic examined so far, including the number and age of children and the number of hours spent with them. These results suggest that cultural values in Western countries may put parents under heightened levels of stress. Supplementary information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s42761-020-00028-4.
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Parenting during the COVID-19 pandemic is highly challenging, with parents having to meet various demands simultaneously. An increase in adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) has been widely predicted, but empirical evidence is still scarce. This study aimed to (1) generate representative data on pandemic-related stress, parental stress, general stress, parental subjective and mental health, and the occurrence of ACEs; (2) identify risk factors for an increase in ACEs, and (3) provide qualitative data on parents' experiences. A representative survey was conducted in Germany in August 2020 with 1024 parents of underage children (M age = 41.70, 50.9% female). More than 50% of parents reported being stressed by social distanc-ing and the closure of schools and childcare facilities. Parental stress increased significantly during the pandemic (d = 0.21). Subgroups of parents also reported very high levels of depressive symptoms (12.3%) and anxiety (9.7%). Up to one-third of the sample reported ACEs in the child's lifetime. In this group, 29.1% reported an increase in children witnessing domestic violence during the pandemic, and 42.2% an increase verbal emotional abuse. These families were characterized by higher parental stress, job losses, and younger parent and child age. Positive aspects of the pandemic related primarily to personal or family life (e.g. slower pace of life, increase in family time). While some parents coped well, a particularly negative pattern was observed in a subgroup of families that experienced an increase in ACEs. Parental stress emerged as important target point for interventions addressing the negative sequelae of the pandemic.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has affected people across the globe. We explored 11 parents’ experiences with the pandemic and identified eight themes: (a) educational experience, (b) navigating roles and responsibilities, (c) recognizing privilege, (d) routine, (e) monitoring and communication about COVID, (f) vacillating emotions, (g) connection, and (h) meaningful experiences. We discuss the themes and implications for counseling.
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Exposure to chronic parental stress can lead to parental burnout, a syndrome encompassing three dimensions: an overwhelming exhaustion from one’s parental role, an emotional distancing from one’s children, and a sense of parental ineffectiveness. The first goal of this study was to examine whether there were different profiles of parents based on their levels of exhaustion, emotional distancing, and inefficacy. The second goal was to investigate the association between these profiles and different forms of neglect and violence toward children (i.e., physical neglect, emotional neglect, physical violence, and verbal violence). 2767 parents who had at least one child living at home completed the survey. Latent profile analysis (LPA) was used to analyze the data. LPA identified five profiles of parents (“Not in parental burnout”, “Inefficient”, “At risk of parental burnout”, “Emotionally exhausted and distant”, and “Burned out parents”), which were associated with different levels and forms of neglect and violence. Profiles in which high levels of exhaustion were associated with high levels of emotional distancing showed much higher levels of neglect and violence. Results also show that physical violence remains lower than the other forms of violence or neglect. The results first suggest that exhausted parents need to be diagnosed and cared for before exhaustion leads to emotional distancing. They also suggest that burned out parents inhibit physical violence more than the other forms of violence and neglect.
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Research confirms that the mental health burdens following community-wide disasters are extensive, with pervasive impacts noted in individuals and families. It is clear that child disaster outcomes are worst among children of highly distressed caregivers, or those caregivers who experience their own negative mental health outcomes from the disaster. The current study used path analysis to examine concurrent patterns of parents’ (n = 420) experience from a national sample during the early months of the U.S. COVID-19 pandemic. The results of a multi-group path analysis, organized by parent gender, indicate good fit to the data [X2(10) = 159.04, p < .01]. Results indicate significant linkages between parents’ caregiver burden, mental health, and perceptions of children’s stress; these in turn are significantly linked to child-parent closeness and conflict, indicating possible spillover effects for depressed parents and compensatory effects for anxious parents. The impact of millions of families sheltering in place during the COVID-19 pandemic for an undefined period of time may lead to unprecedented impacts on individuals’ mental health with unknown impacts on child-parent relationships. These impacts may be heightened for families whose caregivers experience increased mental health symptoms, as was the case for fathers in the current sample.
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Objectives: The present study aimed to explore the effect of risk factors associated with the COVID-19 outbreak experience on parents' and children's well-being. Methods: Parents of children aged between 2- and 14-years-old completed an online survey reporting their home environment conditions, any relation they had to the pandemic consequences, their difficulties experienced due to the quarantine, their perception of individual and parent-child dyadic stress, and their children's emotional and behavioral problems. Results: Results showed that the perception of the difficulty of quarantine is a crucial factor that undermines both parents' and children's well-being. Quarantine's impact on children's behavioral and emotional problems is mediated by parent's individual and dyadic stress, with a stronger effect from the latter. Parents who reported more difficulties in dealing with quarantine show more stress. This, in turn, increases the children's problems. Living in a more at-risk area, the quality of the home environment, or the relation they have with the pandemic consequences, do not have an effect on families' well-being. Conclusions: Dealing with quarantine is a particularly stressful experience for parents who must balance personal life, work, and raising children, being left alone without other resources. This situation puts parents at a higher risk of experiencing distress, potentially impairing their ability to be supportive caregivers. The lack of support these children receive in such a difficult moment may be the reason for their more pronounced psychological symptoms. Policies should take into consideration the implications of the lockdown for families' mental health, and supportive interventions for the immediate and for the future should be promoted.
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The novel coronavirus (COVID-19) has spread across the United States, resulting in significant changes in almost all aspects daily life. These changes place parents at increased risk for parental burnout. Parental burnout is a chronic condition resulting from high levels of parenting-related stress due to a mismatch between the demands of parenting and the resources available for parents to meet those demands. Research on parental burnout has suggested that parents who experience burnout are more likely to engage in child abuse and neglect, placing children at risk for detrimental short- and long-term outcomes. The purpose of this paper is to review the concept of parental burnout, discuss parental burnout in the context of the current COVID-19 pandemic, and focus specifically on the effects of child maltreatment. Implications for practitioners will be discussed.
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Throughout the COVID-19 outbreak, many parents have struggled to maintain work-life balance. This investigation examines contributors to and protective factors from parental stress during the pandemic. As expected, perceived stress increased with burnout and decreased with parental inhibitory control, mindfulness in parenting, and perceived competence. Interestingly, it showed no association with child age nor the number of children in the home. Similarly, it investigated parental well-being as a function of childcare during COVID. Parents who did not feel that their childcare needs were being met were more stressed, experienced more work and personal burnout, and felt less mindful and competent in their parenting than did parents whose childcare needs were met. The results underscore the importance of providing supports to parents as they emerge from the pandemic, and demonstrate the need to proactively support families should similar crises arise in the future.