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AL-ITQĀN
JOURNAL OF ISLAMIC SCIENCES AND COMPARATIVE STUDIES
February 2022
Issue No. 1
Volume: 6
EDITOR IN-CHIEF
Dr. Wan Mohd Azam Mohd Amin
MANAGING EDITOR
Dr. Masitoh Ahmad
EDITORIAL BOARD
Dr. Syed Arabi Aidid, IIUM.
Dr. Hassan Basri Mat Dahan, Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin - UniSZA,
Gong Badak, Terengganu
Dr. Kamaruzaman Yusuff, Universiti Malaysia Sarawak,
Kota Semarahan, Kucing.
Dr. Kamar Oniah, IIUM.
Dr. Mumtaz Ali, IIUM.
Dr. Noor Amali Mohd Daud, IIUM.
Dr. Adibah Abdul Rahim, IIUM.
Dr. Haslina Ibrahim, IIUM.
Dr. Siti Akmar, Universiti Institut Teknologi MARA, Shah Alam
Dr. Thameem Ushama, IIUM.
INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD
Dr. Muhammad Afifi al-Akiti, Oxford University, UK
Dr. Abdullah M. al-Syarqawi, Cairo University, Egypt.
Dr. Abdul Kabir Hussain Solihu, Kwara State University, Nigeria.
Dr. Anis Ahmad, Riphah International University, Islamabad.
Dr. ASM Shihabuddin, Uttara University, Dhakka, Bangladesh.
Dr. Ibrahim M. Zein, Qatar Foundation, Qatar.
Dr. Khalid Yahya, Temple University, USA.
© 2017 IIUM Press, International Islamic University Malaysia. All rights reserved.
eISSN:26008432
Correspondence
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Research Management Centre, RMC
International Islamic University Malaysia
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Website: http://journals.iium.edu.my/al-itqan/index.php/alitqan/index
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Published by:
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P.O. Box 10, 50728 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
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Table of Contents
Expository Outlines of Islamic Daʿwah: An Overview on Its Objectives,
Sources and Those Called to Islam (Madʿu)
Abdul Salam Muhamad Shukri
5-30
Ibn Khaldūn‘s Concept of Science of Crafts (ʿIlm al-ṣanā‟iʿ) and The Discourse
of The Integration of Knowledge.
Wan Mohd Azam Mohd Amin
31-48
The Understanding of Peace in a Culture: A Case Study of Sundanese Worldview
in Building Peace and Its Analysis from the Qur‘ānic Perspective.
Ungaran Rashid
49-71
Exploring ʿĪrfān ʿAbdulḤamīd Fattāḥ‘s Methodology in the Study of Judaism
and Christianity
Fatmir Shehu
73-86
Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence in Sri Lanka: A Historical Analysis
Fatima Afra Mohamed Razak
Thameem Ushama
87-110
New Atheism and the Ethics of New Millennium
Noor Ahmad Pitafi
Nur Suriya binti Mohd Nor
111-129
Youth and Mosque: Exploring The Views of Youth on Mosque Activities in
Gombak, Selangor
Mohd Noh Abdul Jalil, Majdan Alias, Shukran Abd Rahman, Kamaruzzaman
Abdul Manan, Muhammad Ayman al-Akiti, Ismail Mamat, Che Mahzan
Ahmad, Che‟ Razi Jusoh, Aliza Elias @ Mayah, Mohd Helmi Mohd, Sobri,
Lihanna Borhan, Sofiah Shamsudin, Khamsiah Mohd Ismail
131-149
Poverty Challenges Among Muslims in Nigeria and the Contributions of the
Islamic Medical Association of Nigeria (Imān) Katsina State Chapter
Abubakar Sani
Bilyaminu Muhammad
151-163
Refinement of Characters According to Al-Rāghib Al-Aṣfahānī
Irfan Farid Taufik
Wan Mohd Azam Mohd Amin
165-193
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AL-ITQĀN
Vol. No. 6, Issue No. 1, February, 2022, 87–109
Copyright © IIUM Press
eISSN 2600-8432
Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence in Sri Lanka:
A Historical Analysis
Fatima Afra Mohamed Razak
Thameem Ushama
Abstract
Sri Lanka is a multi-religious, multi-ethnic, and multi-cultural country. The
Sinhalese people constitute the majority ethnic group of Sri Lanka, while
Hindus, Muslims, and Christians are the minorities. Many historical records
have proven that Muslims in Sri Lanka had a long history of peaceful co-
existence with other ethnic groups, especially Sinhala-Buddhists. However,
after the end of the civil war in 2009, the hostility against Muslims has
increased in various forms. Therefore, sustainable religious co-existence has
become a challenge in a multi-religious society like Sri Lanka. This study
examines both the historical and current views on the Buddhist-Muslim
relationship to enlighten the community about both communities' interactions.
This study used a qualitative approach alongside the data collected from
research articles, dissertations, books, newspaper articles, websites, activity
reports, and publications.
Keywords: Sinhala-Buddhists, Multi-religious society, Religious-Coexistence,
Sri Lanka
Introduction
Islam is a complete way of life as its guidance is comprehensive and
includes the social, economic, political, moral, and spiritual aspects of
life. Further, Islam is a religion of peace as its principles and teachings
emphasise religious harmony and peaceful co-existence and religious
tolerance with other faiths. Nevertheless, when various religious groups
or people with different opinions are present, it is common to witness
disagreements and conflicts from time to time.
Co-existence generally means living peacefully with others without
considering any differences.
1
In another way, co-existence is how people's
diverse religions, ethnicities, cultures, belief systems, and perspectives
A postgraduate student (PhD) at the International Institute of Islamic Thought and
Civilisation, IIUM. Email: afraimranuop.7@gmail com
Corresponding author and a Professor at the Department of Uṣūl al-Dīn and Comparative
Religion, AbdulHamid AbuSulayman Kulliyyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and
Human Sciences, IIUM. Email: thameem@iium.edu.my
1
―Coexistence - Definition of Coexistence by The Free Dictionary,‖ accessed February
1, 2021, https://www.thefreedictionary.com/coexistence
88 Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence in Sri Lanka – Fatima Afra & Thameem Ushama
remain in harmony with mutual tolerance and acceptance.
1
So, a society
or nation with different policies or opposite trends lives in mutual peace
and understanding without clashes while maintaining individuality.
Likewise, religious co-existence implies the recognition of religious
pluralism and respect for all other faiths. It must be understood that, at
least in other religions, there are some facts and beliefs. Religious co-
existence is then defined as tolerating other people's different religious
beliefs, policies, and practices even though they contradict us or are
erroneous in our point of view.
Considering that religious co-existence is necessary for any community
or country, various historical records demonstrate the amicable connection
between Sri Lankan Muslims, Buddhists, and other ethnic groups. History
indicates that Muslims in Sri Lanka have deep roots in co-existence with
other ethnic groups for decades and have always been honest and loyal to
the rulers.
2
However, despite the maintenance effort of peace and social
harmony by the Muslims of Sri Lanka, they were not treated as an equal
ethnic group. Various campaigns and attacks had been directed to them to
break the harmony, particularly after the victory of the Sri Lanka
government against the Liberal Tigers of Tamil Eelam. The extremist
Buddhist National groups have become increasingly disturbed by Muslims
in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, the Easter Sunday attack has affected the
relationship of Muslims with other faiths and caused a series of campaigns
against the Muslim community in Sri Lanka.
Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence till Colonial Rule
As Lorna Dewaraja mentioned, history is concerned with the arts of war
rather than the peace sentiment. Hence, many people are more aware of the
records of wars and riots rather than the peaceful co-existence of groups of
people. On that account, a handful of people in Sri Lanka are aware of the
relationship between Buddhists and Muslims. The Muslims first came to Sri
Lanka as foreign traders until they established themselves and became
citizens. They had developed a positive and mutual relationship with the
residents from the beginning. One of the most crucial pieces of evidence
that history recorded is that of an ancient capital city of Sri Lanka,
1
Toyese Abdurahman Adesokan, ―An Appraisal of Peaceful Coexistence between
Muslims and Non-Muslims in Houston Texas of USA,‖ E-Journal of Arabic Studies
and Islamic Civilization 2 (2015): 48.
2
Athambawa Sarjoon, Mohammad Yusoff, and Nordin Hussin, ―Anti-Muslim
Sentiments and Violence: A Major Threat to Ethnic Reconciliation and Ethnic
Harmony in Post-War Sri Lanka,‖ Religions 7, no. 10 (2016): 125.
Al-Itqān, Volume 6, Issue No 1, February, 2022 89
Anuradhapura. King Pandukapaya ruled that he had separated some lands
for 'Yonas', so Wilhelm Geiger, who translated the Mahāvaṃsa, mentioned
that the 'Yonas' means Arab merchants. This incident is one of the greatest
proofs of the amity of Sinhala rulers and Arab merchants.
Similarly, the messenger's servant returned to Sri Lanka after meeting
Caliph Umar. The monarchs of Sri Lanka welcomed Muslims because they
had created a good impression. This occurrence became evident in history,
which demonstrates Muslims' influence. According to Wickremasinghe,
Muslims arrived in Sri Lanka as merchants instead of invaders or battle
veterans. They coexisted peacefully with the Sinhalese. They had no
intention of seizing political power or spreading their religion over the
country. Even though they constructed the mosques, they never attempted
to convert the Sinhalese to Islam.
1
History has ensured that Muslims solely
intended to trade in Sri Lanka.
Religious co-existence was noted and stated by twelfth-century
Arab author al-Idrīsī in the court of Sri Lanka. Further, Khālid ibn Abu
Bakāya's presence in Sri Lanka clarified many things concerning Sinhala
Muslim affinity. One of the significant points is that the Sinhala rulers
bestowed religious freedom. As Lorna Dewaraja mentioned, if neither
Arabs had this freedom, Muslims would have managed to stay on the
Island. Further, she stated that Arabs had the same freedom to worship
their god as other religious people. There was no religious distinction
being practised against the Muslim minority. Accordingly, the king's
advisory council was made up of Buddhists, Muslims, Christians, and
Jews, each with four members. This is an overlooked or forgotten aspect
of both communities' religious co-existence in Sri Lanka.
2
According to the records of the Arab travellers, Adam's peak was a
preferred place of pilgrimage for Muslims. Based on Ibn Battuta, there
was a well-known story about the elephants' diet of pilgrims.
3
After this
incident, Sinhalese intensified the relationship with Arab pilgrims,
1
S.H.M Faleel, ―Co-Existence of Sri Lankan Muslims - Ii,‖ Islamic Thought 29, no. 2
(2007): pp. 3–9.
2
L. S. Dewaraja, The Muslims of Sri Lanka: One Thousand Years of Ethnic
Harmony,900-1915 (Lanka Islamic Foundation., 1994): p. 29
3
Sheikh Abu ʻAbdullah ibn Khafif came to Sri Lanka with thirty dervishes to visit Adam‘s
peak. Meanwhile Sinhalese was hesitated to talk with these foreigners. While their
travelling they saw many baby elephants everywhere. The dervishes wanted to catch them
to fulfil their hunger. Despite the shaikh's objections, they caught an elephant and ate it
because they were hungry and tired. But the Shaikh did not involve in that food. That night,
as the dervishes were sleeping, the elephant exacted his vengeance by killing them all. The
Elephants sniffed the Shaikh and, conscious of his innocence, picked him by his trunk and
sat him on its back, carrying him to the region where the inhabitants were.
90 Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence in Sri Lanka – Fatima Afra & Thameem Ushama
changing the image of Muslims among them. Since that day, they had
treated them as equals and began to respect the Musalmans. They
welcomed them into their homes, ate with them, and trusted them to the
extent of handing over their wives and children.
1
Adam's peak honouring by several ethnicities so far and the
appearance of Sinhala-Buddhist inscription and Arabic Islamic
inscription
2
has been one of best testimonials of religious harmony as
said by Lorna Dewarja in her writing.
Further, Sinhala kings had a generous and cordial relationship with
Arab Muslims as they contributed to the country through trade, and they
always stood by the side of the rulers. Unfortunately, in the middle of the
10th century, Sri Lanka's political situation was miserable. Following the
Chola's invasions in the country, subsequently, the country was subjected to
numerous foreign invasions and occupations.
3
Importantly, Ariya
Chakravarty's invasion on the north side of the country had many
complicated situations.
Most notably, at this critical juncture, Sri Lanka's long-established
friendly relationship with Muslims was strongest. Muslims in Sri Lanka
chose to side with the Sinhalese against the Hindu rulers of Jaffna, as
stated by Lorna Dewaraja. It remains the most outstanding example of the
harmonious relationship between rulers and Arab Muslims in history.
Additionally, it shows that despite the genuine respect and the fondness of
Muslims towards the country and the rulers in general, terrible times had
revealed the harsh reality of humanity, as demonstrated by Muslims in Sri
Lanka in the early years. Lorna Dewaraja mentioned that the number of
interconnected political occurrences that had arisen elsewhere by the end
of the 13th century strengthened the relations of Sinhalese-Muslims.
4
Further, Arab Muslims had many significant positions and played
essential roles during the early period in the country. One of the prominent
models stated by Codrington, Abu Uthman, was sent as an ambassador to
Egypt court in 1283 Bhuvanaikabahu I who ruled Yapahuwa since 1273–
1
L. S. Dewaraja, The Muslims of Sri Lanka: One Thousand Years of Ethnic
Harmony,900-1915 (Lanka Islamic Foundation., 1994):pp. 31-32.
2
An Arabic inscription belonged to 13th century was found in Bhagavalena. Below the
summit of Adam's Peak is an interesting memorial honoring Muslim pilgrims. It has
attracted the attention because it is written by the side of a Sinhala inscription of King
Nissanka Malla (1187-1196) recording his visit to the summit and also gifting several
villages for the upkeep of the shrine.
3
Shukri M.A.M, Muslims of Sri Lanka: Avenues to Antiquity, First (Galkissa, 2010):25
4
L. S. Dewaraja, The Muslims of Sri Lanka: One Thousand Years of Ethnic Harmony,900-
1915 (Lanka Islamic Foundation., 1994):37
Al-Itqān, Volume 6, Issue No 1, February, 2022 91
1284.
1
Interestingly, Alexander Johnston kept a remarkable record that
included a reference to a well-known merchant named Periya Mudali
Marikkar. He held a copper plate that the king had given to a "Great
Mohammadan Merchant" around 700 years before. He claimed that it
belonged to Periya Mudali Marikkar as he helped to bring weavers from
Saliya Pattana, India. Primarily, gratitude was expressed by the king to the
merchant for the assistance he had provided for the country as he was
amply rewarded with lands honours and privileges. One of the great
rewards he had received from the king was the authorisation of building
mosques for their religious rituals. He was also given any land necessary for
the upkeep of the mosques.
2
This is just another significant example of
religious harmony among Sinhalese Muslims dating back to the early years,
exhibiting the generosity of Sinhala rulers.
When Ariya Chakravarti intended to attack both Negombo and
Colombo and dominate some western parts, the Arabs played a significant
role in defending their settlements and providing the necessary support to
their Sinhala allies. Lorna Dewaraja had written in great words, "It is likely
that the Sinhala army hired Muslims soldiers.‖
3
These words had greatly
reflected the Sinhalese-Muslim bond. Obviously, throughout the writings of
Lorna Dewaraja, while Muslims had a vital trade centre on every side, they
did not attempt to convert the non-Muslims into their religion or conquer
the state. As a result of their economic and religious uniqueness, Muslim
communities had developed independently. They had spread their trade and
religion entirely peacefully. Muslims followed this progress similarly
wherever they had power, including Sri Lanka.
4
According to testimonies,
an amicable and mutually beneficial relationship had been established
between Sinhalese and Muslims since the advent of Arab Muslims.
Buddhist–Muslim Religious Co-existence during the Colonial Rule
Muslims in the Portuguese Rule
When Vasco da Gama, a Portuguese sea adventurer, arrived in India's
Kalli Kotte from East Africa at the end of the 15th century, the situation
had changed entirely. Over time, Muslims established permanent and
prosperous settlements along Sri Lanka's coastline. They also played a
significant part in developing their trade, where they had a vast influence
on domestic and overseas trade. Therefore, when the Portuguese
1
Ibid.
2
Shukri M.A.M, Muslims of Sri Lanka: Avenues to Antiquity, First (Galkissa, 2010):35-36.
3
L. S. Dewaraja, The Muslims of Sri Lanka: One Thousand Years of Ethnic
Harmony,900-1915 (Lanka Islamic Foundation., 1994): p. 41.
4
Ibid., pp. 42-43.
92 Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence in Sri Lanka – Fatima Afra & Thameem Ushama
discovered that Muslims predominantly controlled the Indian Ocean's
maritime trade, they considered the Muslims to be their first opponents.
According to Abeysinghe, at Puttalam, Chilaw, Madampe, Payagala,
Aluthgama, Bentota, Galle, Welligama, and Matara, sizeable settlements
of Muslims remained on the coastline of Sri Lanka in the 16th and 17th
centuries. There was a Moorish quarter in Colombo, as Colombo was
predominantly a Moorish city with at least one mosque. Also, the Moor
communities had their headmen in Chilaw, Negambo, and Kalutara, while
the Aluthgama community was dominant enough to have three headmen.
Further, they had their streets in Negambo and Weligama.
These settlements were proof of the strength and influence of Muslims
in Sri Lanka during the Portuguese arrival. Meanwhile, Muslim communities
had gained the rulers' trust and enhanced the country's treasury through their
custom duty. Also, they provided foreign luxuries to the palace and nobles
while offering good value to the local products. Consequently, they were
given sufficient freedom in managing their affairs.
1
The arrival of the Portuguese to the Island in 1505 initiated a panic
among Muslims. The Portuguese thought that the only thing standing in
their way was the presence of Muslims since the Sinhalese were not
involved in the export trade. The peaceful barter system had ended as the
Portuguese arrived in Sri Lanka to capture the trade. When the son of the
first Portuguese viceroy of Goa, Don Lourenco De Almeida, arrived in
Colombo in 1505, Muslims realised the seriousness of the situation.
They instigated the people of Colombo to act against the intimidators.
Also, the Muslims strongly disagreed with the Portuguese king's
decision to build a factory. Finally, they had to dismantle the factory as
many people were against it. This was how Muslims, in the beginning,
shut down the Portuguese.
When the Portuguese were engaged to build a fort in Sri Lanka in
1518, Muslims did everything they could to prevent the construction of a
fort while instructing all sections of Sinhala society. Further, they
warned the king of Kotte that the only intention of the Portuguese was to
seize the country. Muslims convinced the rulers and the nations about
their contributions to the country, wealth, and prosperity they had
brought to this country. They also reminded the rulers of their loyalty as
they had never tried to impose their religious beliefs on anyone else.
2
It
is reasonable to assume that Muslims always had a fruitful relationship
with the court and the nobility to influence them in making a moral and
1
Dewaraja, p. 59.
2
Dewaraja, p. 61.
Al-Itqān, Volume 6, Issue No 1, February, 2022 93
sound decision. However, they held in high regard the future of the
country, its crown and significantly, the harmonious situation.
However, in 1521, an unexpected and significant situation happened
in political favour to the Portuguese. The Kingdom of Kotte was divided
into three kingdoms and shared among three brothers. Thus, the
disintegration of the fortified Kingdom only strengthened the Portuguese
position in Sri Lanka. Meanwhile, as the Kotte king Bhuvanekabahu was
afraid of the greedy brother Mayadunna, he called the Portuguese for
help. They used this great opportunity to avenge Muslims and convinced
Bhuvanekabahu to expel them from Colombo. The Muslims expelled by
the king were most likely relocated to other port towns on the west coast,
such as Beruwala, Aluthgama, and Negombo.
1
Muslims helped king Mayadune and later his son, Rajasinghe, in
numerous ways. They fought together in the war against the Portuguese.
They served as ambassadors in obtaining the support of the Calicut
rulers and served as gunmen in the Sinhala army due to the army
shortage. Muslims later used their South Indian power to get a military
assistant for Sinhala rulers. The Portuguese historian Queiroz hatefully
claimed that Muslims sided with the Sinhala king in battles against
them.
2
However, this piece of history reflects the beauty of co-existence
among Sinhalese and Muslims during the Portuguese period.
While the Portuguese considered Muslims as their only obstacle, they
sometimes needed the help of Muslims. Thus, they were constantly
changing their policies regarding Muslims. Finally, in 1626, Constantino de
Sa de Noronha, an extremist who implemented royal orders through his
desires, expelled the Muslims from the regions under Portuguese rule.
3
Consequently, most Muslims moved towards the Kandyan kingdom while
fleeing India. At that time, the Kandyan kingdom was under King Senarath,
the successor of king Vimaladharmasurya. Lorna Dewaraja stated that king
Senerath welcomed the Muslims for many reasons. They supported the
rulers while always being truthful to the rulers. They also had no intention
of conquering power or the throne. They were also aware of the Sinhala
mind's sensitivity. For these reasons, the king was able to accept Muslims
without fear. In the meantime, the Kingdom served as a refuge for the
Muslims during their ordeal because it was the only place they could pursue
1
TBH Abeyasinghe, ―Muslims in Sri Lanka in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth
Centuries,‖ in Muslims of Sri Lanka -Avenues to Antiquity, ed. MAM Shukri
(Beruwala: Jamiah Naleemia Inst, 1986), p. 135.
2
Dewaraja, p. 63.
3
Abeyasinghe, pp. 137-140,
94 Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence in Sri Lanka – Fatima Afra & Thameem Ushama
their religion without any intervention from the king or pope.
1
It is clear
that the Kandyan Kingdom gave religious freedom to the Muslims, and they
had a peaceful relationship with Sinhalese, who were the inhabitants.
Further, Portuguese historian Quirós stated that there were 4000
Muslims settled in Batticaloa by King Senarath. According to Lawrie, in
the reign of Ragasinghe II, the son of Senarath, engaged Muslims in the
battle against the Portuguese and honour of their service, they gave lands
to the Muslims while encouraging them to marry Kandyan women,
settled them in Akurana.
2
Similarly, Muslims supported bringing down the Portuguese'
domination from the country. They served their weapons and armaments
for the Kandyan King. Since the Portuguese were strong and the Sinhalese
could not stand alone, the Muslims' support was greatly acknowledged.
3
Anti-Muslim policies of the Portuguese enabled the Sinhala-Muslim
community to unite and resist mutual foe. Consequently, they initiated the
process of Srilankanisation.
Muslims in the Dutch Rule
Considerable trade links existed between south Indian ports and Sri
Lanka in the 17th century. In 1658, Dutch had captured Sri Lanka from
the Portuguese. Like the Portuguese, they considered the Muslims their
enemies and rivals in religion and trade. When Dutch came to Sri Lanka,
many Muslims had settled in the coastal area and the Kingdom of Kandy
in the eastern province. Domestic and foreign trade remained under the
control of Muslims.
Muslims from Galle, Weligama, Matara, and Aluthgama travelled
inland and engaged in export trade such as Paddy, Areca nut to the
Kandyan Kingdom. The Muslims of the Kingdom of Kandy collected
them and traded them to Indian merchants through the Kandy king's ports.
They used bullocks to carry trade goods from one to another place. The
herd of bullocks tied up with commercial goods was called 'Thavalama'.
4
1
Dewaraja, p. 65.
2
Lorna Dewaraja, ―The Muslims in the Kandyan Kingdom (C1600 -1815) - Astudy of
the Ethnic Integration,‖ in Muslims of Sri Lanka -Avenues to Antiquity, ed. MAM
Shukri (Beruwala: Jamiah Naleemia Inst, 1986), p. 212.
3
MNM Asad, Kamil, The Muslims of Sri Lanka under the British Rule (New Delhi:
Navrang, 1993),p. 7.
4
Lorna Dewaraja, ―The Muslims in the Kandyan Kingdom (C1600 -1815) - Astudy of
the Ethnic Integration,..‖ p. 214. See also, Shukri M.A.M, Muslims of Sri Lanka:
Avenues to Antiquity, pp. 58 -59.
Al-Itqān, Volume 6, Issue No 1, February, 2022 95
The fear of the Dutch is one of the most noticeable facts of the co-
existence of both communities even during their period. As Muslims had
greatly influenced domestic and export trade, Dutch had a strong sense of
competitiveness and enmity towards Muslims. On the other side, they
feared the feelings and the understanding of the friendship between Muslim
traders and the Muslim populace towards the Kandyan Kingdom.
On this basis, Dutch used various forms of oppression against
Muslims. They changed the policies, and several decrees were issued in
1659. Only Christians could work as butchers and bakers. If Muslims
wished to work in the tailoring industry, they could only be labourers under
the Dutch administration. Muslims could not engage in international trade
unless they were partners with Dutch. Only Christians were allowed to
trade salt.
1
Moreover, foreign Muslims who bought textiles had to pay
almost double the duty paid by Christians and had to sell them to
colonists, who were given retail control. Likewise, while colonists
imported rice tax-free from overseas, Muslims had to pay a 5% fee and
were barred from retail.
2
Meanwhile, throughout the repressive Dutch rule in Sri Lanka, the
ruler of the Kandyan Kingdom benefitted the Muslims in many ways.
Buddhist temple earnings funded him. In contrast to how the Dutch
treated them, the Kandyan kings treated Muslims with generosity,
significant for the Dutch. In consonance with Goonewardene in Kandy,
Muslims had complete religious freedom, with mosques and priests
operating in many parts of the Kingdom, including one Muslim priest.
In the Kandyan Kingdom,' Badda, known as the socio-economic
mechanism, was the main feature of that time.
3
Muslims oversaw
madige Badda in the Kandyan Kingdom, responsible for arranging
thavalam transport of grain and other supplies from the royal lands to the
storehouse. According to Lorna Dewaraja, under Kirti Sri Rajasingha,
Sheik Alim, a Muslim, was appointed as madige badda name, and after
him was his grandson, Sheikh Abdul Cader.
4
Moreover, based on Goonewardana, the Dutch noticed that Muslims
were in key positions under the ruling of Rajasinha II, further holding
posts in the royal arm, working as government physicians, dealers, and
1
KW Goonewardena, ―Muslims under Dutch Rule up to the Mid-Eighteenth Century,‖
in Muslims of Sri Lanka -Avenues to Antiquity, ed. Shukri M.A.M (Beruwala: Jamiah
Naleemia Inst, 1986), p. 196.
2
Ibid.
3
Lorna Dewaraja, ―The Muslims in the Kandyan Kingdom (C1600 -1815) - Astudy of
the Ethnic Integration‖, p. 215.
4
Ibid., p. 217.
96 Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence in Sri Lanka – Fatima Afra & Thameem Ushama
merchants, and even involved in their state matter representing the
Kingdom.
1
Further, Muslims had helped the royal court in various wars
against them. Therefore, the kings honoured them by giving them lands
and villages. As stated by Najumudeen in his writing in 1760, a Muslim
named Gopak Mudaliar informed the king about the Molathanda nilame
interestingly against King Keerthi Sri Rajasinghe, and the plot was
foiled. In return, the king gifted him his lands and villages and honoured
him by naming 'Vijayathilaka Raja Gopala Mudaliar'.
2
Muslims also
supported the Kandyan Kingdom in the battle against the Dutch in 1760
– 1766. Further, Muslims had functioned as royal physicians for many
years. They were called betge Mohandiram nilame.
3
Based on the sources and occurrences discussed thus far, it is clear that
the relationship between Muslims and Sinhala monarchs and nobles was
confederal, harmonious, and at the strongest during the Dutch period. The
Dutch had attempted to create mistrust in the 1680s of the Muslims among
Sinhalese and rulers to expel them from the Kingdom of Kandy.
It was said that Muslims, particularly those with ties to the overseas,
were plotting with Mughal rulers in India to take down the empire and
establish the Muslim Kingdom. For this purpose, governor Pijl received
guidance from special commander Van Reede. When the governor
mentioned the failure of this attempt, it was implied as 'knocking at a deaf
man's door'.
4
It is important to note that this incident is an ideal example of
the Sinhalese–Muslim interaction. Despite different religions, ethnicities,
customs, and cultures, there existed a genuine relationship between them.
Their relationship has been built on mutual trust, cooperation, and co-
existence throughout history.
Muslims in the British Rule
From 1796 to 1948, one hundred and fifty-two years of British rule in
Sri Lanka was significantly different from Portuguese and Dutch control.
The British eventually attempted to eliminate some of the policies
against Muslims imposed during the Dutch period. The consequence of
British policy of divide and rule and community politics, which had
begun in 1796, was a deterioration of the excellent relationship for over
a thousand years into one of rivalry, distrust, and hatred. It was exploited
1
Goonewardena, p. 204.
2
Faleel, p. 6.
3
Lorna Dewaraja, ―The Muslims in the Kandyan Kingdom (C1600 -1815) - Astudy of
the Ethnic Integration‖, p. 224.
4
Goonewardena, p. 205.
Al-Itqān, Volume 6, Issue No 1, February, 2022 97
to deteriorate relations between Sinhalese–Muslims, particularly in
Kandy and across the country.
Religious freedom was given to all religions following their
respective laws to worship. Therefore, British Governor Frederick North
declared that the laws applicable to the Muslims and the code
Muhammadan law that was effective in 1806 might be an attempt of the
British to convince Muslims in claiming their own and separate ethnic
identity. This was not a purely humanitarian reflection but rather the
same divide and rule strategy implemented in India.
1
Further elimination of poll tax on Muslims forced by Dutch was
another benefit from British. This was an attempt to sever the cordial
relationship between the Sinhala rulers and Muslims. While these privileges
benefited Muslims in their socio-economic development, the British had
several ulterior intentions. While maintaining good connections with
Muslims, they attempted to learn about the political situation and study
military information to capture the Kandyan Kingdom.
2
As a result, the British attempt began to succeed. The bond between
Muslims and the Kandyan Kingdom, as well as trust and goodwill,
deteriorated gradually. When the Muslims were influenced by British
rule, they worked as intermediaries and itinerant peddlers to handle trade
between British marine provinces and the Kandyan region. Kandyan
ruler began to suspect that the Muslims were conducting trade in Kandy
while relaying information about the state of Kandy to the British.
3
Furthermore, the British invaded and captured Kandy in 1815
because of the brutal murder of ten textile merchants of Moors who had
gone there for commercial purposes. Even though there were other
reasons, this brutal murder was the immediate cause.
4
On February 15 1815, the British took control of the state of Kandy,
disposing of its king and signing the treaty of Kandy. Although a few
Muslims indirectly backed the British, Muslims fought alongside the
Kandyan army. It is important to note that Dewaraja mentioned that 400
Malabars, 250 Moorman, and 200 Malays had obtained military training in
the Kandyan army in 1810.
5
1
Dewaraja, p. 144.
2
Shukri M.A.M, Muslims of Sri Lanka: Avenues to Antiquity, p. 75.
3
KDG Wimalaratne, ―Muslims under British Rule in Ceylon (Sri Lanka) (1796 -
1948),‖ in Muslims of Sri Lanka -Avenues to Antiquity, ed. Shukri M.A.M (Beruwala:
Jamiah Naleemia Inst, 1986), p. 420.
4
Ibid.
5
Dewaraja, p. 137.
98 Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence in Sri Lanka – Fatima Afra & Thameem Ushama
In 1817, there was a revolt in Kandyan provinces demanding the
overthrow of the British administration. Meanwhile, Muslims remained
loyal to the British. Muslims were loyal to the rulers until the British
captured Kandy. However, once the British authority was established,
Muslims might have believed that they had no choice but to remain loyal to
the British. As a reaction, they supported the British in the Kandy revolt.
1
Due to the loyalty of Muslims, British governor Sir Robert Brownrigg was
appointed as disava, an influential Muslim. Previously, Muslims had their
chief, but under the authority of the disava of the province, they paid taxes
like Sinhala villages to Sinhala disavas. This post was only given to noble
families of Sinhalese. Thus, both the chief and the Sinhala natives were
furious with the new representative. Dewaraja analysed that this incident
demonstrates how rulers' tactics were inadvertently causing a split among
formerly peaceful communities.
Likewise, all up-country Muslims were eliminated from the judicial
and executive Jurisdiction of Kandyan chiefs. Henceforth, British officials
tried all the cases related to Muslims only. Further, they promised to pay
compensation for Muslims for their loss during the riot. This declaration
harmed the Sinhala Muslim relations. At the same time, the longstanding
reliance between the two societies was disrupted.
Moreover, the British repealed the Dutch law, which prohibited the
Moors from possessing properties in the fort of Colombo. They uplifted the
free commercial organisations by breaking down the hurdle to reclaim what
they initially had.
2
At the same time, the Muslims who took advantage of
this opportunity succeeded in many trades and commercial activities and
became influential and wealthy inhabitants of the country.
Meanwhile, despite gradually increasing influence and development,
their political and social educational statuses were deemed backwards. Thus,
Muslims faced political and social depression in the country. They refused
missionary and English education for the preservation of religion and culture.
There were no Muslims on the legislative council until 1889. Accordingly, up
to the 19th century, their political contribution was negligible.
3
On the other hand, during the 1880s, contemporary Buddhist and
Hindu communities correctly understood the present need for their own
communities' development. While Ven. Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala Thero,
Anagarika Dharmapala, Col.Henry Olcott launched the Buddhist movement
1
Shukri M.A.M, Muslims of Sri Lanka: Avenues to Antiquity, p. 77.
2
Wimalaratne, p. 423.
3
Ibid., p. 426.
Al-Itqān, Volume 6, Issue No 1, February, 2022 99
and Sir Arumuga Navalar for the Hindu movement. Muslims gained a lot of
encouragement and momentum from these two movements.
1
At that time, Muslims were keenly aware that they required leaders of
the highest integrity. In this regard, MC Siddi Lebbe (1838–1898), and
Orabi Pasha, an exile from Egypt (1883–1901), were both regarded to be
appropriate leaders.
2
Recognising that the first step was to educate the
community on the importance of education, Siddi Lebbe founded the
'Muslim Nation' newspaper in 1882. Following that, in November 1884,
with the arrival of Orabi Pasha and in collaboration with Wapche Marikkar,
a school named 'Al Madurasathul Khairiyathul Islamiah' was established in
Mardana. In 1891, the three figures founded the Colombo Muslim
Educational Society. In 1892, they established Zahira College, which
became Sri Lankas' leading Muslim institution over the years.
3
While this progressed, Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan mentioned in
his work 'Ethnology of Moors f Ceylon' that 'the Muslims of Sri Lanka
came from South India and were converted Tamils'. However, Abdul
Azeez denied these arguments logically as well as historically. He
further commented that this was an attempt to prevent the appointment
of the Moorish member in the council by the British Government.
In 1915, one of the most tragic events occurred in Sri Lanka among the
Sinhalese and Muslims. While the Gampola Perehara case caused the
immediate reason for the riot, the foundation for this was laid from the very
beginning. Muslims dominated export and retail trade activities in the 1900s.
Thus, the Sinhalese considered the Muslims as their trade rivals. Buddhist
nationalist and Sinhala newspapers played a crucial role in fostering hostility
among the Sinhalese. They considered the Moor as the voices of foreign
traders. They firmly believed that Moors must be expelled from the country.
Therefore, the voices of National activists fostered ethnic nationalism.
4
Sinhala movements developed racial differences as an ideology and a
mutiny among the inhabitants. In particular, the Anagarika Dharmapala
expanded Sinhala-Muslim racism into a nationwide anti-Muslim campaign.
Thus, the 1915 riots became an opportunity for those already provoked by
the racist sentiments.
5
Although the 1915 riot was unplanned and evolved
into a massive protest, however, few events and arguments which happened
1
Ibid.
2
Ibid., p. 427.
3
Ibid., p. 430.
4
Rauff Zain, Sinhala-Muslim Ethnic Riots- a Socio-Political Perspective (Thihariya:
Ibnu Kaldoon Research Institute, 2006), p. 13.
5
MSM Anes, V Ameerdeen, and AJL Vazeel, Muslims and Communal Riots in Sri
Lanka (Peradeniya: Information & Welfare Association, 2003), p. 13.
100 Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence in Sri Lanka – Fatima Afra & Thameem Ushama
in the early 1900s had indicated the possibilities of such disaster. During
this period, Muslims faced immense panic and suffered massive losses. The
Government harshly punished the rebels and complicated this protest. In the
riot's aftermath, Muslims were segregated from the Sinhala community.
This violence had a devastating effect on Muslim–Sinhala relations. Also,
this event motivated the Muslim leaders to form several organisations
aiming to preserve their political rights and progress their cultural and social
backwardness. Despite this, Muslims rallied behind the National Congress,
which had fought for independence between 1919–1948.
1
Ceylon Moors Association was established in 1922. The Moor club
was also formed in 1922 as a social organisation. All Ceylon-Muslim
League was developed from the young Muslim League in 1922. Thus, three
communal elected seats were given to Muslims.
Sir Macan Marker, in 1938, said in his speech which was held at a
public reception in Galle, '…we are minority groups that did not demand
equal rights as the majority Sinhalese. Instead, all we needed were
suitable representatives and a good government, so I prefer Sinhalese to
govern the country.
2
Similarly, in 1945, when Sri Lanka Bill was
discussed with the state council, the three Muslim representatives
expressed their support. Jaya, in his speech, highlighted that the reason
for supporting this was only if we are ready to sacrifice the benefits and
advantages that our community can attain the independence of the
country.
3
Likewise, Sir Razik Fareed's statement was remarkable in this regard.
He mentioned that 'like the Sinhala inhabitants, Muslim Moors were natives
as well. In this country, Sinhalese and Muslims have lived in harmony and
mutual understanding for the past few centuries. There might have been
many mistakes. With integrity and good intention, we can resolve any
problem. So, we join our hands with Sinhalese'.
4
Accordingly, let Tamils
and Muslims collaborate with Sinhalese to gain domination status for this
1
Wimalaratne, p. 430.
2
Ibid., p. 435.
3
A Mohamed Sameem, Problems of a Minority Community IV, Second, (2012), p. 35.
4
Athambawa Sarjoon, ―Muslims in Maintaining National Integration and Social
Harmony in Sri Lanka: From Ancient Rulers to Post-Civil War Context Minorities and
Development Administration in Sri Lanka View Project Development Administration
and Ethnic Minorities in Sri Lanka View Project,‖ accessed September 30, 2021,
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/337208426.
Al-Itqān, Volume 6, Issue No 1, February, 2022 101
country.
1
Therefore, one of the Sinhala leaders, Molamure, stated that
'Muslims are the community that would work with Sinhala people.
2
From the ongoing analysis, Muslims' livelihood under British rule
was deteriorated by the divide and rule strategy. Although there were
unfortunate events, there was still a remarkable bond between the
Sinhalese and Muslims leading up to the country's independence.
Buddhist–Muslim Co-existence during the Post-Independence Era
Sri Lanka officially obtained its independence on February 4, 1948. The
political history of post-independence Sri Lanka had been ethnic politics.
The leaders used Sinhalese nationalist sentiments for their political gain.
The support of the Muslims for independence was disappointingly
disregarded. Even though the post-independence period was politically
and highly ethnicised, Muslims remained politically neutral and supported
the major political parties. Therefore, recent history has failed to uncap on
the appreciation of Bandaranaike, which he expressed in the parliament.
He stated that the 'Sinhalese community will never forget this and will
always consider the reasonable demands of the Muslims'.
3
However, successive governments had acted to foster and save the
interest of the majority community while restricting minority right since
independence.
4
The Ceylon Citizenship Act of 1945, which the first
independent Government passed, had disenfranchised the sizeable Indian
Muslim population and despoiled their fundamental human rights.
5
Similarly, official language policy eroded the rights of the minority. It
was called as 'Sinhala only Act'. Jayawardena, the finance minister,
imitated a few different opinions of this policy in 1944. Tamil became a
state language, along with Sinhala, after various efforts. After several
phases, Sinhala was made an official language in 1956 by Bandaranaike.
Further, irrigation-based development projects began after the
independence, followed by all the governments. As a result, significant
irrigation lands that were the property of minorities were taken by the
Government and given to the nearly colonised Sinhalese.
6
1
Mohamed Sameem, p. 36.
2
Ibid.
3
Athambawa Sarjoon, Mohammad Agus Yusoff, and Nordin Hussin, ―Anti-Muslim
Sentiments and Violence: A Major Threat to Ethnic Reconciliation and Ethnic
Harmony in Post-War Sri Lanka,‖ 2016,p4 https://doi.org/10.3390/rel7100125.
4
Farook, p. 14.
5
Mohammad Agus Yusoff, Nordin Hussin, and Athambawa Sarjoon, ―Positioning
Muslims in Ethnic Relations, Ethnic Conflict and Peace Process in Sri Lanka,‖ Asian Social
Science 10, no. 10 (April 29, 2014): p. 202, https://doi.org/10.5539/ASS.V10N10P199.
6
Ibid.
102 Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence in Sri Lanka – Fatima Afra & Thameem Ushama
Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike declared Buddhism as the
state religion in 1970, simultaneously removing section No 29 (2) of the
Soulbury Constitution.
1
Meanwhile, the Tamil minorities who were
were frustrated with Sinhala racist politics founded the Liberation Tigers
of Tamil Elam (LTTE) in 1976. Subsequently, the civil war began in the
middle of 1980 and came to an end in May 2009. The war had extended
for three decades, which caused endless suffering.
Although the Muslim community faced numerous challenges such
as brutal murders, kidnappings, forced displacement, livelihood
deterioration, and their interests at negotiation tables were neglected,
they never supported terrorism or separatist claims during the country's
30 years of civil war. They instead supported the state authorities,
helping to keep the national integrity and ethnic harmony.
2
Meanwhile, Muslim political leaders who supported two major
Sinhalese parties until the 1980s founded a separate political party at
Kattankudy, the 'Sri Lanka Muslim Congress' in 1981 September under
the leadership of the late M.H.M Ashraff. Notably, the SLMC was
founded to address and solve the problems from LTTE due to the
government political parties' indifferences in solving their sufferings.
It is crucial to consider the writings of Haris in his Doctoral thesis that
Muslims were not recognised as egocentric people as they had engaged in
Buddhists' programmes in ignoring cultural and religious distinctions.
Further, both communities lived cooperatively while being associated in
social activities, businesses, and agriculture.
3
Similarly, Ahmad Sunawari
Long and others mentioned that the Sri Lankan Muslims community had
never resorted to violence against the state or the majority but contributed to
not only the ethnic but also the political and regional unity of the country. In
the face of numerous attacks and disasters, Muslims had attempted to seek
political justice and relief peacefully through SLMC.
4
There were several miserable riots recorded in history. Following the
1915 riot, 30 noteworthy Sinhala-Muslim riots, conflicts, and other issues
resulted in riots during the last hundred years. However, after the 1970s,
there were occasional conflicts between Muslims and Sinhalese in
numerous parts of the country, especially after the formation of SLMC
1
―4 Buddhism And The Constitution: The Historiography and Postcolonial Politics of
Section 6 G,‖ n.d.212-213 see: Farook, p. 15.
2
Sarjoon, Yusoff, and Hussin, p. 4.
3
H.L.M Haris, ―Buddhists‘ Perceptions of Islam and Muslims in Sri Lanka:An
Empirical Study in the Context of Da‘wah‖ (International Islamic University Malaysia,
2010), p. 161.
4
Yusoff, Hussin, and Sarjoon, p. 205.
Al-Itqān, Volume 6, Issue No 1, February, 2022 103
Haris mentioned that; according to many Buddhists and their religious
leaders, during the establishment of SLMC, its demanding approach and
procedures have had a significant impact in creating Buddhists'
understanding of Islam and Muslims.
1
In 1976, there was a clash between Muslims and Sinhalese in
Puttalam due to related problems of jobs and lands. Many rumours had
increased the hostility between the two communities. It was recorded
that police had shot several Muslims during the numerous demolitions of
shops and houses by the Sinhalese.
2
In 1982, a personal dispute between
a Sinhala shop owner and a Muslim had caused a massive riot in Galle.
The problem began in Galle Thagedara, which was initially spread
through the Thuwatta Muslim village before eventually spreading to
most of the Muslim areas of Galle. The Thuwatta village had then
suffered from total damage and fire. This village was later reconstructed
by Prime Minister R. Premadasa and renamed 'Samagiwatta Gama'.
3
Further, there were sporadic incidents in the 1990s across the country.
In 1999, Anuradapura, Nochchiyagama had let attacks on shops. At the end
of April 2001, Sinhala mobs attacked unarmed Muslims at Mawanella who
had come to peacefully seek justice after the terrible attack the day before.
The riot destroyed many Muslims' properties, including business centres,
vehicles, houses, mosques, and petrol sheds.
4
After this terrible incident, the parliament members of Kegalle and
Mawanella Muslim leaders discussed the solution and constructed
preventive measures not to let history repeat itself. It was later decided that
both communities needed to lead their people in the path of peace and co-
existence. Moreover, All Ceylon Jammiyathul Ulama (ACJU) convened a
peace convention in Colombo on May 3 2001, to advocate peace initiatives
and ensure Muslims' safety. Likewise, many Islamic organisations,
including Jama'ath Ansaris Sunnathil Mohammadiyya (JASM), Jamaat-e-
Islami, Tawhīd Jamāʻat, and the Sri Lanka branch of World Assembly
Muslim Youth (WAMY) contributed to support Muslims. They also
encouraged calmness to avoid being enraged by the reports of ACJU and
other movements that had many significant matters.
5
The efforts of the Islamic Movements demonstrated that they wanted
Muslims to maintain good relations with the majority ethnic group of the
country and work towards co-existence rather than seeking vengeance or
1
Anes, Ameerdeen, and Vazeel, p. XV.
2
Ibid., pp. 27-45.
3
Rauff Zain, pp. 24-28.
4
Ibid., pp. 36-57.
5
Anes, Ameerdeen, and Vazeel, p. 143.
104 Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence in Sri Lanka – Fatima Afra & Thameem Ushama
perpetuating conflicts. Especially in the closing phases of the civil war,
Muslim political leaders and the people had cast aside their hostility. They
supported the Sri Lankan government authorities in all their actions,
contributing to the nation's liberation from the clutches of terrorism.
Nevertheless, ethnic conflicts occurred in many ways, despite the end
of Sri Lanka's terrorism in 2009. After the civil war, Muslims in Sri Lanka
had difficulty maintaining their Islamic identity while ensuring financial
security. In the emergence of Sinhala nationalist movement’s organisations,
parties had intensified the anti-Muslim sentiments and campaigns. For
instance, Bodu Bala Sena (BBS), Sinhala Ravaya, Rawana Balaya, mainly
consisted of the monks and had imitated social and religious features of the
Muslim community by questing these issues.
1
It generated tension among the Muslims. They lived with suspicion,
particularly in areas where the community was heavily populated. Although
Muslims had been considered loyal to the state for the past years, especially
during the ethnic conflict and civil war, these sentiments had resulted in
misunderstandings and disagreements that might have harmed the peaceful
relationship between Buddhists and Muslims.
2
Buddhists manifested their anti-Muslim sentiments in many ways. For
instance, the anti-halal and anti-Islamic law oppositions, anti-animal
slaughtering, the opposition of Islamic dress code, oppositions of the
practice of Islamic principles and obligations, urges for a boycott of
Muslims' businesses and services. Further, the Buddhists propagated to
avoid interrelation with the Muslim community.
3
BBS, which was the
progression of Sinhala Buddhist's prominent extremist group, promoted
violence and triggered emotions against Muslims. This violence against
Muslims occurred as rumours were spread that Muslims were trying to take
over the country through their population growth, religious activities, and
economic development. Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), Jathika Nidahas
Peramuna and Pivithuru Hela Urumaya political parties additionally
supported the BBS campaigns against Muslims.
4
In 2011, the shrine of Sheikh Sikkandar Waliullah in Anuradhapura,
which was older than four centuries, was demolished by a Buddhist monk
1
Ahamed Sarjoon Razick et al., ―The Recent Hate Campaigns Whether Impacted the
Community Relationship between Buddhists and Muslims in Sri Lanka?,‖ Saudi
Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 7 (2017), p. 484.
2
Ibid.
3
Ibid.
4
Farah Mihlar, ―Religious Change in a Minority Context: Transforming Islam in Sri
Lanka,‖ https://Doi.Org/10.1080/01436597.2019.1632186 40, no. 12 (December 2,
2019): 2153–69: p11 https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2019.1632186.
Al-Itqān, Volume 6, Issue No 1, February, 2022 105
and his henchmen.
1
Following this, many Muslim places of worship and
teaching centres were attacked under the anti-Muslim campaigns. However,
the Government was active in responding to the general issues by stating
greater tolerance. Not to mention, ACJU and the All-Ceylon Muslim
Council had urged the Muslims to react peacefully.
2
Apart from these, BBS had propagated many anti-Muslim sentiments.
In particular, the most severe riots against Muslims had occurred in 2014
and 2018 at Aluthgama and Digana, respectively. These attacks had led to
the murders of lives, injuries, burning of residents and commercial
properties, looting of personal belongings and arson against the Muslim
people. A deadly riot of Aluthgama and Dharga town history was recorded
in June 2014. The riot was set in motion at Aluthgama and had later spread
to Beruwala and Dharga Town.
3
Similarly, in 2018, massive violence was reported in Digna even
before the traces of the 2014 riot were forgotten. Due to a personal issue
between the Sinhala track driver in Teldeniya, Kandy and four Muslim
youths, the driver got hospitalised in the ICU for two weeks. He passed
away later, yet it was determined that the incident did not have any
ethnic motive. Even though the Muslim attackers were arrested soon
after the incident, the Sinhala Buddhist extremist had assigned ethnic
perception as the cause of the incident and spread it around.
When Buddhist nationalist organisations instigated hatred and
violence against Muslims and their religion, the Muslims' cultures rights,
political and Islamic movements have never encouraged them, especially
youth, to resort to violence. On the contrary, they have not taken violence
against the state or other ethnic communities. Nevertheless, despite the
numerous riots, violence, attacks, losses, injuries, murders, and economic
downturn the Muslims face, they have always been a peaceful community.
Muslim religion and community leaders had jointly condemned the
incidents while urging the Government and laws to secure Muslims.
4
Later, reconciliation efforts were initiated by the Muslims and the
community leaders. Non-Muslims were accepted to mosques, Buddhist
1
Farook, p. 22.
2
―Attacks on Places of Religious Worship in Post–War Sri Lanka – Centre for Policy
Alternatives,‖ accessed October 1, 2021,p65 https://www.cpalanka.org/attacks-on-
places-of-religious-worship-in-post-war-sri-lanka/.
3
Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar, Mohamed Abdulla Mohamed Rameez, and
Aboobacker Rameez, ―Muslim Minority in Post-War Sri Lanka: A Case Study of
Aluthgama and Digana Violences,‖ Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9,
no. 6 (November 19, 2020): p60, https://doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0111.
4
Farah Mihlar, ―The Pursuit of Piety and the Quest for Separatism: The Politicisation
of Islam in Sri Lanka‖ (University of London, 2015), p. 12.
106 Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence in Sri Lanka – Fatima Afra & Thameem Ushama
monks were welcomed to Islamic events, and Muslims and their leaders
participated in Buddhists' communal and religious activities. Distinctly,
ACJU played a key role by implementing various projects. Further, each
of the Islamic Organisations had operated its unique way.
1
Sulochana Peiris mentioned that the current constitutional and legal
framework in Sri Lanka provides sufficient protection and structure to avoid
religious violence, according to researcher Gunatilleke, who conducted
considerable research on post-war ethnoreligious violence. Regrettably, the
lack of application is the fundamental issue within this framework.
2
Likewise, Meegahajandure Sirivimala Thero, the Chief Monk of Naga
Vihara, Jaffna, stated that politicians were utilising the sentiments of people
to spread misconceptions about other communities for their advantage by
using divide and rule policy.
3
It is noteworthy to consider that in Haris's doctoral thesis findings,
most Sinhalese in Sri Lanka are favourable towards Muslims in general.
They wish to live in harmony with the Muslims who are of the minority.
They also think Muslims should be granted absolute rights if they
properly request them.
4
The historical relationship of Muslims with other faiths was
destroyed by the Easter Sunday attack, the worst terror attack on April
21 2019. Moreover, it was subjected to severe questioning of Muslim
leaders' typically systematic and well-organised religious measures. The
Easter Sunday attack, which occurred in April 2019, was considered the
deadliest attack in Sri Lanka since the Civil war ended in 2009.
The event became a turning point for the Muslim community for their
religious identity and representation in Sri Lanka because the National
Tawhīd Jamāʻat, Jamaathe Millaathe Ibrahim (JMI), had links with ISIS
were involved. As Amjad stated, being a Muslim has become an accusation
and becoming the target of religious affiliation almost overnight.
5
Although prior information was given to the Sri Lanka security
forces about the planned attacks on churches and hotels, the information
1
Ibid., pp. 13-14.
2
Sulochana Peiris, ―AN INTRODUCTION TO IN SRI LANKA,‖ (2019), p. 20.
3
Ibid., p. 21.
4
Haris, p. 255.
5
Amjad Mohamed-Saleem, ―Tackling Challenges for the Sri Lankan Muslims in the
Wake of the Easter Sunday Attacks,‖ Insights, accessed October 1, 2021: p. 5.
https://www.academia.edu/40028678/TACKLING_CHALLENGES_FOR_THE_SRI_L
ANKAN_MUSLIMS_IN_THE_WAKE_OF_THE_EASTER_SUNDAY_ATTACKS.
Al-Itqān, Volume 6, Issue No 1, February, 2022 107
was not utilised to prevent the attack due to a lack of updates or
cooperation on intelligence and operations.
1
To be clear, even more so than any other religious community in Sri
Lanka, the Muslim community is still reeling from the fact that the
incident was planned and carried out by a group of Muslims. It is
devastating as Islam has never encouraged extremism or violence against
any human being. Therefore, ACJU declared their condemnation of all
forms of violence and extremism as a joint declaration on July 21 2019.
However, However, a community should not be generalised with
practising anti-ethnic sentiments. Generally, not all religious followers
are racists, be it in Buddhism, Islam, or other faiths. Further, the people
of Sri Lanka have understood this reality well. By analysing ongoing
arguments, statements, and shreds of evidence, Muslims and Buddhists
still live in Sri Lanka with mutual understanding and harmony despite
the riots, violence and terror attacks occurring throughout history. It is
remarkable the Gunatilleke revealed that over 50% of attacks were non-
physical and were only related to speech, hate and propaganda. As for
perpetrated political actors or social movements, more than 50% of the
attacks and multiple attacks were connected to BBS.
2
Also, extensive research covering recommendations and discussions
on religious co-existence in Sri Lanka indicates that people of the
country are still attempting to retain harmony in the state, mainly
through the engagement of researchers of all races. It is certain that all
ethnic groups, particularly Buddhists and Muslims, wish to live in
harmony with mutual understanding and cooperation.
Conclusion
This study examined the historical interaction between Muslims and
Buddhists since Muslims first arrived. Following the discussion on how
separation from colonial rule in Sri Lanka began, the status of Buddhist-
Muslim relations after the independence was emphasised. Moreover, the
causes of the fissures in the relationship between the two communities
were also examined.
This historical analysis revealed that co-existence between Buddhist
and Muslim communities originated with mutual understanding and
cooperation and continued until colonial rule. It gradually cracked
1
―The Attacks in Sri Lanka and Trends in Salafi Jihadist Activity on JSTOR,‖ accessed
October 1, 2021: p. 2. https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep19474?seq=1#metadata_info
_tab_contents.
2
Peiris, p. 22.
108 Buddhist-Muslim Religious Co-Existence in Sri Lanka – Fatima Afra & Thameem Ushama
throughout the Portuguese period due to various causes, and it was further
fractured during the British reign due to the divide and rule strategy.
Following independence, political, social, and religious elements had
influenced both communities' relationships. At its end, the civil war became
known as a terrible period for Muslims. The emergence of Sinhala
nationalist organisations and their various anti-Muslim campaigns called the
Buddhist-Muslim relationship in Sri Lanka was also discussed. As a result,
the leading Sinhala-Buddhist national movement BBS has provoked several
riots and violence against Muslims and Islam. Unfortunately, the Easter
Sunday massacre, which was the most significant terror attack in history
dated April 21 2019, widened the divide between Buddhists and Muslims
and further tarnished Muslims' image.
Despite many misconceptions, hostility, and uprisings, both groups
strive for a peaceful, coexisting life and insist on state unity. As a result,
the author suggests both communities take meaningful and competent
initiatives with the collaboration of the Government to ensure a peaceful
co-existence in the country. The Islamic organisations that represent the
community should use a skilled methodology to inculcate co-existence
among various faiths by adhering to Islamic guidelines.
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AL-ITQĀN
February 2022
Issue No. 1
Volume: 6
EDITOR IN-CHIEF
Dr. Wan Mohd Azam Mohd Amin
MANAGING EDITOR
Dr. Masitoh Ahmad
EDITORIAL BOARD
Dr. Muhammad Afifi al-Akiti, Oxford
Dr. Muhammad Kamal Hassan, IIUM
Dr. Syed Arabi Aidid, IIUM.
Dr. Hassan Basri Mat Dahan, Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia,
Nilai, Negeri Sembilan.
Dr. Kamaruzaman Yusuff, Universiti Malaysia Sarawak,
Kota Semarahan, Kucing.
Dr. Kamar Oniah, IIUM.
Dr. Mumtaz Ali, IIUM.
Dr. Siti Akmar, Universiti Institut Teknologi MARA, Shah Alam
Dr. Thameem Ushama, IIUM.
JOURNAL OF ISLAMIC SCIENCES AND COMPARATIVE STUDIES
