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Original Article
Journalism
2022, Vol. 0(0) 1–21
© The Author(s) 2022
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DOI: 10.1177/14648849221114948
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Public service media for better
democracies: Testing the role
of perceptual and structural
variables in shaping citizens’
evaluations of public television
Marcela Campos-Rueda and Manuel Goyanes
Department of Communication, Carlos III University, Madrid, Spain
Abstract
As PSM change and adapt –with variable outcomes–to a digital and multiplatform en-
vironment, their roles and functions are overly under severe scrutiny. The normative
expectations of PSM and their performance have been extensively discussed from a
theoretical and regulatory approach, but studies from an audience perspective are still
rather scarce. If PSM’s primary stakeholder is to be considered the citizenship it serves, it
is, therefore, vital to understand what is valuable to society and how citizens assess PSM’s
performance. Drawing upon representative survey data from Spain (N = 1717), this study
examines the role played by structural and perceptual variables in accounting for the
citizen’s assessment of the national public broadcaster (TVE), considering six roles:
watchdog, analysis, mobilization, public forum, social empathy, and information. Findings
first indicate that perceptions of independence and citizens’evaluation of TVE’s jour-
nalists are positively associated with all dimensions of TVE evaluations. However, when
exploring the role of political knowledge, results indicate a negative association with some
of PSM’s most critical functions. All in all, our research illustrates that, despite all the
changes in the media landscape, when it comes to delivering the news, citizens seem to
stick to values traditionally associated with PSM: independent and qualified journalism
trained for and committed to the public service of delivering accurate and unbiased
information.
Corresponding author:
Manuel Goyanes, Department of Communication, Carlos III University, Calle Madrid 133, Madrid, Spain.
Email: mgoyanes@hum.uc3m.es
Keywords
Public service media, democracy, independence, political knowledge, watchdog role, role
performance, journalism, TVE
The transition from the traditional Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) to a new model that
is up to the challenges of a constantly changing media environment has not been typically
smooth (Horowitz, 2015). As some media scholars have suggested, it can be described as
an ongoing process (Donders, 2021;Ramsey, 2018a,2018b). From a theoretical per-
spective, though the term Public Service Media (PSM) is widely accepted, what it en-
compasses is still under debate. For instance, while some research presents PSM as an
evolution of PSB, focusing on its multimedia development and reach (Campos-Freire,
2013;Enli, 2008;Medina and Ojer, 2011), others call for a more profound transformation
with citizens at its center, emphasizing values such as participation and representation
(Jacubowizc, 2007).
Picone and Donders (2020:348) bring both visions together and define PSM as “the
provision of media services, across devices and platforms, that contributes to the
democratic, cultural and social well-being of society”. This depiction is also broad enough
to include diverse operational models. In Europe, public media services are almost
exclusively entrusted to public broadcasting entities that have shown varying degrees of
difficulty in changing and adapting to the digital and multiplatform environment
(Mastrini, 2011;Donders, 2021). The first roadblock in the process was for public
broadcasters to understand public media beyond radio and television, but external
challenges were and are plenty. Against this backdrop, it is hard for PSM to compete and
move fast in this new landscape where lack of privacy, automated recommendations, and
personalization play a key role and are designed to optimize user engagement regardless
of quality or diversity (Milano et al., 2020).
The normative conception of PSM is being contested from both a liberal market failure
perspective and a populist anti-elite standpoint (Sehl et al., 2020; Tumber & Zelizer,
2019). These challenging patterns can, in time, be the best arguments to support PSM’s
livelihood and relevance in a multiplatform environment (Donders, 2021), where the key
players have evolved untouched by the regulations that have historically safeguarded the
media system in democratic societies (Garcia-Leiva, 2019,2020;Miguel De Bustos and
Izquierdo-Castillo, 2019;Napoli, 2019). To face the commercial and political arguments
that erode its legitimacy, PSM must nourish and perfect the connections with its audiences
(Sehl, 2020), which requires a deep knowledge of their perceptions and expectations
regarding its service (Martin & Lowe, 2014).
This study takes on this call and focuses on how citizens’perception of PSM shapes
their evaluations of its performance by testing the predictive role of perceptual (perception
of independence and journalists’performance) and structural (political knowledge)
variables. To assess performance, we have focused on Schudon’s (2008) enumeration of
the leading media functions in a democratic society (see Table A1). Drawing upon data
from a national survey of the Spanish adult population (N = 1717), our results show that
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both perceptions of independence and performance of TVE journalists are positively
related to all role dimensions of TVE performance. In contrast, political knowledge yields
a negative relation with four roles: watchdog, analysis, mobilization, and public forum,
defined as its mandate to promote an open and constructive public debate.This study
contributes to current discussions on the public value of PSB and its performance from an
audience perspective, arguing that citizens’perceptions of independence and journalistic
performance are still, if they have ever not been, in paramount positions to explain
citizens’evaluation of PSM performance.
The role and function of public service media
Prior scholarship has suggested that the need for a public service-oriented media system
lies not in the failures of the market but in its core role to preserve and promote democracy
by providing access to unbiased information and facts on which to build common ground
and encourage a fruitful debate (Sehl, 2020;Donders, 2021). In a high choice media
environment (Van Aelst et al., 2017), public media must provide a go-to source for trusted
and unbiased information for citizens to face well-informed personal and political de-
cisions (Picone and Donders, 2020). Concentration and internationalization also update
and invigorate PSM’s mandates regarding access, independence, diversity, and national
identity (Campos-Freire & Castro, 2021).
The question of how PSM should perform and how to assess this performance has been
extensively treated from a theoretical and regulatory angle (Donders, 2021). Still, scholars
have only recently decided to approach the subject from an audience perspective that, with
the citizen at its center, can help to understand better the public value of PSM beyond a
merely normative perspective. Although this approach is still scarce, media performance
research increasingly deals with the audience’s expectations, perceptions, and evaluations
of PSM (Maurer, 2017).
Public expectations and perceptions of media matter because they significantly affect
its ability to inform and engage with the audience (Lambe et al., 2004). Extant research on
media perceptions focuses on schemas about how media operates and judgments of how
they meet certain expectations (Pfeifer, 2018). Media perceptions go hand in hand with
expectations; what we expect and define as desirable and what we deem essential
eventually dictates our assessment of things (Wolling, 2009). As for how expectations and
perceptions affect communication processes, research provides strong indications that
perceptions of the source, particularly its credibility, mediate the message effects (Perse,
2001). Also, uses and gratifications research suggests that the audience’s media role
expectations also impact its effects (Perse, 2001;Rubin, 2009).
In this context, and following Annika Sehl’s (2020) literature review, there is common
ground to assume that (1) audiences can assess media performance, at least to a certain
degree (Urban and Schweiger, 2014), (2) the audience’s expectations of media, regarding
its journalistic roles, highly coincide with normative media performance criteria, namely
watchdog, analysis, mobilization, public forum, social empathy, and information func-
tions (Sehl, 2020), and (3) media evaluation and media trust tend to be positively related to
news consumption (Gil De Zuñiga and Hinsley, 2013;Goyanes, 2020; Tsfati, 2010).
Campos-Rueda and Goyanes 3
Considering the above and the fact that, at least in Western Europe, citizens’ex-
pectations towards PSM remain unchanged (Goyanes et al., 2020), it stands to reason that
the three Reithian principles to educate, inform and entertain are still fundamental drivers
of the audience’s demands. Accordingly, citizens’expectations of PSM performance are
mainly framed on its power to inform, following the normative criteria, educate, and
entertain while remaining true to its core values of independence, excellence, diversity,
accountability, and innovation. Notwithstanding the impact of financial and regulatory
aspects, the future of PSM lies in its legitimacy, in the interplay between its ability to
sustain core values and the actual value perceived by all its stakeholders. Thus, it is crucial
to understand both expectations and evaluations of its main ally: the citizens and the
societies they serve and support (Donders, 2021).
Independence perceptions and role performance of public media
Independence is a core normative principle of journalism and, despite the lack of
consensus and contextual limitations around its definition (Karppinen and Moe, 2016), it
remains a relevant concept as much as it provides a positive “utopian ideal”for journalists,
media, regulators, and scholars (Benett, 2015). As Karppinen and Moe (2016) discussed,
the question around media independence is topical, and the debate around its meaning has
regained traction. Digitalization and the new power of transnational platforms and search
engines open new challenges when discussing from whom and how media should be
independent. The authors also point out that “commercial media actors have actively
sought to reframe the distinction between commercial and public media as a choice
between “independent”and “state media”(Karppinen and Moe, 2016: p. 106), while
ignoring or downplaying other sources of influence such as advertising, ownership or
lobbies. As much as this contestation can harm PSM, it also reveals the importance of
independence as a source of legitimacy and distinction for media.
Extant research has approached independence as a multidimensional concept
(Hanretty, 2011). Accordingly, the PSM mandate for independence refers not only to the
absence of interference from the government but also from all political and economic
forces (EBU, 2012). It includes unconditional financial support to fulfill its remit and not
be subject to market pressures and influences (Polonska and Beckett, 2019). As a diffuse
mechanism, independence appears at multiple levels, from the institutional to the in-
dividual journalism practice in the newsroom (Shoemaker and Reese, 2014).
Interventions, or perceptions of intervention, break the normative understanding of
how news media, particularly PSM, should operate, challenging its ability to realize its
most basic remit: to provide universal access to balanced and unbiased information. On
this backdrop, research has systematically illustrated that there is a clear impact of in-
dependence, or the lack of it thereof, on other dimensions of media performance such as
diversity, empathy, its role as a public forum, and watchdog role (Fawzi and Mothes,
2020). Nevertheless, as much as institutional, political, and economic independence, its
perception by citizens is central to PSM legitimacy (Karppinen and Moe, 2016;Lamuedra
et al., 2019).
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As pointed out, amongst others by Donders (2021) and Str ¨
omb¨
ack et al. (2020), PSM
or any media will not fulfill its mission to inform and connect citizens if they feel distrust
or do not consume them. Perception of independence is highly correlated with media trust,
which in turn reflects on the overall assessment of media (Knudsen et al., 2021;Ladd,
2012). Though a positive association is widely accepted, the relations between media trust
and media consumption are complex (Str ¨
omb¨
ack et al., 2020). If, as for commercial
media, reach and viewership are the assessment metrics, trust might not be a necessary
part of the equation to achieve performance. But, in a digital high-choice environment,
PSM should provide tools to navigate the sea of information, disinformation, and partisan
media. If PSM must “make sure that when needed, people can turn to a source of relevant
information, (then) a degree of trust becomes essential”(Picone and Donders, 2020:
p. 351). And trust calls for self-governing media.
When referring to western democracies, there is agreement amongst scholars that
independence is a critical normative standard for media and particularly for PSM. This
agreement extends to the fact that the audiences’expectations tend to be aligned with
normative standards. Considering the above, we present our first hypothesis:
H1. Independence perceptions of TVE is positively associated with citizens’as-
sessments on (a) the watchdog, (b) analysis, (c) mobilization, (d) public forum,
(e) empathy, and (f) information role of TVE
Perceptions of TVE journalists and role performance of
public media
To date, journalism and media scholars have extensively studied journalistic roles in
Western democracies and their contribution to the public debate (McQuail, 2013). The
tenets of good journalism can be summarized as providing citizenship with accurate,
balanced, and relevant information while remaining an independent watchdog (Kovach
and Rosenstiel, 2021). Media and journalism are instrumental, in Western democracies, to
citizens’free and well-informed decisions (Kovach and Rosenstiel, 2021). The audience
largely accepts this normative vision regarding both expectations towards journalists (Vo s
et al., 2019) and the understanding that media is, to some extent, responsible for a well-
functioning democratic society (Tsafy & Ariely, 2014).
The relevance of citizens’perception of journalists’performance goes beyond its
impact on other dimensions of media performance. A shared vision of what society
demands from both journalism and media is a tool for the audience to evaluate media,
news, and journalists (Gil De Zuñiga et al., 2018). As fake news and infotainment content
challenge journalism, its norms’relevance grows because they help establish boundaries
between professional and non-professional news.
When discussing media performance, measures such as trust, independence, or bias,
can be analyzed at different levels: from media as an institution to media types, brands, the
news itself, and the individual journalists that produce or deliver information (Goyanes
and Campos Rueda, 2022). However, it is yet unclear how the different levels of analyses
affect each other and relate to other aspects of media evaluation (Str ¨
omb¨
ack et al., 2020).
Campos-Rueda and Goyanes 5
Some studies suggest that low evaluations of journalists’performance amplify low levels
of media trust (Obermaier et al., 2021). When asked to assess media trust, respondents
refer alternatively to media outlets and journalists when evaluating independence and
professionalism (Knudsen et al., 2021). Other studies infer that citizens’assessment of
journalistic performance influences news use, which in turn has a positive relation with
media evaluation and civic participation (Bakker and De Vreese, 2011;Gil De Zuñiga
et al., 2018).
Journalists are the ones closer to the news and the audience. They are often named “the
face of the news”in broadcast television and are concrete figures the audience can relate to
and identify with. Despite the lack of an established consensus regarding how and if
journalists’performance affects media evaluation, we can account for an overlap in the
evaluation criteria of journalists and media. Previous research has also established the
alignment of audience expectations with normative performance categories (Sehl, 2020)
and provided empirical evidence that perceptions of how journalists perform can impact
media consumption and assessment (Gil De Zuñiga et al., 2018). Given these premises,
we draw our second hypothesis:
H2. Performance perceptions of TVE journalists are positively associated with citi-
zens’assessments of (a) the watchdog, (b) analysis, (c) mobilization, (d) public forum,
(e) empathy, and (f) information role of TVE.
Political knowledge and role performance of public media
An informed citizen is the cornerstone of democracy, and the ultimate reason public
broadcasting exists. Political knowledge, defined by Carpini and Keeter (1996) as “the
range of factual information about politics that is stored in long-term memory”is a
fundamental construct for both media and journalism studies. Though its measurement is
permanently being discussed and adapted (Lupia, 2016), it is widely accepted that besides
the ability and interest to learn about politics, the opportunity to do so is a critical factor in
its growth (Carpini and Keeter, 1996).
As a legion of studies demonstrated, despite the changes in repertoires and con-
sumption habits, media remain a primary source of knowledge about public affairs and
politics, especially for short-term and contextual information (Castro et al., 2021;Jord ´
a
et al., 2021;Van Aelst et al., 2017). This positive association between media exposure and
political knowledge appears firmer for legacy media and professional online outlets
(Castro et al., 2021). Previous research also shows that easy access to quality and plural
information has a leveling impact on society and reduces the role of individual agency
regarding news use and its effects (Castro et al., 2021). The consensus that media ex-
posure is positively related to political knowledge extends to the caveat that this sign is
contingent on the content presented and its ability to appear relevant within its media
environment (De Vreese and Boomgaarden, 2006).
As exposed, interactions between media use and political knowledge have been subject
to extensive research and debate. Other associations have also been explored, providing
empirical data on the relations between neighboring concepts and media performance.
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Some scholars have suggested a negative impact of media literacy and knowledge on
media ownership on media evaluation (Ashley et al., 2010). Others that individuals with
stronger political opinions, a characteristic associated with higher levels of political
knowledge, tend to perceive balanced reporting as biased against their views and, thereby,
more prone to influence (McLeod et al., 2017). Still, the association between political
knowledge and media assessment has not been extensively studied, nor does the available
data predict its nature. The following research question addresses this gap, which is
particularly relevant when evaluating PSM since its core mission is to contribute to
citizens’political knowledge, awareness, and involvement in public life. Accordingly, we
pose the following research question:
RQ1. Is political knowledge associated with citizens’assessments of (a) the watchdog,
(b) analysis, (c) mobilization, (d) public forum, (e) empathy, and (f) information role of
TVE
PSM in the Spanish context: Recent regulatory changes and
consumption trends
Born in the Spanish Civil War context and consolidated during Franco’s dictatorship,
Spain’s public broadcaster (TVE) functioned as a propaganda tool for those in power
(Gutierrez, 2012). After 40 years of the country enjoying a full functioning democracy,
debates about its lack of independence still cast a shadow on TVE (Goyanes et al., 2021a;
López Cepeda, 2012). This comes as no surprise, given that both attitudes towards media
and behavioral outcomes related to news consumption can be, following Hallin and
Mancini (2011), in part explained by history and culture.
Since the 1980 Statute of Radio and Television was dictated, there have been several
attempts to deal with this issue, including the current 2006 law that transformed Spain’s
PSM system. Its main goal was "to provide state-owned radio and television with a legal
framework that guarantees their independence, neutrality, and objectivity." A brief period
of enhanced independence and audience surge in TVE’s news services followed
(Humanes and Alonso, 2015;Madariaga and Lamuedra Grav´
an, 2016), accompanied by a
strong bet on high-quality fiction such as ´
Aguila Roja and Isabel that gave the national
broadcasters strong numbers, awards, and distribution revenues (Ramos, 2013).
Despite these results, far from closing the debate, the 2006 law has been subject to
several reforms and counter-reforms. In 2011, a Royal Decree modified it to accommodate
the appointment of the president of RTVE by a simple majority on a second round, thus de
facto annulling political balance and control mechanisms in the process (Goyanes et al.,
2021b).
The latest reform introduced in 2017 establishes an open public process to appoint new
authorities. Since the different blocks in parliament were unable to reach an agreement,
from July 2018 to March 2021, the Spanish Television and Radio Corporation was under
an interim administration. When consensus finally arrived, it reflected the intense po-
larization of Spanish politics, and TVE’s managing bodies replicated the divisive lines
Campos-Rueda and Goyanes 7
drawn in parliament (Bustamante, 2021). Our study took place right after the public
hearings and negotiations to end this anomaly.
Once the dominant free-to-air network, TVE was able to stand competition from
private broadcasters (Mediaset and Antena 3) entering the markets in the 1990s. Though
pay cable and satellite television never took off in Spain, streaming platforms’entrance
into the market was radically different. Spanish viewers embraced them, changing their
habits and the advertising markets (Garc´
ıa-Leiva, 2019). According to recent data, 57% of
Spanish consumers use at least one subscription-based streaming service (AIMC, 2021).
In this context, TVE’s strategy regarding plataformization includes a more substantial
social media presence, a complete redesign of its online offer RTVE a la carte that was
renamed RTVE play, and the launch in 2017 of Playz. This online-only brand offers
content to young audiences through video and social media platforms.
The Public Broadcaster’s reach has steadily declined in the past 6 years, reaching its
lowest point. Regular viewers have gone from 65% in 2016% to 54% in 2021, excluding
news segments that remained stable until this past year. In 2021 they fell five percentage
points, capturing only 35% of Spaniards as regular viewers (CNMC, 2020). The pan-
demic’s news fatigue might bias this last result, but it must be followed closely.
Method
Data for this study come from a quota-based online survey of the general Spanish
population representative for age, gender, and education. Responses were fielded during
May and June of 2021 via an online access panel (Qualtrics). Of the 6392 individuals that
entered the survey, 4123 were over-quotas. A total of 2269 respondents completed the
questionnaire, leaving us with a 35% response rate. The data cleaning process excluded
systematic responses and questionnaires with a response time inferior by 2/3 of the
average 9.27 min. Our final sample amounted to N = 1717. As for the demographic
breakdown, 50.1% of respondents were female, the median age was 45.2%, and 30.6%
held a college degree. The 42.2% sample belonged to the 1000/2000 income bracket. All
participants received an incentive for their participation.
Dependent and independent variables
Audience assessment of TVE Performance
Following normative media functions and previous research on media performance
(Pfeifer, 2018), we adapted the 16-item construct developed by Fawzi and Mothes (2020)
to measure media performance. We asked respondents to rate, using a ten-point Likert
scale (1= complete disagreement –10 = complete agreement), TVE’s delivery on six areas
that reflect Schudon’s (2008) enumeration of what the media can and must bring to a
democratic society: watchdog, analysis, mobilization, information, empathy, and public
forum (see Table A1).
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(1) Watchdog role (2 item average scale; Spearman-Brown ρ= 0.77; M = 4.65; SD =
2.53). This function encompasses the different aspects of the media as a watchdog
of political and economic power or what other authors have identified as its
investigative or adversarial role (Weaver et al., 2007).
(2) Analysis function by providing citizens with interpretations about why and how
things happen and assesses the implications news have at an individual and
collective level (Pfiefer, 2018) (3 item average scale; α= 0.92; M = 4.92; SD =
2.38).
(3) Mobilization is understood as a call to get involved in the community’s life and
democratic institutions. This function must not necessarily be linked to partisan
politics or journalism (4 item average scale; α= 0.93; M = 5.06; SD = 2.38).
(4) Information is the most undoubted, traditional, and discussed function of media
and the press: “to provide citizens with the input they need to make free and
knowledgeable decisions”(single item, M = 4.94; SD = 2.71).
(5) Social empathy is an often-overlooked function that brings to the forefront the
role of media in giving a voice to those less privileged and fostering the un-
derstanding of different human experiences (2 item average scale; Spearman-
Brown ρ= 0.70; M = 5.15; SD = 2.42).
(6) Public forum function covers the need to promote social and political conver-
sation (Rosen, 2000) that includes diverse perspectives and groups (4 item
average scale; Cronbach’sα= 0.92; M = 4.91; SD = 2.40).
Perceptions of Journalists Performance
To rate respondents’perceptions of journalists’performance, we used six items selected
based on existing literature regarding journalistic role ideals and journalistic role per-
formance (Mellado et al., 2020) (6 items –see Table A2 –,α= 0.96; M = 4.22; SD = 2.35).
Perceptions of Independence
This construct was measured using a seven-item construct based on the normative
definition of PSM´s independence (EBU, 2012;Hanretty, 2011) (7 item average scale; α=
0.86; M = 4.27; SD = 1.87).
Political knowledge
We used a 6-item additive index adapted from Gil De Zuñiga (2012) to assess re-
spondents’political knowledge. Respondents were asked about current affairs both on a
national and international level and about the functioning of the Spanish political and
institutional system (see Table A2). Correct answers were coded as one and incorrect or
’don’t know’answers as zero (λ= 0.57; M = 4.02; SD = 2.04).
Campos-Rueda and Goyanes 9
Controls
To isolate the effects of our main predictor variables and following previous studies
(Ladd, 2012),we included different blocks related to respondents’media consumption
and political predispositions. First, socio-demographics were computed following
standard measurements: age (M = 44.2; SD = 14.2), gender (50.1% female), race (94.4%
caucasian), education, and income. To measure income and education, we followed the
categorizations used by Spain’s National Statistics Institute (INE, 2020). As preexisting
political attitudes are related to media trust and hence media perceptions and evaluation
(Morris, 2007; Tsfati & Ariely, 2014), we have included the following constructs amongst
our control variables.
Political Ideology
Considering that ideology and attachments to political parties predict trust in the media
(Jones, 2004;Westley and Severin, 1964), media bias perceptions (Morris, 2007), and
media use and preference (Morris, 2007;Tsfati and Cappella, 2003), we included political
ideology amongst our control variables. We asked participants to rate “themselves”and
their views on "social" and "economic" issues on a 10-point Likert scale, one being
strongly to the left and ten strongly to the right (3 item average scale; Cronbach’sα= 0.93;
M = 4.98; SD = 2.24).
Political interest
This construct was computed by asking individuals to rate, on a scale from 1 to 10, “their
interest”and “level of attention”regarding news about public affairs and politics
(Spearman-Brown ρ= 0.95; M = 6.56; SD = 2.45).
Political Trust
An overall assessment of respondent trust in the Spanish political system and its in-
stitutions was measured by asking respondents to rate on a scale from 1 to 10, their
personal level of trust in the "Spanish government" and the country’s "political" and
"justice" systems (3 items average scale; α= 0.81; M = 4.11; SD = 2.19).
News consumption
We included this control block following previous research that shows that news use
reflects on the perceptions of media (Mothes, 2017), and when it comes to traditional
media, it does so in a positive way (Gil De Z ´
uniga & Hinsley, 2013). This construct taps
on participants’responses on how frequently, on average, they consumed six different
types of online (“online newspapers,”“news sites,”“blogs)”and traditional media
(“newspapers,”“radio,”“linear television”). We used a 10-point Likert scale where 1
stood for never and 10 for several times a day. Responses were re-coded as online news
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consumption (3 items average scale; α= 0.61; M = 5.72; SD = 2.35) and traditional news
consumption (3 items average scale; α= 0.79; M = 5.68; SD = 2.05)
TVE consumption
To measure public television consumption, we included 7 TVE outlets, from both its
lineal and digital service as well as its national and local offer (7 items; Cronbach’s
α=0.84; M = 3.54; SD = 1.83).
Results
At a descriptive level, results show an average to low citizens’assessment of TVE´s
performance. The highest scores were given to its performance in its empathy (M = 5.15;
SD = 2.42) and mobilization roles (M = 5.06 SD = 2.38); followed by its performance as
an information source (M = 4.94; SD = 2.71) and its analysis (M = 4.92; SD = 2.38) and
public forum functions (M = 4.92; SD = 2.40). The lowest rate corresponds to TVE´s
ability to hold power accountable (M = 4.65; SD = 2.53). Rates for perceptions of in-
dependence are the lowest amongst our measures (M = 4.27 SD = 1.87). As for TVE´s
journalists, they have a slightly better assessment than the public broadcaster (M = 5.22
SD = 2.35).
In Table 1 we reported the results of the regression analysis. Our first hypothesis (H1)
predicted a positive association between performance perceptions of independence and
TVE performance. Results of the regression analysis revealed a positive association
between our variable of interest and (a) the watchdog (β= 0.138; p< 0.001), (b) analysis
(β= 0.119; p< 0.001), (c) mobilization (β= 0.097; p< 0.001), (d) public forum (β= 0.119;
p< 0.001), (e) empathy (β= 0.044; p< 0.001), and (f) information (β= 0.137 p< 0.001)
functions. Accordingly, H1 was fully supported.
Our second hypothesis (H2) predicted a positive association between citizens’as-
sessments of TVE´s journalists and TVE performance. Results of the regression analysis
revealed a positive association between our variable of interest and (a) watchdog (β=
0.562; p< 0.001), (b) analysis (β= 0.669; p< 0.001, (c) mobilization (β= 0.683; p<
0.001), (d) public forum (β= 0.677; p< 0.001), (e) empathy (β= 0.657; p< 0.001), and (f)
information (β= 0.582 p< 0.001) role of TVE. Accordingly, H2 was fully supported.
Finally, RQ3 inquired about the potential relation between political knowledge and
citizens’perception of the TVE’s performance. Results of the regression analysis revealed
a negative association between political knowledge and (a) watchdog (β=0.095; p<
0.001), (b) analysis (β= 0.047; p< 0.001), (c) mobilization (β=0.035; p< 0.05), and (d)
public forum (β=0.045; p< 0.01) functions of the Spanish PSB, and a lack of as-
sociation with the (e) social empathy and (f) information function.
Amongst our control variables, in line with prior scholarship, TVE Consumption
shows a statistically significant association with all TVE evaluations: (a) watchdog (β=
0.154; p< 0.001), (b) analysis (β= 0.115; p< 0.001), (c) mobilization (β= 0.118; p<
0.001), (d) public forum (β= 0.111; p< 0.001), (e) empathy (β= 0.107; p< 0.001), and (f)
Campos-Rueda and Goyanes 11
Information (β= 0.140; p< 0.001) role of TVE. Our models explained between 57% and
69% of the six independent variables variance.
Discussion
Considering the normative functions of PSM and literature supporting the audience
adherence to this frame, this study focuses on the role of perceptions of independence and
journalists’performance as well as levels of political knowledge in shaping citizens’PSM
evaluations. The explanatory power shown by independence perceptions and journalists’
performance in citizens’evaluations aligns with the relationships previously established
between perceptions of independence, media trust, and performance (Bakker and De
Vreese, 2011;Gil De Zuñiga et al., 2018). It also reaffirms that the audience’s expectations
overlap with the normative vision of PSM, where independence and professionalism,
understood as commitments to truth-telling, freedom from faction, and accountability, has
a central role. Findings of a negative association of political knowledge with performance
align with previous literature regarding political knowledge, consumption, and media
perceptions (Aarts et al., 2012;Ashley et al., 2010;McLeod et al., 2017). All in all, this
study contributes to our current understanding of the association between audience
perceptions/depositions and PSM evaluations.
First, independence is a prerequisite for media to be considered a public service
(Blumler, 2016). As much as it is a part of every definition of public service media, it
remains an always perfectible, elusive quality. Tensions and flaws in achieving or
maintaining PSM’s autonomy are a central argument for those who contest their need and
value for society. The concept has been primarily approached in theoretical and regulatory
studies but less so in empirical research. Our model infers a positive association between
perceptions of independence and performance that extends to all functions.
Still, it follows a logical gradient being more decisive for the watchdog, information,
and analysis roles where independence is critical and highlighting the audiences’ability to
assess media and the normative nature of their expectations towards PSM. All stake-
holders and decision-makers should note the citizens’poor assessment of TVE’s inde-
pendence, considering how it affects its overall performance. The numbers coincide with
other studies and place Spain way behind the numbers PSM show in the northern
countries (Mitchell et al., 2018;Reuters Institute, 2021). Perceived and actual political
intervention in PSM is an endemic problem in Spain. Neglected in the past years, it might
explain in part the constant fall of TVE’s reach (Barlovento, 2021) and, contrasting with
other European PSM, why it was not able to stand as the first choice for information
amongst Spanish citizens during the COVID 19 pandemic (Barlovento, 2020). Beyond
emphasizing the need for a permanent revision and evaluation of journalistic standards,
positive perceptions of independence might be harder to achieve in polarized societies,
adding extra pressure on PSM. The combination of low perceptions of independence with
growing populist voices in Spanish society should be alarming not only for PSM, and
indeed a call to action for its governance.
The more positive look on TVE’s social empathy and mobilization roles can be seen be
as an asset to “engage in a critical and constructive mental dialogue with their audiences”
12 Journalism 0(0)
(d’Haenens, 2021: p. 452). Reflective diversity does not seem to suffice, and responsive
diversity is needed to promote critical thinking that can go beyond divisive views. This
approach requires cognitive empathy and tapping into the right emotional connection with
the audience (Blumler, 2001).
Though these complex relations still need further attention, how the audience perceives
and rates PSM journalists matters. Besides the model’s inferred impact on overall per-
formance, citizenship’s perception that professionals are delivering “good journalism”
can help kickstart or strengthen what scholarship has described as the “virtuous circle”of
news consumption and citizens’engagement in public life (Norris, 2000;Str ¨
omb¨
ack et al.,
2010).
It is interesting to point out how the relation between journalists’performance and
evaluations is weaker regarding the information and adversarial roles. This finding is also
in line with previous research that shows discrepancies between the audience and the
journalists’assessments of their performance (Gil De Zuñiga and Hinsley, 2013). The
latter tend to rate themselves higher in their adversarial and information roles, while the
audiences perceive a more significant influence of power on journalists (Obermaier et al.,
2021). These results hint at the audience’s perceptions regarding decision-making in TVE
and how the poor assessments of TVE’s independence could be partially explained by
Spain’s history.
The negative relation between political knowledge and TVE performance, which is
more robust and significant for the critical watchdog and analysis functions, can simply
imply that those with more political knowledge submit TVE to a higher standard.
Previous research suggests higher levels of political knowledge reflect stronger political
opinions and stronger inclinations to perceive bias. This must also be considered when
reading into these results, mainly since the negative association is stronger regarding
watchdog and analysis roles.
Our study extends and reaffirms previous research showing a positive association
between media consumption and evaluations in traditional media (Gil De Z ´
uñiga and
Hinsley, 2013). Considering this is a two-way positive relation, we must also contemplate
how negative associations can impact consumption and, eventually, participation. A poor
citizens’assessment of PSM will inevitably hinder its ability to fulfill its contribution to
the democratic process. Particularly when it comes to engaging all citizens in a social
conversation and standing out for quality and trust in an ever-expanding media offer. The
Spanish Television and Radio Corporation, now with its governing bodies fully func-
tioning and lawfully elected, faces a new opportunity to consolidate its role as an in-
dependent and trustworthy news source. For PSM, being faithful to its values and remit
seems to be the path to the desired public recognition and key to its survival. As stated by
Ramsey (cited by Donders, 2021), the future of PSM lies in “its ability to be both popular
and good for society”.
Limitations
Our study carries some limitations that should be addressed in future research. First, the
analysis is based on cross-sectional data and therefore we cannot rule out the possibility of
Campos-Rueda and Goyanes 13
a reverse association. Accordingly, future studies may consider the implementation of
experimental designs and panel data to further explain the relations here reported. Second,
our study is limited to the Spanish population and its PSM’s history and functioning
peculiarities. Future studies could replicate and extend this work to other geographies and
media systems. Third,our measure of PSM performance covers some of the most critical
normative functions of PSM, but not all. Accordingly, future studies should consider other
constructs to assess PSM performance, such as the promotion of national identity, di-
versity, and participation. In spite of these limitations, the empirical analysis certainly
adds to our understanding of the association between perceptual and structural variables in
explaining PMS role performance in democratic societies.
Table 1. Regression model predicting evaluation of performance for TVE.
Watchdog Analysis Mobilization
Public
Forum Empathy Information
Block 1: Demographics
Age 0.030 0.009 0.023 0.017 0.012 0.019
Gender (f) 0.008 0.008 0.007 0.003 0.017 0.002
Ethnicity (c) 0.019 0.001 0.010 0.001 0.009 0.004
Education 0.013 0.012 0.015 0.005 0.006 0.013
Income 0.034 0.032* 0.004 0.022 0.001 0.001
ΔR
2
0.124 0.167 0.173 0.166 0.147 0.140
Block 3: Political antecedents
Political ideology 0.059*** 0.031* 0.011 0.021 0.021 0.012
Political interest 0.014 0.008 0.000 0.004 0.019 0.048*
Political trust 0.001 0.037* 0.044** 0.034* 0.051** 0.023
ΔR
2
0.122 0.167 0.173 0.166 0.147 0.140
Block 2: Media orientations
Online news
consumption
0.001 0.013 0.003 0.016 0.004 0.001
TVE consumption 0.154*** 0.115*** 0.118*** 0.111*** 0.107*** 0.140***
Traditional news
consumption
0.018 0.004 0.001 0.015 0.003 0.011
ΔR
2
0.194 0.191 0.193 0.188 0.163 0.177
Block 4: Variables of interest
Political
knowledge
0.095*** 0.047** 0.035* 0.045** 0.008 0.037
TVE journalists
performance
0.562*** 0.669*** 0.683*** 0.677*** 0.657*** 0.582***
Independence 0.138*** 0.119*** 0.097*** 0.119*** 0.044* 0.137***
ΔR
2
0.240 0.311 0.314 0.318 0.274 0.249
Total R
2
0.564 0.678 0.687 0.677 0.591 0.571
Note: Sample size = 1717. Cell entries are final-entry standardized Beta (β) coefficients. * p< 0.05, ** p< 0.01,
*** p< 0.001
14 Journalism 0(0)
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/
or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or
publication of this article: This study is supported by Spanish National Program of I+D+i about
“Medios audiovisuales p´
ublicos ante el ecosistema de las plataformas: modelos de gestión y
evaluación del valor p´
ublico de referencia para España”(PID2021-122386OB-I00).
ORCID iD
Marcela Campos-Rueda https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6537-9777
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Author Biographies
Marcela Campos-Rueda, Sociologist, MA in Media Research and PhD candidate at the
Universidad Carlos III, Madrid. Marcela´s research is focused on media performance
Campos-Rueda and Goyanes 19
from an audience perspective, journalism´s role in the construction of citizenship, and
gender equality in media (email: marcela@marcelacampos.tv).
Manuel Goyanes (PhD) serves as an assistant professor at Carlos III University in Madrid
and is a former visiting fellow at both the London School of Economics (LSE) and the
University of Vienna. His research addresses the influence of journalism and new
technologies over citizens’daily lives, as well as the effects of news consumption on
citizens’political knowledge and participation. He is also interested in global inequalities
in academic participation, the systematic biases towards global South scholars, and
publication trends in Communication. His works appeared in top-tier journals such as
News Media & Society, Information, Communication & Society, Scientometrics,
Computers in Human Behaviour, etc. He is editorial board member in several interna-
tional journals and the co-PI of a funded interdisciplinary project on fake news detection
on the Internet. (Corresponding Author: mgoyanes@hum.uc3m.es)
Appendix
Table A1. Main Constructs: Audience assessment of TVE performance.
Construct Items M SD α/ρ
Audience assessment of
TVE performance
Level of agreement/disagreement regarding the following
statements:
“TVE does a good job when it comes to…
Information …Inform citizens accurately and neutrally 4.94 2.71
Watchdog …Reveal political scandals and abuses 4.65 2.53 0.77
…Hold economic elites accountable
Analysis …Explain complex facts and issues 4.92 2.38 0.92
…Highlight the similarities and points of
agreement between different political positions
…Offer suggestions on how to solve the problems
of our society
Mobilization …Defend freedom and democracy in Spain 5.06 2.38 0.93
…Sharing democratic values and norms in Spain
…Generate interest in public and political issues
…Guide citizens on how they can participate in
public and political issues
Public forum …Act as a mediator between politics and society 4.91 2.40 0.92
…To help citizens form an opinion on public and
political issues
…Contribute to a democratic understanding and
connect our society
Social empathy …Give voice to people from different cultures,
religions, gender, sexual orientation, as well as
people with disabilities
5.15 2.42 0.70
…Take into account the interests of the less
privileged people in society
20 Journalism 0(0)
Table A2. Main Constructs: TVE´s journalists Performance, Audience perceptions of TVE´S.
Independence, political knowledge.
Construct Items M SD α/ρ
TVE´s journalists
performance
Level of agreement/disagreement regarding the
following statements: “TV´s journalists …
5.22 2.35 0.96
…are good professionals.”
…know what they are talking about.”
…distinguish information from opinion.”
…give a reasoned opinión.”
…know which news are important for me.”
…provide an adequate news selection.”
Audience perceptions of
TVE´S independence
Level of agreement/disagreement regarding the
following statements:
“In general …
4,27 1.87 0.86
…TVE is independent.”
…the information provided by TVE is independent
regarding political power.”
…the information provided by TVE is independent
from economic power
…TVE is a politically manipulated television"
…the information broadcast by TVE is generally
influenced by the political interests of the ruling
party"
…decisions within TVE are influenced by
government officials."
…the government of the Spain interferes in the
contents of TVE"
Political knowledge “Please choose the correct answer:
Which country in asia has surpassed 20 million
cases of COVID 19 with more than 300,000 daily
infections during the month of April 2021?”
4.02 2.04 0.57
Who is the president of Brazil?
The United Kingdom withdrew from the European
Union on January 31, 2020. The terms of this
rupture were set out in two key documents, one
being the Withdrawal Agreement. Which is the
other?”
What former Spanish colony has been in conflict
with Morocco for more than 30 years over its
self-determination?”
Which of the following best describes the system of
government in Spain?”
Which parties presented a motion of censure in the
community of Murcia last March?”
Who is the First Vice-president of government?”
Campos-Rueda and Goyanes 21
