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The Migration-Development Nexus Revisited:
Immigrant Organizations and the Swedish Policy
Framework for Development and Humanitarian
Assistance
Axel Fredholm, Johan Sandberg & Olle Frödin
To cite this article: Axel Fredholm, Johan Sandberg & Olle Frödin (2022) The Migration-
Development Nexus Revisited: Immigrant Organizations and the Swedish Policy Framework for
Development and Humanitarian Assistance, Forum for Development Studies, 49:3, 467-492, DOI:
10.1080/08039410.2022.2096479
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2096479
© 2022 The Author(s). Published by Informa
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The Migration-Development Nexus Revisited: Immigrant
Organizations and the Swedish Policy Framework for
Development and Humanitarian Assistance
Axel Fredholm , Johan Sandberg and Olle Frödin
Department of Sociology, Lund University, Lund, Sweden
ABSTRACT Within the migration-development nexus, cooperation with immi-
grant organizations is often considered useful by governments and aid agencies.
Due to acquaintance with home-country conditions and capacity to transfer remit-
tances, migrants are increasingly viewed as contributors to aid and development.
The Swedish government has a similar approach and views migrants and their
associations as an asset. At the same time, research on home-country activities
among Swedish immigrant organizations (SIOs) is scarce and little is known
about their contributions. Based on qualitative and quantitative data on publicly
funded SIOs, we explore the alignment between their activities and the Swedish
policy goals of humanitarian aid and development cooperation. While few activi-
ties align directly, other activities align indirectly since they mainly reflect sectoral
targets of the policy goals. We also find few cases of formalized and systematic
collaboration with Swedish aid financiers. In comparison with cooperation prac-
tices in other European contexts, this suggests deficits in terms of professionaliza-
tion of SIOs, marginalization in development cooperation and lack of opportunity
structures for SIOs. Few SIOs are also engaged in home-country development and
humanitarian assistance. A possible explanation is the institutional role that immi-
grant organizations historically have been granted in the Swedish context. If these
deficits are addressed, SIOs could potentially enhance the Swedish approach to aid
and development assistance.
KEYWORDS: migration-development nexus; Sweden; immigrant organizations;
co-development; development policy; humanitarian assistance
List of Abbreviations
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
MUCF Swedish Agency for Youth and Civil Society
PSDH Policy Framework for Swedish Development Cooperation and Humanitarian
Assistance
SIO Swedish Immigrant Organization
© 2022 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives
License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduc-
tion in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.
Forum for Development Studies, 2022
Vol. 49, No. 3, 467–492, https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2022.2096479
Introduction
The migration-development nexus has received increased attention in recent years and
is often argued to have a significant impact on international development (Faist and
Fauser, 2011; Piper, 2017). This is evident in the Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs) and Agenda 2030 where migration and development are intertwined, poten-
tially altering traditional views on aid and development assistance (cf. IOM, 2018).
The potential of migration for development are not limited to remittances being sent
back to developing contexts on an individual basis, but also includes migrant commu-
nities (Gagnon and Khoudour-Castéras, 2011; OECD, 2016). Research demonstrates
that migrants maintain strong ties to their home-countries through transnational com-
munities engaging in activities with implications for development (Levitt and Glick
Schiller, 2004; Portes, 2015). Such activities may include social work, poor relief or
business collaboration, at times coordinated and implemented by immigrant organiz-
ations in host-countries (Østergaard-Nielsen, 2009; Portes and Zhou, 2012). Hence,
cooperation or ‘co-development’with immigrant organizations is often considered
useful in host countries (Nijenhuis and Broekhuis, 2010; Portes, 2015) and has been
launched in order to adapt more efficiently to the SDGs (IOM, 2019a). At the same
time, such cooperation does not follow a blueprint. Rather, immigrant organizations’
co-development activities and structures of cooperation seem to vary greatly, particu-
larly among European countries (de Haas, 2006; Portes and Fernández-Kelly, 2015).
To further explore the ties that bind immigrant organizations to aid and develop-
ment, we present a study on Swedish Immigrant Organizations’(SIOs) development
activities and their engagement in humanitarian assistance.
1
Sweden is a relatively
prominent country, both as a receiving country of migrants and as a donor of develop-
ment assistance in proportion to its economy. Thus, it constitutes an interesting case
for research on co-development involving immigrant organizations. The population
in Sweden amounts to around 10.45 million, of which some 20 per cent are born in
another country. When including second-generation migrants (Swedish-born with
two foreign-born parents) the number of people with foreign descent reaches
around 26 per cent of the total population (Statistics Sweden, 2021).
2
Sweden also pre-
sents a historic presence of formally organized immigrant organizations, with state-
support since 1975 (Byström and Frohnert, 2017), and some 70 per cent of migrants
between 1969 and 2014 have been classified as circular migrants, moving between
1 The terms immigrant organization, diaspora and migrant are used interchangeably in this
article. Conceptually, we are following IOMs definition which states that diasporas are
‘migrants or descendants of migrants, whose identity and sense of belonging have been
shaped by their migration experience and background’(IOM, 2019b). We define immigrant
organizations as organized groups of migrants with activities that may influence both home
countries and host countries, or other geographical areas associated with the group.
2 In December 2021, the total population reached 10,452,326. Of these, the number of foreign-
born comprised 2,090,503 while the number second-generation immigrants comprised
662,068 (Statistics Sweden, 2021).
468 A. Fredholm et al.
Sweden and countries of birth (Statistics Sweden, 2016). Finally, Sweden has for long
been among the leading per capita donors of overseas development assistance (OECD,
2019), but has not been included in major international studies on transnationalism that
trace engagement of immigrant organizations in home-country development (cf. de
Haas, 2006; Portes and Fernández-Kelly, 2015; Pries and Sezgin, 2012).
Research on SIOs and their engagement in aid and development is scarce. Earlier
studies indicate that such activities are quite limited –only a few cooperation programs
exist and little is known about their role (Kleist, 2018; Olsson, 2016). Moreover, these
studies often focus on particular groups of migrants; hence, there is a need for more
comprehensive analyses across different groups and organizations. To better grasp
their engagement and the possibility of expanded state-SIO cooperation in aid and
development, we present findings based on data from official annual reports and inter-
views with organization-leaders pertaining to 53 organizations, across migrant groups,
that received state-funding in 2017. We first assess levels and types of activities among
the SIOs and further analyse these activities in terms of (a) their alignment and mis-
alignment with the Policy Framework for Swedish Development Cooperation and
Humanitarian Assistance (hereinafter, PSDH); and, (b) in comparison with co-devel-
opment practices by immigrant organizations in other European cases. It should be
noted that we are here primarily focusing on European cases since immigrant organ-
izations in these contexts, like Sweden, regularly receive state support (Portes, 2015).
Thus, our work is guided by the following inquiries: To which extent and in which
ways do SIOs engage in activities pertaining to development and humanitarian aid?
How do these activities align and misalign with key objectives in the PSDH; and
which aspects might impact on found levels and types of activities, particularly in
light of immigrant organizations’positioning in other European cases?
We find that a minority of SIOs in our sample are engaged in development and
humanitarian assistance, and we identify few cases of formalized and systematic col-
laboration with Swedish aid financiers. Moreover, while a rather limited number of
activities align directly with objectives in the PSDH, other activities align indirectly
as they mainly reflect sectoral targets of the policy goals. In comparison with
cooperation practices in other European contexts, our findings furthermore suggest
deficits in terms of professionalization of SIOs and lack of opportunity structures
for co-development. We propose that such deficits largely stem from an ambiguous,
institutionalized role of immigrant organizations in the Swedish political context,
and a comparatively marginalized position in development cooperation. The latter
becomes particularly clear in comparison with other Swedish civil society organiz-
ations (CSOs) that are, like immigrant organizations in the Spanish case, involved
from the very beginning of development planning and implementation, while annually
receiving a significant portion of the Swedish development assistance budget (Sida,
2021b).
Hence, we identify untapped resources that could, albeit in a modified structure of
elevated state-SIO cooperation, enhance Swedish development assistance and
Forum for Development Studies 469
humanitarian aid work. Finally, to realize the assumptions of the migration-develop-
ment nexus in Agenda 2030 and the SDGs, our findings –pertaining to one of the
largest per capita donors in overseas development assistance –indicate that states in
donor-countries could potentially benefit from analysing particular modes and struc-
tures to enhance formal incorporation of migrants and their organizations.
Background and political context of SIOs
Immigrant organizations have existed in Sweden since the mid-1800s. The first organ-
izations date back to 1830 and were formed by migrants from Finland. Since the
1960s, the presence of migrants has increased and Sweden currently hosts a plethora
of associations and migrant communities (Dahlstedt, 2003). Politically, the purpose of
hosting immigrant organizations in Sweden reflects the notion of multiculturalism (cf.
Dahlström, 2004). This means that migrants have the opportunity to preserve their cul-
tural specificity and the organizations should enable them to do so. To obtain state
funding, the organizations should therefore be formed on ‘ethnic grounds’and at
least 51 per cent of the members should be of foreign descent (MUCF, 2021).
The autonomy of SIOs has allegedly been crippled by a political process that
Schierup (1991) labels ‘ethnization’. According to Schierup, the idea of multicultur-
alism in Sweden is essentially a political construct that has been orchestrated from
above by giving immigrant organizations a standardized role as proponents of
ethnic interests within the broader framework of civil society. In the context of
Swedish corporativism where civil society organizations (CSOs) historically have
been amalgamated with the state, immigrant organizations have turned into a layer
of loyal state clients whose primary role is to justify a vision of multiculturalism
that has little to do with their own ambitions. This suggests that their capacity to
voice their own interests is limited and that they primarily have served the objectives
of the state (Schierup, 1991).
Schierup’s critique has been widely debated in previous research on SIOs (cf.
Dahlstedt, 2003; Odmalm, 2004), and a common interpretation is that Swedish organ-
izations differ from equivalents in other countries which are assumed to be more inde-
pendent (Emami, 2004; Scaramuzzino, 2013). At the same time, the strength of
corporativism has varied and some periods have been characterized by a lower
degree of earmarking of state aid to the organizations (Borevi, 2004). Due to the
growing demand for partnerships with CSOs in delivery of public services, today’s
governance structure also enables horizontal relationships with Swedish authorities
(Government of Sweden, 2009; Scaramuzzino, 2013). While this weakens the argu-
ment that SIOs lack autonomy, research on their capacity of collaborating with auth-
orities suggests that many are hampered by the legacy of government-sponsored
multiculturalism (Odmalm, 2004). Aggravated by the fact that the state has protected
their members through various forms of social benefits, this has allegedly made it dif-
ficult to assume new responsibilities (Scaramuzzino, 2013).
470 A. Fredholm et al.
While these aspects may thwart the capacity to engage in home-country activities,
migrants in Sweden have generally had unrestricted opportunities for transnational-
ism. The right to preserve origin, mother tongue, and contacts with home countries
was specified already in the commission on immigrants that commenced in 1968
(Borevi, 2004). Current information technology also facilitates cross-border activities.
Home country issues can, for instance, be raised in social media and involve members
of the same diaspora in other countries as well as younger associates (Bloch and
Hirsch, 2018). Despite this, existing research indicates that the frequency of transna-
tional activities has been low among SIOs. In a survey from 2000-2001, only a small
portion had this type of engagement whereas ethnocultural activities and activities per-
taining to integration dominated (Dahlstedt, 2003).
The Swedish policy on development cooperation and humanitarian assistance
The Swedish approach to international development covers both humanitarian assist-
ance and long-term development cooperation. The objectives are stated in the PSDH
which reflects the Swedish endorsement of Agenda 2030 and related international
agreements like the Addis Ababa Agenda on Financing for Development (2015),
the Paris Agreement on Climate Change (2015) and the Sendai Framework for Disas-
ter Risk Management (2015), but also priorities of specific concern for Sweden (Gov-
ernment of Sweden, 2016a). To ensure that the PSDH is implemented and coordinated
among ministries and public agencies, the government has issued a specific policy for
global development (officially known as the PGU) covering both domestic responsi-
bilities and international strategies (Government of Sweden, 2015).
The approach to development cooperation revolves around five major perspectives
(Government of Sweden, 2016a; Sida, 2020a). These are (1) ‘the perspective of the
poor on development’(stating that the fight against poverty in development interven-
tion must draw on a multi-dimensional approach where social as well as economic
reasons to poverty are considered from a bottom-up perspective), (2) ‘the rights per-
spective’(stating that the emphasis on democracy and human rights in development
intervention must empower people to acknowledge and defend their rights), (3) ‘the
conflict perspective’(stating that development intervention must reflect and take con-
flict prevention and peacebuilding into consideration), (4) ‘the gender equality per-
spective’(stating that development intervention must address and take gender
inequality as well as sexual and reproductive rights into consideration), and (5) ‘the
environmental and climate perspective’(stating that development intervention must
contribute to sustainability and resilience to climate change).
The perspectives relate to the targets of Agenda 2030 but are also influenced by
ideas that reflect Sweden’s role and voice in international development more specifi-
cally. Among those are the Feminist Foreign Policy launched in 2014 in order to
clarify Sweden’s position in the global advocacy for women’s rights (cf. OECD,
2019). There are also fields of interest where the government claims that Agenda
Forum for Development Studies 471
2030 requires additional efforts. This applies, for instance, to the perspective on
human rights, democracy and rule of law where Sweden’s ambitions are stronger in
terms of priorities and long-term goals (Government of Sweden, 2016a). While
these perspectives comprise the basics of the policy framework, eight additional
themes are specified in the PSDH in order to concretize where development
cooperation is necessary. As Figure 1 demonstrates, each theme will contribute to
the overarching goal of the policy framework, i.e. ‘to create preconditions for better
living conditions for people living in poverty and under oppression’.
Humanitarian assistance is primarily aimed for immediate response in case of e.g.
natural disasters, armed conflicts or food shortages. In this sense, there is a difference
between long-term development cooperation and actions taken during humanitarian
emergencies (Sida, 2020b). However, since the realization of long-term development
goals is believed to mitigate the impact of humanitarian emergencies the approach to
humanitarian assistance is associated with the overarching framework of development
cooperation. A key objective of the PSDH is therefore to create synergies between
short-term humanitarian intervention and long-term cooperation.
Research on co-development and comparative cases
While diasporic communities can mediate resources for development in collaboration
with home country governments (cf. Fenton et al., 2020; Gelb et al., 2021), co-devel-
opment was initially understood as means to reduce push factors in sending areas and
prevent further migration. Even if the outcome is uncertain and determined by the
institutional capacity of using of diasporic transfers on the ground (OECD, 2017),
Figure 1. The perspectives of Swedish development cooperation (retrieved from
Government of Sweden, 2016b, p. 17)
472 A. Fredholm et al.
the idea of relying on migrants for other developmental ends has gradually received
more traction (Khoudour-Castéras, 2009; Nijenhuis and Broekhuis, 2010). This has
been driven by an interest in the benefits of the migration-development nexus,
especially in European countries (Gagnon and Khoudour-Castéras, 2011; Sinatti and
Horst, 2015). Despite the intricacies of associating a group of migrants with a specific
geographical space, co-development is often considered important due to migrants’
pre-existing acquaintance with language and conditions in their country of origin
(Nijenhuis and Broekhuis, 2010; Sinatti and Horst, 2015). Similar ideas are prevalent
among Swedish policy-makers. In compliance with the SDGs, the PSDH declares that
migrants and their associations are ‘development agents’with ‘unique knowledge
about needs and opportunities in their countries of origin’. Accordingly, ‘migrants’
and ‘diaspora groups’should be recognized and supported within the framework of
development cooperation (Government of Sweden, 2016a, p. 34).
At the same time, the outcome and organization of co-development differ across
countries. In settings where the state financially supports co-development initiatives,
the outcome may be crippled by competition over recognition and funding from the
authorities or clientelism that motivates organizations to prioritize financial entitle-
ments more than efforts on the ground (Portes, 2015). A further obstacle seems to
be that governments in host countries have streamlined the process of cooperation
in ways that exclude immigrant organizations lacking organizational skills of conven-
tional development organizations. This implies that the added value of collaboration
occasionally is jeopardized and that the organizations may lose motivation due to
lack of recognition (Nijenhuis and Broekhuis, 2010). Another problem is that state
funding occasionally makes it difficult for organizations to find other economic
means of sustaining their activities during cutbacks in public spending
(Cebolla-Boado and López-Sala, 2015). In this sense, state support could also lead
to dependency that obstructs organizations from realizing their ambitions. Finally,
the advantages of collaboration may be hampered by misalignments between restric-
tive immigration policies and co-development objectives (Khoudour-Castéras, 2009).
The idea that co-development should prevent further migration has therefore
been associated with a legitimization of immigration control instead of incorporation
and collaboration with migrants for developmental ends (Gagnon and Khoudour-
Castéras, 2011).
Despite these uncertainties, fruitful outcomes have appeared in contexts where
governments have invited migrants to play an active role. A case in point is France
where co-development policies have created room for a range of home-country activi-
ties, particularly by Moroccan organizations (Lacroix, 2009). Such activities include
infrastructure development, practical and economic support to returning migrants,
new forms of cooperation in tertiary education and joint undertakings between
NGOs and immigrant organizations. Efforts that enhance professionalization and
capacity to cooperate with other actors have been critical in this respect, and paved
the way for undertakings that reflect co-development policies both in France and in
Forum for Development Studies 473
the home country. Moroccan migrants have also established NGOs engaged in smaller
self-financed undertakings such as delivery of medicine, school materials and money
transfers from charities. While interventions on the ground are less common among
these organizations, available sources indicate that the activities are beneficial to the
areas where they reach out (Lacroix and Dumont, 2015).
A similar commitment is discernible in Spain where co-development policies have
evolved gradually since the early 2000s (Østergaard-Nielsen, 2009). Spanish organiz-
ations are treated as legitimate stakeholders in the administration of the state and have
afirm position as strategic partners in official development assistance. As a conse-
quence, independent and charity-based activities occur less regularly whereas main-
stream development undertakings like capacity building, business development,
projects for women’s empowerment and infrastructural development are common.
Such undertakings often rely on a well-established network of collaboration partners
and many organizations are headquartered in the home country (Cebolla-Boado and
López-Sala, 2015). This suggests that they are embedded in the conventional structure
of international development and have a function similar to that of an NGO in terms of
assisting donors and aid agencies. Like the French case, therefore, Spanish cooperation
practices underscore the significance of professionalization and the importance of
treating immigrant organizations as legitimate partners.
Examples from Belgium indicate that co-development policies can be successful,
particularly in terms of capacity building and institutional development in home
countries. Through collaboration with migrants such initiatives have been conducted
in countries like Burundi, DRC, and Rwanda (Godin et al., 2015; IOM, 2004).
Public funding for co-development has also paved the way for ‘institutional opportu-
nity structures’(Godin et al., 2015, p. 201) for migrants to engage in home country
development. However, with the state lacking a thorough commitment in terms of pro-
viding equal access to these structures, it is mainly associations with integrated
members that have reaped the benefits. This is notable among Moroccan migrants
whose engagement in co-development correlates with their level of social and political
integration. In addition, demands on co-financing and fragmentation among funding
agencies due to federal administrative structures have allegedly hampered the
process (Godin et al., 2015). Besides the importance of creating wider opportunity
structures, this suggests that a generous and well-defined system of funding is
needed to mobilize migrants for developmental ends.
Research from the Netherlands demonstrates that co-development programs are
available there, but mainly for migrants from countries that match the priorities of offi-
cial development policy (Nijenhuis and Broekhuis, 2010). Moreover, a limited number
of organizations appear to be solidly funded by state authorities while charity-related
work and small-scale projects through ad hoc funding are common. The Dutch case is
characterized by variances in terms of access to co-development programs. This is
visible in the differences between Ghanaian, Surinamese and Moroccan migrants,
where the first group has a stronger affiliation with co-development programs.
474 A. Fredholm et al.
Consequently, Ghanaian organizations have more resources and can engage in larger
development projects than other groups (Nijenhuis and Zoomers, 2015, p. 249).
Organizations engaged in co-development are also more professionalized and
embedded in the financial and operational structure of other donors. Moreover, their
participation in national networks for migration and development is higher and
many have connections with the government that contribute to their position
(Nijenhuis and Zoomers, 2015). Similar to the Belgian case, this suggests that
access to institutional opportunity structures is unevenly distributed and that the
Dutch commitment to co-development is weaker in comparison with the French and
Spanish cases.
As noted earlier, research on Swedish cooperation practices is scarce. By compari-
son, therefore, little is known about the Swedish approach. The most renowned
examples are the Somalia Diaspora Programme (SDP) and the Swedish-Somali
Business Programme (SSBP). Targeting gender equality, job creation, human rights
and sustainable development, these programs are exclusively focusing on Somalia –
a major recipient of Swedish aid. Projects within SDP and SSBP have primarily
been carried out by formally registered Somali-Swedish organizations. While profes-
sionalization has been ensured through mandatory training programs, associates of the
organizations have often been active in Swedish politics or have maintained political
connections in Somalia. Like the previous examples, engagement in co-development
therefore seems associated with political and institutional integration. Somali-Swedish
organizations are also engaged in activities that relate to health, schooling and supply
of water. Such activities differ from Swedish development priorities and are usually
funded by other donors, member fees or donations (Kleist, 2018). While this provides
a hint of SIOs home-country activities, our findings demonstrate that development-
related work exists among other migrant groups as well. Comparatively, our sample
included four organizations of Somalian descent and their activities comprised
around 18 per cent of the total number of reported development activities.
Data and methodology
Our data consists of annual reports from 52 SIOs submitted to the Swedish Agency for
Youth and Civil Society (MUCF) in 2017.
3
The reports contain organizational data
from the previous year and must be submitted yearly to obtain funding from the
state. Besides information about members, date of establishment and financing, they
include facts about ongoing projects, activities and collaboration partners. As such,
they are useful in order to grasp the organizations’key features and operations. The
content was initially coded in a database comprising both numerical and qualitative
data. Leaving out non-ethnic federations of immigrant organizations and organizations
3 For an overview of included organizations, see Table A2 in Appendix. According to the
public business register in Sweden, all organizations are still operational. A majority have
also received public funding for the year of 2021 (MUCF, 2022).
Forum for Development Studies 475
failing to submit a report (only one for the year of 2017), the sample represents all but
6 of the publicly funded ‘ethnic associations’at national level in Sweden.
To analyse organizational characteristics, information from the database was tabu-
larized based on key data such as number of members and local organizations, annual
budgets, and year of establishment. This data was analysed with descriptive statistics.
The activities in the annual reports were mapped based on the twelve activities with
the highest frequency. These were subsequently organized into four types of host-
country activities, four types of home-country activities, and four types that we cate-
gorized as member services. Among host-country activities we included labour market
support, non-labour integration, political opinion/lobbying, and parties and festivities,
while home-country activities included development projects, cultural activities with
home-country orientation, home-country holiday celebrations, and information on
home-country politics and elections. Among member services, we included social
work and health services, women’s activities, children’s and sports activities, and
economic and legal counselling (see Figure 2).
To get further insights, semi-structured interviews were carried out with chairper-
sons of the organizations or other key informants with knowledge about the organiz-
ation at the national level. Compared to the annual reports, information from the
interviews often stretched further back in time and gave a denser description that
involved both past and present undertakings. This made it possible to better grasp
the span of activities over a longer time-period among interviewed organizations. In
total, 17 interviews were conducted, including one with the organization that was dis-
carded in the statistical inquiry due to lack of an annual report. In addition, a written
answer to the interview guide was received from one organization which means that 18
SIOs were investigated in this part of the study. Finally, we analysed SIOs’activities
Figure 2: Percentage incidence activities (based on data in SIOs’annual reports)
476 A. Fredholm et al.
in co-development with Sida and other development organizations in Sweden by way
of archive research that included project databases.
In light of the mixture of data sources, it is important to note that our material does
not allow for generalizations about SIOs. Furthermore, our research covers only state-
funded, national organizations while the total number of migrant associations in
Sweden is much larger. While some activities have been cross-verified through sup-
plementary sources, follow-up studies in the home-countries have not been conducted.
In this respect, our findings cannot say anything about the impact or effectiveness of
the undertakings.
Organizational features and types of engagement
As noted above, state-funding requires at least 51 per cent of members to have immi-
grant background, activities should be non-profit and the organization must have at
least 1,000 paying members either nationally or at local levels (MUCF, 2021).
Pioneer organizations in our sample were founded during the post-World War II
period, while the majority were established between 1991 and 2000. By comparison,
the most recent SIOs were established between 2011 and 2013. SIOs in our sample
have on average been active in Sweden for 23 years, and total number of members
ranges from 244 to 8662. They have on average 18 local organizations and a balanced
representation of female and male members.
4
Moreover, around 73 per cent of the
organizations are small with only 15 per cent in our sample categorized as large,
and around 12 per cent as very large. Annual reports show that SIOs receive limited
financial support from the state –median annual benefit is approximately 300,000
SEK (about USD 35,500)
5
which on average amounts to roughly 70 per cent of an
organization’s total budget.
As incidence rates show in Figure 2, SIOs are in aggregate predominantly engaged
in cultural activities. This is followed by activities related to political parties, opinion
and lobbying for home country issues in Sweden, and various types of social engage-
ment including women’s activities, children and sports. By comparison, the incidence
of engagement in labour market support is significantly lower. Yet, SIOs are often
engaged in activities that relate to integration. This includes, for instance, training
in the Swedish language which in some cases is an indirect form of labour market
support.
Development activities and alignment with Swedish policy priorities
The number of home-country development projects is low and such undertakings were
reported by a mere 15.4 per cent. At the same time, conducted interviews indicate
4 For organizational features, see Table A1 in Appendix.
5 All currency conversions in this article are based on the exchange rate on July 1, 2017 (SEK to
USD).
Forum for Development Studies 477
charitable work, such as shipping of goods and other forms of home-country support,
to be fairly common, particularly when considering both past and present undertak-
ings. Thus, a combination of data from annual reports and interviews indicates
further engagement of this type. Of the total number of investigated SIOs, 19 organ-
izations report that they are or have been engaged in projects or other activities that
relate to development or humanitarian aid. Our inquiry implies that these activities
are ongoing or have been undertaken during the past ten years, while a few took
place as early as the mid-2000s. All but four of the organizations are linked to recipient
countries of Swedish development assistance (OECD, 2021; Sida, 2021a). The
remaining four are linked to countries that formerly belonged to the Soviet Union,
the Eastern Bloc and Yugoslavia, and joined the European Union during the 2000s
(see Table 1).
To shed light on SIOs’activities, Table 1 draws on a qualitative assessment where
information from the annual reports and the interviews have been compared with the
objectives of each theme in the PSDH.
6
In relation to the global gender equality theme,
for instance, we have included activities that promote the interests of women in the
home country or in the geographical area associated with the diaspora. As such activi-
ties may influence gender relations at various levels, they are also assumed to be linked
Themes of concern for the
PSDH (cf. Figure 1)
Organization (* without linkages
to recipients of Swedish aid)
Global gender equality SIO 1, SIO 2, SIO 3
Human rights, democracy and the rule of law SIO 1, SIO 4, SIO 5
Gender equal health
Education and research SIO 3, SIO 6, SIO 7, SIO 8*
Migration and development
Inclusive economic development
Environment, climate and natural resources SIO 2, SIO 9, SIO 10
Peaceful and inclusive societies SIO 4
Humanitarian assistance/relief SIO 1, SIO 3, SIO 9, SIO 4, SIO 7, SIO 11*
Other development areas Organization
Youth development, care of children,
orphans and disabled children
SIO 3, SIO 6, SIO 7, SIO 10, SIO 12, SIO 13,
SIO 14, SIO 15*, SIO 16
Food production/agriculture SIO 3, SIO 7
Infrastructural development SIO 9
Business development SIO 4, SIO 5
Care of elderly SIO 17, SIO 18
Care/hospitals SIO 8*, SIO 10, SIO 17, SIO 18, SIO 19*
Table 1: Alignment with Swedish development priorities (based on data in SIOs’annual
reports and interviews with organizational leaders).
6 Since the assessment includes interview data, SIOs have been anonymized in order to protect
confidentiality of the informants.
478 A. Fredholm et al.
to the global gender equality theme. Some organizations are also categorized based on
activities that seem to deviate from the themes of the PSDH. These are listed under
‘other development areas’in Table 1. Such activities may still be conducive to devel-
opment but the extent to which they serve the key priorities of the PSDH is unclear in
this case. As we will explain below, many of them rather contribute indirectly since
they primarily reflect sectoral targets in the prioritized goals.
Activities of direct concern for the PSDH
Three SIOs reported activities pertaining to the overarching goals of the gender equal-
ity theme to support the rights of women, to counteract all forms of discrimination, and
to make sure that women are treated in accordance with CEDAW (1979) and other
international agreements that Sweden has ratified. SIO 1 has educated people in
women’s rights in places where the security level is safe for its people to operate.
These undertakings were managed in partnership with a Swedish study association
and also included training in human rights. In this respect, their work does not only
correspond to the gender equality theme but also to the theme that includes human
rights in the policy framework (see more below). SIO 2 has provided training in
gender equality and environmental awareness in the home country with financial
support from the Swedish government. Due to the engagement in environmental
issues, these activities are also relevant for more than one theme in the policy frame-
work (see more below). While these SIOs have a Swedish counterpart and have been
active at the field level, SIO 3 states that they primarily contribute with financial
donations to locally arranged projects. In this way, the organization has recently
financed the construction of an atelier that makes it possible for women to make a
living under war-torn conditions. This project would probably also fit with the
gender equality theme, particularly considering CEDAW’s emphasis on economic
opportunities for women.
Similar to the first example above, two additional SIOs report activities related to
the theme of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. This theme is a key priority
of Swedish development cooperation and includes extensive support of human rights
as well as support of democratic governance, democratic institutions and consti-
tutional law based on democratic principles. SIO 5 reports that they have worked
with electoral assistance during the home country’sfirst elections. The undertakings
involved training of electoral observers and were carried out in partnership with a
local organization. SIO 4 have at least two associated undertakings. The first of
those pertain to a project where members of the organization educate local aid
workers in the processes of democracy. The project is financed by a Swedish aid
organization and also includes training in HIV prevention. The second project aims
to establish a venue in the home-country’s capital where schooling in democracy
and the principles of Swedish associational life will take place. The venue also aims
to become a safe space for returnees and a forum for teaching in security issues.
Forum for Development Studies 479
Due to the emphasis on security, these ambitions may also correspond to the theme
that relates to peaceful and inclusive societies. This is indicated by the Swedish endor-
sement of the New Deal for Engagement in Fragile States (2011) and UN Security
Council Resolutions 1325 and 2250 (2000, 2015) which relate to such activities,
and thus constitute important features of this theme.
While activities directly associated with research are lacking in our sample, some
organizations prioritize schooling of young people. Hence, such activities are
indirectly associated with the education and research theme which states that school-
ing is a human right and a prerequisite for democracy, equity and sustainable devel-
opment. Found schooling activities have mostly been limited to financial donations,
or donations of educational material to schools in the home-country. However, SIO
6 has also been involved on the ground, participating in the construction of a
school. The project was carried out in partnership with a Swedish aid financier and
members of the organization were assigned to make sure that local partners followed
agreements. While these undertakings correspond to the significance of education in
the policy framework, they also indicate that young people are important when the
organizations engage in development work. This is not only visible in the context
of schooling but in the number of organizations that engage in youth development,
care of children, orphans and disabled children (see Table 1).
As noted previously, some organizations have activities associated with the theme
related to environment, climate and natural resources. Priorities of this theme include
support for sustainability in the use of natural resources, to create awareness of
environmental problems and to strengthen the role of CSOs in efforts to enhance trans-
parency and accountability in matters of environmental concern. In addition to the pre-
vious example, undertakings related to this theme were reported by two organizations.
While members of SIO 10 have been engaged in eco-tourism on local farms in the
home –country, SIO 9 has recently invited local environmental activists to inform
about deforestation and environmental crimes allegedly committed by Swedish
businesses in the home-country. This latter activity primarily aims to benefit develop-
ment in the home-country by giving voice to local activists. Possibly, therefore, it
aligns the government’s emphasis on local civil society actors as catalysts for transpar-
ency and accountability in matters related to sustainability.
Humanitarian assistance
Several organizations report activities that can be defined as humanitarian assistance.
Here, SIOs provide emergency response in the wake of natural disasters like flooding,
drought and earthquakes, conflict or food shortages. Assistance is often provided in the
form of goods or collective remittances gathered from members and other private
donors, for example during a festivity, and then sent to the home country. SIO 3
reports occasional assistance through food distribution and hygiene products,
shipped out of Sweden in containers. In terms of transfers, SIO 1 and 11 states that
480 A. Fredholm et al.
money is remitted via the ICRC and Doctors Without Borders, whereas the other often
rely on local organizations they seem to know and trust. In other cases, funds are
occasionally being transferred and managed by the diaspora at the global level or,
due to lack of reliable bank connections, by members travelling to the home
country. The fact that some organizations appear to engage autonomously through
local connections could potentially benefit the policy goals of humanitarian assistance.
According to the PSDH, there is currently a strong demand for enhanced coordination
and influence of local actors in order to make humanitarian intervention more need-
based and effective. In this regard, the organizations could potentially contribute
with local knowledge and connections. The channelling of collective remittances
may also have benefits beyond the sphere of humanitarian aid. When diaspora organ-
izations act as mediators of remittances for a common purpose, transfers are some-
times larger in comparison with other types of remittances and may have wider
economic implications on the ground (cf. Gelb et al., 2021). As we will show
below, such undertakings are fairly common among organizations with activities
that deviate from the Swedish policy goals.
Activities in other development areas
Several organizations have engagements that we define as ‘other development areas’.
As noted previously, such activities differ from the PSDH and are difficult to categor-
ize based on the main themes. As Table 1 demonstrates, the first category concerns
youth development, care of children, orphans and disabled children. SIO 14 and 16
are working with capacity building among deprived youngsters in the home
country, while the other put emphasis on orphans or children with disabilities assisted
through money collections to local aid organizations or schools for disabled children.
While the PSDH generally addresses young people as a subsidiary objective in relation
to broader development goals, these activities seem to address young people per se.
Most of them also focus on specific beneficiaries like vulnerable and disabled children
and seem to prioritize direct relief more than the socio-political targets of the PSDH.
Yet, as aid of this type may contribute to socio-political development, they could
potentially support the broader policy scheme indirectly.
Among ‘other development areas’, we have also identified activities that relate to
food production and agriculture, an area not addressed among main priorities by the
Swedish government. Rather, the government’s engagement with food and agriculture
primarily relates to the necessity of adapting to climate change in order to prevent food
shortages. Linkages are also found in the emphasis on inclusive economic develop-
ment which the government views as a prerequisite for the goals that relate to food
security and eradication of hunger in Agenda 2030. Activities in this category were
reported by two organizations. In the first case, members of SIO 7 are trying to
enhance living conditions in the home country through minor undertakings like pur-
chasing agricultural products from locals or buying agricultural machines and small
Forum for Development Studies 481
pieces of land to individuals who need it. In the second case, SIO 3 has participated in
the construction of a bakery in the home country which secures bread delivery to
around 400 families. Both initiatives derive from a process where needs have been
defined and addressed based on contacts with local organizations or personal connec-
tions with people on the ground. Given that the government mainly treats food security
and agriculture as subsidiary objectives in relation to other priorities, these activities
could probably only provide a partial contribution to the PSDH. Defining them in
terms of indirect support may thus be reasonable also in this case.
A further activity in this category is infrastructure development, which is not a
major concern of the PSDH but rather constitutes a subsidiary objective in the
theme related to inclusive economic development. In this context, transportation
and communication facilities are viewed as prerequisites for fair trade and sustainable
investments. Engagement in infrastructural projects was reported by one of the organ-
izations (SIO 9), and mainly concerns co-funding of road projects in the home country.
This has been managed by members who collect money in Sweden for a global fund
aimed at reconstruction and development in the wake of conflicts and natural disasters.
While infrastructure development constitutes a sub-target for the Swedish govern-
ment, it may indirectly contribute to the broader policy goals.
A related area concerns business development in the home countries. Like infra-
structure development, such undertakings are not addressed directly by the PSDH
but appear in relation to the goal of inclusive economic development. While economic
growth is important in this respect, the main priorities of the PSDH relate to sustain-
able growth and investments that contribute to social and political goals like the rule of
law, good institutions, inclusion and gender equality. The organizations engaged in
business development have worked predominantly with Swedish companies and
seem to have priorities that differ from the idea of inclusive economic development.
While SIO 5 has mediated contacts between a Swedish air carrier and local business
partners with the aim of establishing flights to the home country, SIO 4 states that they
are trying to boost economic growth at home by paving the way for Swedish
businesses and investors. The aim, according to the representative, is to give them
competitive advantages by being the first to market once the country is safe enough
for foreign investments. Even if these activities may contribute to economic growth
in the home country, none of the organizations stated or implied that inclusive or sus-
tainable growth would be the goal of their activities. In this sense, the undertakings are
only contributing partially to the broader goals of the PSDH since they may enhance
growth.
As Table 1 demonstrates, some organizations are engaged in activities that relate to
care. These activities are often targeted towards hospitals in the home country, for
instance through purchasing and delivering used healthcare equipment from
Sweden. Similarly, care of elderly is a prioritized area. SIO 17 has been engaged in
running retirement homes while SIO 18 is engaged in advocacy for older people in
the home country. As with youth development, these activities are directed towards
482 A. Fredholm et al.
undertakings or groups that lack specific recognition in the PSDH but occur in a sub-
sidiary fashion. While elderly people and hospitals are not targeted explicitly in the
policy framework, such priorities mainly occur in the theme of gender equal health
where the right to health allegedly concerns ‘everyone’(Government of Sweden,
2016a, p. 37). Thus, while issues like sexual and reproductive health, women’s
rights and LGBTQ individuals are more important for the government in this
respect, indirect linkages between the PSDH and the work of the organizations are dis-
cernible in this case too.
In summary, a limited number of SIOs’activities appear to be directly aligned with
the PSDH, and many undertakings have a rather loose coupling where they contribute
but partially or indirectly to the policy framework through various forms of collective
remittances or other independent initiatives. Consequently, our findings suggest that a
general alignment does not exist between the work of the SIOs and the goals of the
PSDH. At the same time, it would be inaccurate to dismiss SIOs’development activi-
ties since their alignment becomes somewhat stronger when the prospect of co-devel-
opment is approached more broadly by considering both direct and indirect linkages.
A further observation is that many activities appear to be small and insignificant in
relation to the broader goals of the PSDH. As previously noted, however, there is a
demand for local actors and organizations in the operative structure of Swedish devel-
opment cooperation where they could play an important role in terms of raising
environmental awareness, and in the stated quest for need-based and effective huma-
nitarian intervention. The PSDH also calls for greater diaspora engagement in social
remittances, e.g. transfers of political ideas and skills obtained in Sweden, and
further economic interaction between migrants and home countries. Beyond the posi-
tive impact this might have on development, such activities are also assumed to
prevent further migration and enhance the possibilities of voluntary returns. Once
these additional aspects are thoroughly considered, stronger synergies may exist for
a potential future alignment between the goals of the PSDH and the activities we
have identified.
Structural constraints
Despite these possibilities, our results indicate that SIOs’engagement in development
and humanitarian aid is rather modest. Only a few SIOs report such activities while the
main share of their engagements takes place within Swedish borders. Occasionally,
this could be explained by political reasons that prevent collaboration and contacts
with home-countries. Immigrant organizations may sometimes represent interests
that challenge the foreign policy of host countries, and they can also be barred from
entering the home country if their members are at odds with the regime (Huynh and
Yiu, 2015; Olsson, 2016). Due to previous experiences of political and economic
turmoil, they may also distrust development initiatives by home country governments
(OECD, 2016). In combination with obstacles like travel precautions, such reasons
Forum for Development Studies 483
were sometimes perceived as a barrier to transnational activity among the interviewed
SIOs. A further and perhaps more important explanation pertains to their role as state
clients. As noted above, researchers have often viewed SIOs’position within the fra-
mework Swedish multiculturalism as a barrier to independent action. For instance,
Odmalm (2004, p. 113) argues that immigrant organizations are obliged to remain
loyal to the authorities and act for the ‘greater good’to receive public funding.
Accompanied by the requirement of adjusting to the organizational principles of
Swedish associational life, this has allegedly blocked activities that deviate from
what the organizations think the state is expecting.
From this perspective, the limited engagement could possibly be explained by the
institutional role SIOs have been granted in the Swedish context. Hence, whereas the
most common activity in our data –cultural activities –serves the political objectives
of Swedish multiculturalism, engagement in development and humanitarian aid rather
appeal to home country loyalties and are less common because such activities may be
at odds with this role. The same could possibly be said about the other activities we
have identified. Apart from lobbying for home country issues, celebration of home
country holidays and dissemination of information about home-country politics and
elections, the remaining activities primarily seem to address issues of concern for
migrants within Sweden. Structurally, therefore, many SIOs are seemingly caught in
a formula of activities that pertains to host country interests and may prevent transna-
tional undertakings on a wider scale. This was also confirmed in the interviews where
SIOs often perceived themselves not as transnational actors per se, but predominantly
as Swedish CSOs with the foremost task of preserving the cultural distinction of their
members while also contributing to integration.
These barriers are possibly reinforced by the official approach to co-development
which seems equally inhibited by structural constraints, particularly through a lack of
coordination across departments and the paradoxical state-assigned role of SIOs. While
MUCF, the state agency responsible for funding of SIOs, employ criteria for state-
funding that fail to address co-development efforts (and rather emphasize preserving
ethnic identity and participation in Swedish society), the PSDH which guides Swedish
development cooperation and aid, calls for greater involvement of migrants. Yet, the
PSDH remiss did not go out to a single SIO for review before being adopted by the
Swedish government, implying that SIOs were marginalized already in the formation
of the country’s development objectives (cf. Government of Sweden, 2016a, pp. 58–60).
Marginalized partner
While co-development practices may exist on a wider scale than presented here, our
study could identify but a few SIOs that are affiliated with Swedish aid financiers,
and only a handful of externally financed development projects. Apart from the part-
nership with organizations of Somalian descent, most development activities are see-
mingly undertaken without systematic and formalized collaboration. Considering the
484 A. Fredholm et al.
prevalence of enabling parameters and that nearly all of the organizations with devel-
opment activities are linked to countries of significance for Swedish aid, this suggests
that Sweden aligns with the cases of the Netherlands or Belgium where the lack of
institutional opportunity structures seems to prevent co-development on a wider
scale. The lack of opportunity structures could be contrasted with the formalized
and quite advanced development cooperation between the Swedish state and other
CSOs. This is further evident in the apparent mismatch of funding sources that inevi-
tably inhibit SIOs’development activities. MUCF, the agency constituting the largest
funding agency for SIOs, provides roughly 25 million SEK (about USD 3 million)
annually or an average of 313,000 SEK (about USD 37,000) per SIO for all types
of activities, while Sida provides close to 1.8 billion SEK (about USD 213 million)
for development assistance through CSOs as Strategic Partners. However, the list of
Strategic Partners fails to include any SIO (Sida, 2021b), and the latter are only spor-
adically involved in work carried out by selected Strategic Partners like ForumCiv
which received over 260 million SEK (about USD 31 million) in 2020 from Sida to
perform development activities (ForumCiv, 2021).
Comparing Sweden with other European cases also indicates that enhanced profes-
sionalization of SIOs is needed for co-partnership to flourish. This presents a challenge
as SIOs often lack the professional skills of other public sector partners and have been
reported elsewhere to find it difficult to comply with formalities that characterize col-
laboration with the authorities (Kleist, 2018; Scaramuzzino, 2013). As noted pre-
viously, professionalization of migrant organizations has been vital in Spain and
France where co-development strategies are more integrated in official development
policy. Given the practice of turning immigrant organization into legitimate stake-
holders, the Spanish case is particularly interesting in this respect. Even if SIOs
often prioritize activities that differ from the PSDH and have identified needs that
deviate from the Swedish policy targets, the government could draw from best prac-
tices in such contexts in order to enhance SIOs’professional capabilities and further
explore the prospect of cooperation.
Conclusion
Our data suggest that roughly 35 per cent of SIOs engage in some form in development
assistance and aid activities. Rather than larger projects, most SIOs provide develop-
ment support for their home-countries in an ad-hoc fashion. That is, they seldom par-
ticipate in official development projects funded by Sida or its strategic partners, where
only a handful of SIOs contribute. The analysis of SIOs’activities in relation to the
PSDH reveals that few activities align directly with Swedish development priorities,
although several activities do align indirectly.
We suggest that the relatively low levels of cooperation could be traced to a set of
structural constraints, where SIOs activities possibly are inhibited by a paradoxical,
state-provided role and lack of coordination between state agencies. SIOs are generally
Forum for Development Studies 485
neither viewed nor treated as important partners in Swedish development efforts,
which manifests itself both in terms of limited funding and marginalization from part-
nerships. Accordingly, the Swedish case aligns quite well with the Belgian and the
Dutch case where co-development is partly being pursued without sufficient opportu-
nity structures. It also misaligns with that of immigrant organizations in Spain, and to a
lesser degree France, two countries that have a more formalized and systematized
development cooperation with immigrant organizations.
At the same time, we discern potential for future enhancement of SIO-involvement
in Swedish development assistance and aid. Such partnerships would arguably benefit
SIOs, whose enhanced role could ensure adequate funding and possibilities for profes-
sionalization of their organizations, while most likely improving Swedish aid collab-
oration through local knowledge and potentially larger untapped networks in home
countries. Hence, the Swedish government may opt in the future to use established
co-development agreements and practices with CSOs, and experiences in other Euro-
pean countries, as roadmaps for enhanced engagement of SIOs.
Finally, immigrant organizations in other donor countries may constitute untapped
resources, like in the case of Sweden. Continued strengthening of the migration-devel-
opment nexus should arguably not overlook the potential of immigrant organizations
to spur local development, and findings in the Swedish case could be used in future
international assessments and planning for aid partnerships.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Funding
This work was supported by Marianne and Marcus Wallenberg Foundation. The data in this
article has previously been applied by the authors in the following publications:
Frödin, Olle, Fredholm, Axel and Sandberg, Johan (2021), ‘Integration, cultural preservation
and transnationalism through state supported immigrant organizations: A study of Sweden’s
national ethnic associations’,Comparative Migration Studies, 9, 35.
Frödin, Olle and Fredholm, Axel (2021), ’Transnationalism, integration och etnisk organiser-
ing: En studie av svenska etniska organisationer i ljuset av civilsamhällets omvandling’,Socio-
logisk forskning, 58, 3.
Notes on contributors
Axel Fredholm is Senior Lecturer at the Department of Sociology, Lund University, Sweden.
His research mainly covers development studies, migration, education policy and Swedish
school politics.
Johan Sandberg is Associate Professor (Docent), Department of Sociology at Lund University
and Research Fellow at the Center for Migration and Development (CMD), Office of
486 A. Fredholm et al.
Population Research at Princeton University. His research has been published in journals such
as Development and Change, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Development Policy Review, Social
Policy & Administration, and Global Social Policy.
Olle Frödin is Associate Professor (Docent) in Sociology at Lund University. His research
interests mainly concern globalization, governance, labor market change and migration.
ORCID
Axel Fredholm http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5169-9155
Johan Sandberg http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4481-3367
Olle Frödin http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5376-9006
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Appendix
Total Average Median Minimum Maximum
SIOs 52
MUCF Benefit
2017 (SEK)
18,505,000
(USD
2,188,771)
319,925
(USD
37,840.7)
296,825
(USD
35,108.5)
80,000
(USD
9462.4)
633,073
(USD
74,879.9)
MUCF Benefit
2015 (SEK)
18,424,999
(USD
2,179,309)
260,908
(USD
30,860.2)
278,977
(USD
32,997.4)
0* 594,520
(USD
70,319.8)
% MUCF Benefit
of Total Revenues
55.62% 65.50% 0* 99%
Year of
Establishment
1994 1945 2013
Years of
Operations
23,25 20.50 2 70
Number of
Members
127,935 2,460 1,671 244 8662
% Female 51.3%
% Male 48.7%
Local
Associations
1046 17.81 15.50 4 58
Municipalities 688 7 2 15
Table A1: SIOs’organizational features (based on data in SIOs’annual reports).
Afro-Swedish National Association
Bosnian-Hercegovina Women’s
Association
Albanian Iliria National Association
Bosnian-Hercegovina-Swedish Women’s
Association
Albanian Union of Associations Chinese National Association
Armenian National Association Croatian National Association
Assyrian National Association Djibouti Women’s National Association
Azarbajdzjani Congress ERIS Eritrean National Association
Bangladesh National Association Eritrean National Association
Banjaluka National Associations Estonian National Association
Bijeljina-Janja National Association Finnish National Association
Bosnian-Hercegovina National Association Greek National Association
Hungarian National Association Latvian National Association
Iranian & Kurdish Integration’National
Association (I.K.I.R) Lithuanian National Association
Iranian National Association Macedonian National Association
Iranian Refugees’National Association Mongolian National Association
Iraqi National Organization (IRS)
National Association Khaatumo State of
Somalia
Italian National Association Polish Congress in Sweden
Kaldeian National Association Polish National Association
Forum for Development Studies 491
Kurdish Council Portuguese National Association
Kurdish National Association Russian National Association
Kurdish Union National Association Serbian National Association
Serbian National Association in Sweden Sweden’s Chinese National Association
Slovenian National Associations Swedish-Kurdish National Association
Somalian Institute for Democratic Alternative Syrian National Association
Somalian National Association Tanzanian National Association
Somaliland National Association Ukrainian Alliance
Sudanese National Association Yarsan National Association
Sunbul National Association
Table A2: Overview of included organizations.
492 A. Fredholm et al.
