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COVID-19 lockdowns in the United Kingdom: Exploring the links between changes in time use, work patterns and energy-relevant activities

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Restrictions on movement and the imposed social distancing and work-from-home rules due to the recent global pandemic have sparked an interest in understanding changes in the timing, duration and sequencing of daily activities. In this paper, we investigate how working from home during the various stages of COVID-19-induced lockdowns in the United Kingdom influenced the timing of in-home, energy-related activities. We present findings from the analysis of data collected during the first and second UK lockdowns using an online diary instrument developed by the UK Centre for Time Use Research. Based on a weighted average index we show that there were noticeable changes in the start times of energy-relevant activities between the pre-and mid-lockdown periods. Both lockdowns showed a substantial variation in start times of laundering compared to the reference period. The food preparation activities start times varied more during the second lockdown depending on the time of the day. TV watching activities started later and lasted longer relative to the pre-pandemic reference period. We conclude by discussing how we can account for the associations we have identified between changing energy-relevant activities over the different phases of the lockdown periods.
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1-232-22# + Máté János Lőrincz
COVID-19 lockdowns in the United Kingdom:
Exploring the links between changes in time use, work
patterns and energy-relevant activities
Dr Máté János Lőrincz
School of Built Environment, University of Reading,
Whiteknights, Reading, RG6 6AF, UK
Email: m.lorincz@reading.ac.uk
T: +44 (0)1183786677
Dr José Luis Ramírez-Mendiola
School of Built Environment, University of Reading,
Whiteknights, Reading, RG6 6AF, UK
Email: j.ramirez-mendiola@reading.ac.uk
T: +44 (0)1183786677
Professor Jacopo Torriti
School of Built Environment, University of Reading,
Whiteknights, Reading, RG6 6AF, UK
Email: j.torriti@reading.ac.uk
Abstract
Restrictions on movement and the imposed social distancing and work-from-home rules due to the recent global
pandemic have sparked an interest in understanding changes in the timing, duration and sequencing of daily
activities. In this paper, we investigate how working from home during the various stages of COVID-19-induced
lockdowns in the United Kingdom influenced the timing of in-home, energy-related activities. We present findings
from the analysis of data collected during the first and second UK lockdowns using an online diary instrument
developed by the UK Centre for Time Use Research. Based on a weighted average index we show that there were
noticeable changes in the start times of energy-relevant activities between the pre- and mid-lockdown periods.
Both lockdowns showed a substantial variation in start times of laundering compared to the reference period. The
food preparation activities start times varied more during the second lockdown depending on the time of the day.
TV watching activities started later and lasted longer relative to the pre-pandemic reference period. We conclude
by discussing how we can account for the associations we have identified between changing energy-relevant
activities over the different phases of the lockdown periods.
Keywords: time-use research, energy-relevant practices, COVID-19 lockdowns
Introduction
The COVID-19-induced national lockdowns offer an unprecedented opportunity to explore the changes in
everyday life triggered by disruptions to the deeply embedded institutional rhythms that shape to a large extent
our everyday lives. While there are numerous consequences to these disruptions (e.g. increased remote work and
learning; decreased social interaction; or mental health consequences), little attention has been paid to how these
influenced daily routines and practices within the home environment. Everything from when and who performs
activities at home (for example, food preparation, work, or leisure) to the intensity, duration, or timing of activities
was bound to experience some changes. These changes in activity patterns, particularly those involving the use of
devices or appliances, have the potential to significantly alter energy usage patterns in the home; perhaps even in
ways that will persist even after the pandemic is over. The present work aims to explore the impact of working
from home on in-home, energy-relevant activities in the United Kingdom.
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In the United Kingdom, the national lockdowns had a significant impact on electricity consumption. The measures
implemented to contain the pandemic, including restrictions on movement and working from home appear to have
reduced energy demand overall (Bahmanyar et al. 2020, Sovacool et al. 2020). To illustrate this, Figure 1 compares
the total electricity consumption profiles in the UK as recorded by National Grid during a week in April 2020,
after the lockdown measures were imposed, and a reference week in April 2019. What this comparison reveals is
the fact that overall national demand decreased considerably during weekdays, and that the ‘typical’ weekday
demand profile started to look more like the ‘typical’ weekend profile. Therefore, it is clear that the timing of
energy-demanding activities changed as a result of the imposed restrictions. However, the question of how exactly
these changed remains.
Figure 1 - Weekly load profile comparison for the second week of April 2020 (in red) and a reference week in 2019 (in blue).
The markers highlighted along the profiles indicate three key times: 8am, 12pm and 6pm.
As is widely argued by researchers looking at incorporating theories of social practice into the study of the temporal
patterns of energy demand, it is sometimes necessary to take a step back from the energy demand itself and pay a
closer look at what gives rise to said patterns; that is, how individuals engage in those activities that result in
demand for energy, how daily routines are shared, and how these change and in response to what (Walker, 2021).
As studies on the relation between time-use and demand for energy point out, peaks in demand occur when many
individuals engage in energy-intensive practices at the same time of day (Torriti, 2017, Anderson et al., 2018).
These strong collective timings result from institutionally timed events (such as work or school schedules) that act
to coordinate and organise the temporal rhythm of daily activities. For instance, Lőrincz et al. (2021) provide
evidence on how different work schedules have a strong shaping influence over our daily and weekly time-use
patterns. In Lőrincz et al. (2022) we argue that understanding societal temporalities requires understanding how
work time is scheduled on a daily basis. Through the comparison between “fixed” and “flexible” work schedules,
we show that work arrangements can create stable practices that serve as stone pillars of daily routines. Taking
away (or "unlocking") stable practices during these time periods could result in a small amount of decongestion
of routine practices.
This paper focuses on identifying those changes in the temporalities of everyday in-home activities as a result of
the pandemic-induced restrictions. In particular, we focus on the impact of working practices taking place at home
over some of the most common activities with substantial impacts in terms of demand for energy, such as food
preparation, TV watching and laundering practices.
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Disruptions and changes in time-use during COVID-19 lockdowns
Given that COVID-19 lockdowns were a prime example of large-scales disruptions to everyday life, it is not
surprising that these sparked a huge amount of interest across the research community and beyond. And the time-
use research community was arguably the best suited to this task, as data collection on time-used continued
throughout most of the first year of the pandemic, which afforded researchers the opportunity to look into whether
there had been any significant changes in time-use patterns, relative to previous years where time-use data had
been collected.
For instance, based on total time estimates and location data, Gershuny et al. (2020) compare the infection risk
level of activities that individuals engaged in during the UK lockdown (May-June 2020) to 'pre-lockdown' periods
(namely, in 2016). Given the legal restrictions in place, it is no surprise that people significantly reduced activities
associated with a high risk of infection, such as meeting with non-household members in public places, in favour
of activities associated with a lower risk of infection, such as spending time at home alone or with household
members. Nevertheless, their analysis allowed for quantifying the impact of the disruptions.
School closures caused an additional disruption to normal routines for workers with children. Andrew et al. (2020)
investigated the impact of UK school closures on households with at least one child, finding an additional 4 hours
per day (per parent) devoted to childcare, accompanied by a reduction in leisure time. Approximately half of the
parents surveyed had stopped working during the lockdown due to job loss or being furloughed, while among
those who remained employed, the average time spent working decreased by 3.5 hours, with approximately one-
third of working hours spent multitasking between work and childcare.
Our analysis focuses on the impact of these changes in everyday activity schedules on the timing of what we refer
to as energy-relevant activities; that is, activities with a substantial impact on observed demand patterns. As we
pointed out above, there were significant changes in the overall demand loads observed during lockdown periods,
relative to what was observed in previous years. However, it is definitely worth diving deeper into this subject and
hopefully identify what exactly changed so that we observed such reductions in (peak) energy demand loads. A
preliminary analysis by Huebner et al. (2021) showed that self-reported heating behaviours did not change
significantly during lockdown. In terms of appliance use, the duration of use for TVs and computing equipment
has increased and spread more throughout the day. Being less able to manage finances was associated with
increased use of the smart-meter in-home display, and greater effort to save energy was associated with increased
use of the in-home display, though correlations were small.
Table 1 offers a brief summary of some of the work that has arisen with a view to answer questions such as the
ones posed in this paper. We contribute to the literature on time-use research by looking at variation in the timing
of energy-relevant social practices through the lens of a non-energy relevant disruption. Our starting point is the
assumption that various lockdown measures had an effect on the timing of energy-related practices. The main
research questions that guide our analysis is what was the impact of the various lockdowns on the timing of energy-
related practices?
Table 1. UK time-use diary studies that analyzed changes in social practices
during the COVID-19 lockdowns
Author
Data
Lockdown periods
Gershuny et al. 2020
In all 2,202 individuals were surveyed during
the 4 period of lockdowns
UK lockdown (May-June 2020)
in comparison to 2016 (‘pre-
lockdown’).
Andrew et al. 2020
4,915 parents with their children in England
through an online time-use diary, reporting
what activities they did during each hour of the
day.
Between 29 April and 15 May
2020
Adams-Prassl et al. 2020
Data on large geographically representative
samples of individuals in the United States, the
United Kingdom and Germany. In the US and
the UK, we collected two waves of survey
In the UK, the first wave (N = 3,
974) was collected on March 25-
26, 2020, while the second wave
(N = 4, 931) was collected on
April 9-14,2020
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data, while in Germany we collected one wave
of data.
Lee et al. 2021
Time-use diary data with a demographically
diverse sample of over 760 UK adults.
The first national lockdown (May
2020) and the third national
lockdown (March 2021).
Bu et al. 2020
Panel study of the psychological and social
experiences of over 50,000 adults.
11-week lockdown period from
21st March to 31st May 2020.
Felstead et al. 2020
Understanding Society COVID-19 Study
Three months of lockdown:
April, May and June 2020
Etheridge et al. 2020
UK Household Longitudinal Survey-COVID-
19 module.
Three months of lockdown:
April, May and June 2020
Huebner et al. 2021
Survey study of 1016 participants about
heating behaviours during the first UK
lockdown in March 2020.
The first lockdown of the
pandemic, from 23 March to 11
May 2020
Research framework and method
The severity of the UK's response to the COVID-19 pandemic varied throughout the year, as well as the scope of
the imposed measures, ranging from local measures only to national lockdowns. Table 2. shows the 2020 timeline
base on these different measures. In this paper we focus on the 1st and 2nd national lockdowns.
Table 2. Timeline of responses to COVID-19 pandemic in the UK
Start date
End date
Before pandemic restriction
01 January
22 March
1st national lockdown
23 March
18 June
Local measures
19 June
04 November
2nd national lockdown
05 November
01 December
Local measures
02 December
31 December
Data
Over the course of the first year of the pandemic, four small-scale, but nationally representative, quota-based time-
use surveys were carried out in the UK. The data was collected via an online tool referred to as Click and Drag
Diary Instrument (CaDDI), which was developed by the UK Centre for Time Use Research. For the first lockdown,
time-use diaries were collected in late May/early June 2020 (n=1007 diary days), and for the second lockdown, in
late November 2020 (n=1358 diary days).
In addition to the time-use data collected throughout the pandemic months, we also make use of the UK 2014-15
Time Use-Survey (Gershuny et al. 2017) so that we can establish a pre-pandemic baseline. This UKTUS 2015
data was collected between April 2014 and December 2015 from a nationally representative sample of the British
population using a multi-stage stratified probability sampling. The sample size consists of 9,388 individuals in
4,238 households who completed 16,550 time-use diaries and 3,523 week-long work schedules. The time-use
diaries provide 10 minutes information about what, where and with whom individuals are during one weekday and
one weekend day.
Method
Energy-relevant activities
As we mentioned earlier, a practice is deemed energy-relevant if it can be reasonably expected that the performance
of this practice might entail the use of energy-consuming appliances. In this paper we focus on the following
energy relevant activities: preparing food, washing clothes and watching TV during. For the sake of clarity, we
also restrict the analysis to the discrepancies between weekdays, as these are bound to exhibit the most noticeable
changes. To better compare the change in time use between the different lockdowns, a weighted average index
(Ramírez-Mendiola et al. 2022) is used to determine the time of day where the start of periods of engagement in
particular activities is more likely to occur, expressed mathematically as:
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Avgw =
(𝑤𝑖∗ 𝑡𝑖)
𝑛
𝑖
(𝑤𝑖)
𝑛
𝑖
Were:
ti denotes a 10 minute interval along the 24h-long time-use diaries ;
wi is a weight that captures the relative frequency of the energy-relevant activity in question at the
corresponding time-step i and
n is the number of time-use diaries.
Exploring changes in the timing and duration of work schedules
For the purposes of our analysis, survey respondents were considered to be working whenever they reported
engaging in paid work in their time-use diaries. Figure 2 shows the distribution of daily total work time prior to
and during lockdowns for weekdays. In general, it appears that prior to the lockdown, people tended to work longer
hours than the 8hr/day typically expected. However, during the first lockdown, the distribution shows a
considerable shift towards the left, meaning that more people reported working less than 8 hours. During the
second lockdown, it would appear that things start to returning to ‘normal’ in terms of the amount of time most
people spent working, but the distribution is a much narrower one than the one observed pre-pandemic, which
means those who still had to work from home were a lot more strict about sticking to their contractual hours
relative to the reference period.
Figure 2 - Comparison of the distribution of the overall duration of daily work time for weekdays.
Workers in the first lockdown appear to prioritise their time differently, as evidenced by their shorter workdays.
However, while the distributions of the daily totals of time spent working shed some light onto this, a closer
inspection of the distribution of the reported start times of the periods of work allows us to better estimate this.
Figure 3 shows the distributions of the start times of periods of work during weekdays. As the distributions show,
the most likely start time of the periods of work started to shift to later times in the morning; while the most likely
start time pre-pandemic was about 8:20, by the second lockdown this had shifted to 8:40. In contrast, the most
likely times for resuming work after lunch remained remarkably consistent. This essentially means that people
were spending less time working overall in the first half of the day. In addition, during the lockdowns the afternoon
relative frequencies are smaller suggesting that smaller amount of people returned to work after the mid-day break.
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Figure 2 - Distributions of the start times of episodes of engagement in work-related activity in 2015 (reference year), first
and second national UK COVID-19 lockdowns, from top to bottom, respectively. The vertical dotted lines correspond to the
weighted positional averages for the three time windows considered: 4:00-11:00, 11:00-16:00 and 16:00-24:00.
Figure 1 highlighted the fact that, despite the substantial overall reductions in energy demand, the evening peak
loads prevailed even during the lockdowns, and they experienced proportionally smaller reductions relative to
what was observed at other times of day. Most likely, this was due to the fact that the evening peak is heavily
influenced by temporally-fixed household energy-using practices (Torriti 2017). Many household activities, such
as food preparation, media consumption, and lighting-intensive activities, are carried out during this time period
and it was expected that people would spend more time at home as a result of the imposed lockdowns. In the next
section, we explore how the timing of the energy-relevant activities (such as food-preparation, laundering and
television watching) changed during the lockdowns, relative to the pre-pandemic baseline.
Exploring the variation in the timing of energy-relevant activities
during the pandemic
Food preparation activities
Figure 4 depicts the distribution of start times of episodes of food preparation activity in 2015 (reference year)
compared to the first and second national UK COVID-19 lockdowns. Based on these distributions, it is clear that
the start times of food preparation activities changed as result of the national lockdowns. The greatest levels of
engagement in food preparation activities are observed during the late afternoon-evening period, both pre- and
mid-lockdown. However, as the weighted averages show, people were more likely to start their food preparation
activities about half-an-hour earlier during lockdowns, relative to the most likely start time in pre-pandemic times
(18:30).
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Figure 3 - Distributions of the start times of episodes of engagement in Food preparation activity in 2015 (reference year),
first and second national UK COVID-19 lockdowns, from top to bottom, respectively. The vertical dotted lines correspond to
the weighted positional averages for the three time windows considered: 4:00-11:00, 11:00-16:00 and 16:00-24:00.
Laundering activities
Figure 5 shows the distributions of start times of episodes of laundering activity in 2015 (reference year) compared
to the first and second national UK COVID-19 lockdowns. We can observe that there was a lot of variation in the
start of laundering activities during the lockdowns when people had more time at home. Laundry begins in large
numbers during lockdowns in the mornings and middays periods. On the contrary, during the pre-lockdown period
a higher number of start event are recorded in the evening after 6pm.
Figure 4 - Distributions of the start times of episodes of engagement in laundering in 2015 (reference year), first and second
national UK COVID-19 lockdowns, from top to bottom, respectively. The vertical dotted lines correspond to the weighted
positional averages for the three time windows considered: 4:00-11:00, 11:00-16:00 and 16:00-24:00.
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TV watching activity
Figure 6 shows the distribution of the television watching start times before and during the COVID-19 lockdowns.
Based on the observed distributions, it is clear that the most likely start time for TV watching pre-pandemic was
around 7:50pm, whereas during lockdowns the most likely time shifted to 7:20pm; that is, people tended to start
watching TV about half an hour earlier in the evenings, which is perhaps a clear indication that the periods of
relaxation and unwinding were being carried forward.
Figure 6 - Distributions of the start times of episodes of engagement in TV watching activitiy in 2015 (reference year), first
and second national UK COVID-19 lockdowns, from top to bottom, respectively. The vertical dotted lines correspond to the
weighted positional averages for the three time windows considered: 4:00-11:00, 11:00-16:00 and 16:00-24:00.
Discussion and Conclusions
The onset of nationwide lockdowns in an attempt to curb the spread of COVID-19 was bound to have substantial
implications for everyday life. Not surprisingly, people started referring to the situations induced by such
lockdowns as ‘the new normal’. And while we were certain that things were different, relative to the way we were
used to going about our everyday lives, it was still not very clear the extent to which this ‘new normal’ had reshape
our daily activity patterns.
The analysis reported in this paper was motivated by the interest in trying to quantify this impact in terms of the
shifts in the timing of certain activities. In particular, our study focuses on the impacts of the work-from-home
mandates on other activities that are relevant in terms of their associated demand for energy such as food
preparation, TV watching and doing the laundry. As the result of the analysis show, there were significant changes,
both in terms of the daily totals of time spent on tasks related to paid employment, and in terms of the start times
of such periods of paid work and other energy-related activities in the United Kingdom. In general, it is observed
that people worked shorter periods during the first period of restrictions compared to the pre-pandemic reference
period (2015). Nevertheless, both lockdown periods showed substantial variations in the distribution of start times
of the energy-relevant activities.
As the calculated distributions of start times show, the most likely start time of the periods of work shifted to later
times of day, whereas the most likely start times of food preparation activities and TV watching shifted to earlier
times. At first glance, this might appear unsurprising as, arguably, the newly found spare time freed up by taking
work commutes out of the ‘daily scheduling equation’ was swiftly taken over by other activities. What strikes us
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as surprising, however, is the extent to which the overall patterns of activity prevailed. Previously, it has been
argued that allowing for the kind of flexibility afforded by extended periods of remote working would allow for
the emergence of more ‘balanced’ energy demand patterns; that is, overall daily demand loads would feature lesser
peaks or not peaks at all. The reasoning behind this idea is that by allowing the opportunity to distribute energy-
related activities throughout the day, the associated demand would follow suit. It is remarkable, however, that
despite the fact that the shaping influence of institutional rhythms such as office and school opening hours were
severely compromised during the pandemic-induced lockdown periods, the overall patterns of activity remained
largely unchanged.
These findings have concrete implications for policy, with the key message being that removing constraints alone
is not going to bring about the desired changes in daily patterns of demand on its own. It is clearly necessary to
also implement (dis)incentive mechanisms through which the public can be steered into the direction that would
allow for a better utilisation of clean energy sources (e.g. shifting the time of laundering practices from the morning
to the middle of the day).
As with any other complex problem, there are many other factors that need to be taken into account when it comes
to estimating the extent to which this steering of practices can be effective. For example, Adams-Prassl et al.
(2020), suggest that female workers report a lower ability to work from home, primarily due to the existing
imbalances in household caring and upkeeping responsibilities. Lee et al. (2021) finds similar evidence of a gender
gap in the amount of time spent on household activities, though men experienced a larger absolute increase during
the lockdown, which helped to close the pre-lockdown gap.
In addition to the impacts of working-from-home mandates on the temporalities of activity and energy demand
patterns, it is also important to pay attention to other, rather positive side-effects of the flexibility afforded by them.
For instance, tracking time-use during the early months of lockdown, Bu et al. (2020) found that having more
flexibility for engaging in work, housework, gardening, exercising, reading, hobbies, communicating with
friends/family, and listening to music were all associated with improvements in mental health and wellbeing. These
benefits, however, were partly offset by the impact of watching the news on COVID-19, and overall excessive TV
watching, which were associated with declines in mental health and wellbeing.
The preliminary results presented in this paper offer some insight into the changes observed in a rather limited set
of practices, but there is clearly scope for more in-depth analyses comprising larger sets of practices, as well as
more comprehensive analyses of the impacts across different sectors of the population, regions, or even across
countries. We hope that the analysis presented in this paper leads to further research into these potential avenues.
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Article
Full-text available
To contain the spread of Covid-19, governments across the world imposed partial or complete lockdowns. National energy demand decreased in periods of lockdowns; however, as people spent more time at home, residential energy use likely increased. This paper reports the results of a UK survey study (N = 1016 participants) about their energy-use practices during the first lockdown in March 2020. The results indicated that self-reported heating behaviours did not substantially change during lockdown. Regarding appliance use, in particular the duration of usage for televisions and computing equipment has increased and has spread more over the day. Being less able to manage financially was correlated with a greater usage of the smart meter in-home display and a greater attempt to save energy was positively correlated with greater usage of the in-home display, though correlations were small. In summary, the results indicate that home energy-use behaviours, in particular around heating, did not change as much as might have been expected, which might at least partly be explained by the comparatively warm weather during the first lockdown. Corroborating the survey findings with actual energy data is the next essential step to understand findings in more detail.
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We investigated changes in the quantity and quality of time spent on various activities in response to the COVID-19-induced national lockdowns in the UK. We examined effects both in the first national lockdown (May 2020) and the third national lockdown (March 2021). Using retrospective longitudinal time-use diary data collected from a demographically diverse sample of over 760 UK adults in both lockdowns, we found significant changes in both the quantity and quality of time spent on broad activity categories (employment, housework, leisure). Individuals spent less time on employment-related activities (in addition to a reduction in time spent commuting) and more time on housework. These effects were concentrated on individuals with young children. Individuals also spent more time doing leisure activities (e.g. hobbies) alone and conducting employment-related activities outside normal working hours, changes that were significantly correlated with decreases in overall enjoyment. Changes in quality exacerbated existing inequalities in quantity of time use, with parents of young children being disproportionately affected. These findings indicate that quality of time use is another important consideration for policy design and evaluation.
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In order to have the best possible chance of achieving ‘decent work’ and ‘climate action’ as laid forth in the UN Sustainable Development Goals, government and policy makers must pay close attention to current time-use patterns, as well as the way these might change in the near future. Here we contribute to the existing literature on time-use behaviour through a systematic exploration of the relationship between working patterns and energy consumption from the perspective of time-use. Our starting point is the premise that different work arrangements impact the timing of energy demand not only in workplaces, but also at home. Using the data from the 2014–2015 UK time-use survey, we were able to capture patterns of time-use behaviours and to assess their relationship with daily energy consumption. We propose a systematic time-use-based approach for estimating residential energy consumption with regards to activity timing, activity location, activity coordination, and appliance type. We use this method to discover patterns in residential activities and energy consumption, as well as the causal relationship between residential energy consumption and work patterns. In this study, we unpack the heterogeneity in the work–energy relationship, particularly when comparing full-time and part-time workers. Our results suggest that full-time employees have a higher potential to reduce their energy use compared to part-time employees. We also discover a non-linear change in total energy consumption for respondents with varying levels of work time. Energy consumption reductions associated with differences in work schedules are greatest during the first few hours of the workday, but then level off. Our findings suggests that time-use data can provide useful insights for evaluating and possibly designing energy and labour-market policies.
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Report on the growth, characteristics and consequences of homeworking before and during the UK 2020 lockdown.
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We present real time survey evidence from the UK, US and Germany showing that the immediate labor market impacts of Covid-19 differ considerably across countries. Employees in Germany, which has a well-established short-time work scheme, are substantially less likely to be affected by the crisis. Within countries, the impacts are highly unequal and exacerbate existing inequalities. Workers in alternative work arrangements and who can only do a small share of tasks from home are more likely to have lost their jobs and suffered falls in earnings. Women and less educated workers are more affected by the crisis.
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Peaks in electricity demand generate significant negative environmental and economic impacts. As a result, recent policy and research attention has focused on the potential for temporal flexibility of demand, especially in the context of intermittent low-carbon generation. Much of this work emphasises the need to understand what makes up the peak and to engineer solutions to meet this 'normal' consumption. However, today's patterns of temporal consumption may only be a snapshot of continuing change. This paper uses UK household time-use survey data to analyse change in temporal patterns of activities over the last 40 years to shed light on apparent temporal shifts in overall UK electricity demand. The results highlight long term evolution in when and where people work, travel, eat, use media and carry out social activities. In particular they suggest that changing patterns of labour market participation may be contributing to shifts in food related, personal/home care and media activities which correlates with shifts in electricity demand. We conclude that both stable and dynamic social structures and forms of organisation have direct implications for policy debates around current and future flexible demand-side solutions.
Worker productivity during lockdown and working from home: Evidence from self-reports (No. 2020-12)
  • B Etheridge
  • Y Wang
  • L Tang
Etheridge, B., Wang, Y., & Tang, L. (2020). Worker productivity during lockdown and working from home: Evidence from self-reports (No. 2020-12). ISER Working Paper Series.
Energy and Rhythm: Rhythmanalysis for a Low Carbon Future
  • G Walker
Walker, G. (2021). Energy and Rhythm: Rhythmanalysis for a Low Carbon Future. Rowman & Littlefield.