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ISSN 2312-5160
online ISSN 2786-4502
© 2021 Актуальні питання масової комунікації
14
Current Issues of Mass Communication, Issue 30 (2021)
Journal homepage: http://comstudies.org
https://doi.org/10.17721/2312-5160.2021.30.14-32
UDC 070.19.001.36(477)(470)(4-672)
_____________________________________________________________________________________
Research Article
_____________________________________________________________________________________
The View of Journalism Teachers
in a Transition Society on the Future of the Profession:
A Comparison Between Ukraine,
Russia and the European Union
Katerina Sirinyok-Dolgaryova (a), Nico Drok (b)
(a) PhD (Social Communications), Associate Professor of Department of Journalism,
Zaporizhzhia National University, Ukraine. ORCID: 0000-0003-1703-1295
Email: sirinyok.dolgaryova@gmail.com
(b) PhD, Professor of the Department of Media & Civil Society,
Windesheim University of Applied Sciences, Netherlands. ORCID: 0000-0001-8494-4540
Email: n.drok@windesheim.nl
ABSTRACT
Ukraine as a transition country experiences various challenges in its social, educational, economic,
cultural and media sectors: unstable economy, ongoing armed conflict in the Eastern Ukraine,
partial reluctance in accepting reforms. Journalism education in Ukraine undergoes a complex
transformation supported by national government and foreign projects including Erasmus+ CBHE
DESTIN. The purpose of this research is to explore the views of j-schools teachers as key
stakeholders on the future tasks, trends and ethical issues of the profession. The study is based on
results of a survey conducted by the European Journalism Training Association and the World
Journalism Education Council in different world countries, including EU states, Ukraine, and
Russia. The article concentrated on comparing and investigating correlations between Ukrainian,
Russian and European educators’ views to the same set of questions.
The results show that in all three categories of analysis – tasks, trends, ethics – there is a stronger
consensus between Ukrainian and Russian teachers than there is between Ukrainian teachers and
their European colleagues. All teachers believe in importance of reliability and verification of
information, are in favor of a strong sense of responsibility and of less commercialism in journalism
and share a strong ethical disapproval of misleading the audiences, for instance by altering photos
or quotes. However, Ukrainian and Russian teachers share a somewhat higher appreciation of
journalists as disseminators, whereas European educators put more emphasis on the journalistic
investigator role. With regard to ethics a main difference is that Europeans see paying or getting
money from sources as unacceptable, whereas this practice is more tolerated in Ukraine and Russia.
KEYWORDS: journalism education, DESTIN, Ukraine, Russia, E.U., transition society,
professional roles, qualifications, ethics.
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online ISSN 2786-4502
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УДК 070.19.001.36(477)(470)(4-672)
_____________________________________________________________________________________
Дослідницька стаття
_____________________________________________________________________________________
Погляд викладачів журналістики в перехідному
суспільстві на майбутнє професії:
порівняння України, Росії та Європейського Союзу
Сіріньок-Долгарьова Катерина Григорівна, кандидат наук із соціальних комунікацій,
доцент кафедри журналістики Запорізького національного університету, Запоріжжя,
Україна. ORDCID: 0000-0003-1703-1295.
Email: sirinyok.dolgaryova@gmail.com
Дрок Ніко, доктор філософії, професор медіа та громадянського суспільства
Університету прикладних наук Віндесхайма, Зволле, Нідерланди.
ORCID: 0000-0001-8494-4540.
Email: n.drok@windesheim.nl
Резюме
Україна як країна з перехідною економікою стикається з різними проблемами у
соціальному, освітньому, економічному, культурному та медійному секторах: нестабільна
економіка, тривалий збройний конфлікт на Сході України, часткове небажання приймати
реформи. Журналістська освіта в Україні зазнає комплексної трансформації за підтримки
національного уряду та іноземних проектів, зокрема Erasmus+ CBHE DESTIN. Метою цього
дослідження є дослідити погляди викладачів журналістики як ключових стейкхолдерів на
майбутні завдання, тенденції та етичні проблеми професії. Дослідження ґрунтується на
результатах опитування, проведеного Європейською асоціацією підготовки журналістів та
Всесвітньою радою з освіти журналістів у різних країнах світу, включаючи країни ЄС,
Україну та Росію. У статті основний акцент було зроблено на порівнянні та дослідженні
кореляції між поглядами українських, російських та європейських освітян на один і той же
набір питань.
Результати показують, що в усіх трьох категоріях аналізу – завдання, тенденції, етика – між
українськими та російськими викладачами існує сильніший консенсус, ніж між
українськими викладачами та їхніми європейськими колегами. Усі викладачі вірять у
важливість достовірності та перевірки інформації, виступають за сильне почуття
відповідальності та меншого комерціалізму в журналістиці та поділяють рішуче етичне
несхвалення введення в оману аудиторії, наприклад, змінюючи фотографії чи цитати. Проте
українські та російські викладачі дещо вище оцінюють роль журналістів як
розповсюджувачів, тоді як європейські освітяни приділяють більше уваги ролі журналіста-
розслідувача. Що стосується етики, головна відмінність полягає в тому, що європейці
вважають неприйнятними платити або отримувати гроші з джерел, тоді як в Україні та Росії
така практика більшою мірою толерується.
Ключові слова: журналістська освіта, DESTIN, Україна, Росія, ЄС, перехідне суспільство,
професійні ролі, кваліфікація, етика
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Introduction
Journalism reflects a society and at the same time a key framing force of the social progress
and democratic development in that society. Rephrasing the famous quote, some media critics ar-
gue that in modern digital world journalism becomes the second draft of history (cf. Harkin, 2019)
replaced by new and social media as the first draft writing. Even if this is true, professional jour-
nalism remains crucial for providing people with credible and reliable information for forming
opinions and making choices and decisions. This is specifically important for the transitional de-
mocracies of post-totalitarian countries like Ukraine, where journalism is still under transformation
from a Soviet controlled propaganda-based style to a watchdog style with investigative and bal-
anced reporting, even after thirty years. As an important part of the media system, journalism ed-
ucation mirrors the societal and professional changes, being however at the same time a force for
progress and setting the directions for the profession.
This article attempts to provide ground for reflection on what the future of journalism should
look like, through the lenses of the journalism educators. The study’s objective is to compare the
views of journalism teachers in Ukraine, in the European Union and in Russia on important topics
such as journalistic roles, ethics, tasks, and qualifications. The authors aim to correlate the teachers’
views considering their cultural and territorial affiliations to discuss the differences and similarities
in how they see the future of journalism. Considering that Ukraine officially took the European
vector in sociopolitical development in 2014 after the Revolution of Dignity, the following annex-
ation of Crimea and the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, the point of interest is whether the Ukrain-
ians’ views nowadays are closer to European than to Russian ones, and with regard to which topics
and angles.
It can be hardly questioned that either being “the first rough draft of history” or the second
one, journalism itself largely depends on historical conditions in which news media and profes-
sional journalism emerge and exist. Post-totalitarian countries like Ukraine experience all kind of
drawbacks due to their historical baggage. The following sections will provide some of the key
points to consider in terms of Ukrainian historical and sociopolitical conditions that influenced
today’s Ukraine as a transitional country. Our particular focus is on its journalism, especially its
journalism education.
History of Ukraine as a borderland
Traditionally, Ukraine has been seen as a borderland between the East and the West geograph-
ically, culturally, and politically. As Harvard based Ukrainian-origin historian Plohiy (2015) notes,
Ukraine for centuries has been Europe’s gate between Western and Eastern Christianity. This gate-
way closed because of wars, cataclysms or conflicts and opened in t peaceful times, being a bridge
for exchange of people, goods and ideas between Europe and Eurasia (Plohiy, 2015). During the
centuries of Ukraine’s development into an independent state, there were bright and dark periods
– from ancient Scythians to Kievan Rus; from democratic Zaporozhian Cossack’s state and its
1710 Pylyp Orlyk’s constitution considered the first democratic constitution in the world (Pritsak,
1998) to the Ruin times, which consequently led to loss of statehood for centuries. Ukraine had
been torn apart between powerful European empires (Austria, Hungary, Poland, Lithuania) and
Russia. The independent state appeared only in the last decade of the twentieth century.
Even after having defended the status of a sovereign county when the Soviet Union collapsed,
Ukraine still is at the crossroads between European and Eurasian outlooks. Unstable democracy
and “a post-Soviet oligarch-controlled distribution of power and resources” (Minakov & Rojansky,
2021, p. 321) led to public revolutionary unrests. It seems Ukrainian civil society articulated clear
support for the European vector of the country’s development during massive protests at the 2004
Orange Revolution and the 2014 Revolution of Dignity, yet Ukraine’s transformation into a mod-
ern European democracy is still under construction. Moreover, Ukrainian sociologists Golovakha
suggests that although the Ukraine’s European choice is undeniable; its social “reluctant transfor-
mation” (Golovakha et al. 2020) is very long-term story. Ukrainian society – a “classic post-feudal
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society” (Golovakha 2016) – with its deeply-rooted peasant culture and domestic nepotism still
keeps many essential traits of Soviet social order, such as a lack of trust in state institutions, an
overwhelming corruption, and a lack of civil activism. The latter one is slowly shrinking due to
volunteers’ movement that emerged during the 2013 Euromaidan protests and then transformed
into serious civic supporting force for Ukrainian army from 2014 on.
Meanwhile, as Minakov et all. (2021) note, civil society is constrained by a powerful state
bureaucracy, freedom of speech by large-scale media manipulations, and participatory citizenship
by fake democracy and imitative reforms. This “immutable state of ambivalence” (Veira-Ramos
et al., 2020) in values, political attitudes, and orientations (cf. Buhbe, 2017) may be a consequence
of Ukraine’s long colonial history and the more recent Soviet Union past.
From Ukraine’s colonial history to personalism
The geopolitical settings between Western and Eastern civilizations and being centuries under
the reign of neighboring states determine the worldview of Ukrainians. Colonization threat came
from outside actors as well as in the form of inner colonization (cf. Horbyk 2016) and slavery: e.g.
the serfdom was in effect on Ukrainian land until mid-nineteenth century; forced collectivization
of peasants by Soviet government lasted from 1920s till 1950s. The latter period is also sadly
known because of 1930s Holodomor genocide (terror-famine committed by Soviet authorities).
Following years of Soviet rule until the 1990s are described as “isolation, and the accompanying
desolation, were the result of decades of war, ethnic cleaning, and totalitarian rule” (Applebaum,
2015). Thirty years later, this isolation is not the case anymore, but the transition process from
totalitarianism to democracy was not successful in all realms of life, and even failed in some
spheres due to growing power of the oligarchs and high level of corruption. As Golovakha et al.
(2020) states: “Almost three decades later, the general feeling is somewhere between despair and
moderate satisfaction regarding certain partial achievements” (p. 1).
Some scholars (e.g., Wynnyckyj 2019, 2020) do not consider the geopolitical factor of being
a borderland as a key one in Ukraine’s transformation. They argue that Ukrainians brought Euro-
pean values of freedom and dignity from a rational to an ideological level during the Revolution
of Dignity. Wynnyckyj (2020) suggests that “the shift from individualism to personalism in social
interaction and the transition from hierarchy to heterarchy in power relations, particularly with
respect to institutionalizing “fairness”, embodied in the various structures and organizations
formed during Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity, may have been reflective of more comprehensive
trends in ideational change affecting European (Western) civilization” (p. 123). The scholar pro-
vides evidence that Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity brought up personalism as a key trait of
Ukrainian nation on contrary to individualism of a Western civilization. He notes that individual-
ism focuses on well-being and coexisting of sovereign individuals in the society, with a mediating
power of state authorities. Wynnyckyj (2020) explains that in Ukraine, where state institutions are
not well trusted, personalism as a philosophical post-modern concept embeds into a form of col-
lective sovereignty with respect to rights and responsibility:
“The “person-of-Maidan” (and the volunteer fighter / aid provider / government reform activ-
ist) who declares his/her individual rights, but simultaneously recognizes collective responsibility
to “the people” (i. e. a duty to help, defend, feed, and sacrifice for others with no overt or assumed
benefit in return) stands in sharp contrast to the Individual (writ large) of Hobbes and Locke, and
therefore diverges fundamentally from the basic tenets of “modernity.” The unique values complex
generated and proliferated by the Ukrainian revolution seems a strange mix of Western individu-
alism with respect to rights, and Slavic collectivism with respect to responsibility” (p. 130-131).
Indeed, the recent civic revolutions proved that Ukraine does not want to return to its colonial
past (Minakov 2018) and is ready to fight separatism and imperial appetites of Russia (e.g., so
called Novorossiya project at Eastern Ukraine). However, the rise of the civil society did not auto-
matically imply Ukraine’s fast and easy transition to a European kind of practices in the various
spheres of public life, such as education, jurisdiction and media.
Transition period for Ukraine’s media
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Despite the issues discussed above, within the media sector there have been certain visible
achievements and improvements, such as the adoption of media ownership transparency law in
2015, the battling of disinformation and the development and implementation of nation-wide media
literacy projects. According to Reporters without Borders’ Press Index, Ukraine went up 22 places
since 2015: in 2021 Ukraine ranks 97th out of 180 countries (2015: 129th place). Korbut (2021)
emphasizes that despite the continued dominance of powerful oligarchs in Ukraine’s media sector,
the political elite, audiences, and the media community (e.g., media watchdogs Detector Media
and IMI) all play important roles in tackling corruption, political influence, and poor media liter-
acy.
The European vector of development in Ukraine, supported by the Revolution of Dignity, is
reflected in Ukraine’s media. Horbyk (2017) suggests that Ukrainian journalists intentionally take
pro-European side neglecting professional standards of balance and neutrality: “during and after
Euromaidan, Ukrainian journalists used the powerful Europe-as-values concept to actively inter-
vene in the political field and recontextualize this narrative of Europe as the official foreign policy
narrative. This was enabled, paradoxically, by weak professionalism that made a wavering from a
neutral stance possible” (p. 9).
Despite the changes in the mediasphere, tight connection between the government and busi-
ness clans remains a key feature of national media
1
. As experts of Ukraine’s Centre for Democracy
and Rule of Law (2019) suggest, media companies are mostly ruled by oligarchs who often use
media as a tool of a social influence to protect their political and financial influence. Minakov
(2020) has shown that over 90% of the nationwide audience is controlled by four media groups
(StarLight Media, 1+1 Media, Inter Media, and Media Group Ukraine) that belong to four oligarchs
(Viktor Pinchuk, Ihor Kolomoyskyi/Privat Group, Dmytro Firtash and Rinat Akhmetov, respec-
tively).
Within the framework of this oligarchy there is also a culturally and historically determined
issue of payment for media coverage. This is called ‘jeansa’ – derived from 'jeans' as a reference
to money being kept in jeans pockets allegedly used for illegitimate transactions (Reporters without
Borders, 2016). This type of bribed coverage is specifically widespread during the elections, alt-
hough it appears regularly in all types of media. For instance, the Ukrainian Institute for Mass
Information reported that half of jeansa in regional online media comes from local politicians and
city authorities (IMI, 2021).
These problems with professionalism, battling influence of oligarchical ownership, corruptive
practices of jeansa, Russian propaganda and disinformation, influence the transitions in the jour-
nalism education that is – like the whole education system in the county – also in a stance of
transformation.
Transition period in Ukraine’s journalism education
Being part of a wide sociopolitical change in post-totalitarian Ukraine, educational reform has
been a matter of permanent discussion in the society. As Kvit (2015) describes it: “The zeal to
reform higher education and scientific research attests to a wish to get rid of the soviet colonial
legacy” (p. 44). The scholar points on significant steps in Ukraine’s higher education like widening
universities autonomy and building the HEIs quality assurance systems. As Farias Pelcastre et al.
(2019) indicate, the reforms in Ukraine’s education are long overdue and are amid the government
priorities.
Next to the challenges that Ukrainian education in general has been experiencing during recent
decades, Ukraine’s journalism education also faces specific problems. The first and most notable
one is a lack of experience with educating journalists. Before the 1990s, there were only three
1
There are many reasons for the current state of affairs in Ukraine’s media market, among which for instance Ivanov
mentions: “a very small advertising market (comparing to European one), congestion of print and electronic media outlets,
politicians’ attempts to control media, the problems of media persons’ safety, and a low level of keeping journalism
standards by the journalists” (Ivanov & Peters, 2019, p. 6).
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universities where journalism was taught (in Kyiv and Lviv). This was done predominantly within
the paradigm of communism. Over a relatively short period the number of journalism departments
has risen very fast. Nowadays there are about fifty journalism departments, most of which emerged
in early 2000-2010s with all ensuing problems for such young educational establishments. Firstly,
there was lack of professional faculty staff with degrees in Communication or Journalism, and of
practitioners who could teach practical courses. Faculty members who did have a degree– mainly
in linguistics and humanities – were asked to fill the vacancies, which led to prevailing theoretical
courses over practical ones. Secondly, there was and still is a gap between the university curricula
and the practical needs of the news industry (cf. Vannay, 2016; Demchenko, 2018; Dovzhenko,
2018). Both students and media professionals believe that in journalism education practice should
predominate over theory; this would enable students to become skilled employees (i.e., internships
in media outlets, practical lab-based courses). However, the challenge of journalism departments
is to balance between fulfilling this demand and to realize their broader mission – providing stu-
dents with the cultural, historical, and social theoretical baggage needed for any citizen possessing
a higher education degree. The third main challenge for Ukraine’s journalism education is similar
to one Ukrainian journalism itself faces– the gap between the desirable professional standards and
ethics on one hand, and the reality of daily practice in the news industry, which often lacks profes-
sional integrity and professionalism on the other.
To face these challenges and introduce best European practices in Ukrainian journalism edu-
cation the DESTIN project emerged as an initiative of ten Ukrainian j-schools lead by European
partners. DESTIN stands for “Journalism Education for Democracy in Ukraine: Developing
Standards, Integrity, and Professionalism”. It is realized under umbrella of Erasmus+ Capacity
Building in Higher Education Key Action and gathered twenty partners from Ukraine, UK, Neth-
erlands, Ireland, Sweden, Poland, and Austria including Higher Education Institutes, professional
journalism associations and news media. As the DESTIN’s leaders describe (Gadd et al., 2021),
the project focuses on promoting and incorporating journalism standards, integrity and profession-
alism into Ukraine’s j-schools BA and MA curricula in order to provide the graduates with oppor-
tunities for better employability and competitiveness on European and world scenes. Among its
aims, there also is establishing a long-term cooperation between j-schools and the news media
through ongoing internships, joined projects, professional development initiatives, regular consul-
tations and discussions for curricula developing and updating.
Teacher’s view on the journalism future
The DESTIN project also opened the possibility for Ukraine to join global research conducted
by European Journalism Training Association (EJTA). In 2021, Ukraine was included in the world-
wide research “Journalistic Roles, Values and Qualifications in the 21st century; How European
journalism educators view the future of a profession in transition”. The aim of this research is to
make comparisons between the views of journalism teachers in different parts of the world on the
future of the profession.
This article focuses specifically on the views of Ukrainian teachers in comparison with the
views of their colleagues from the European Union and Russia. The research questions are:
RQ1: How do Ukrainian teachers see the future importance of various journalistic tasks, ethics,
and qualifications?
RQ2: Do these views stand closer to the views of journalism teachers from Russia or from the
European Union?
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Method
The data that are used in this article originate from three online surveys on the views of jour-
nalism teachers on Journalistic roles, values, and qualifications in the 21st century. These three
surveys use the same line of questioning.
2
The first research question in this article is about the views of Ukrainian teachers, and the
second about how these Ukrainian views relate to those of teachers of Russia and of the European
Union. This means that the Ukrainian teachers and their views are central. The Ukrainian data were
collected in 2021 through an online questionnaire that was spread among journalism departments
of sixteen universities across Ukraine, in the period between January 15 to March 10. A total of
417 teachers had a look at the starting page, 248 started answering the questions, 225 answered
most of the questions and 208 answered all the questions. Regarding the language, respondents
could choose between a Russian and an English version. Of the 248 respondents that started the
questionnaire 27 chose English (11%) and 221 chose Russian (89%).
The data for the European Union are taken from a survey commissioned by the European
Journalism Training Association in 2018 (see: www.ejta.eu/publications); The EU-countries that
were included are: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Republic of Cyprus, Denmark, Estonia,
Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slove-
nia, Spain, Sweden and United Kingdom.
The data for Russia are taken from a survey commissioned by the World Journalism Education
Council in 2021. This research is still ongoing and includes the answers from teachers from around
forty countries around the globe, such as USA, Brazil, Nigeria, Australia, and China.
The raw data were cleaned as follows: respondents that stopped answering the questions after
the first ones about some background characteristics were deleted, just as respondents that have
given the same type of answer throughout the whole questionnaire (for example: ‘strongly agree’
on each question).
After cleaning the data, the number of respondents is:
Table 1. Number of respondents.
UKR
RUS
EU
N=
225
199
891
In this research, the respondents were asked to assess items that refer to the tasks and ethics of
journalism. These items were derived from the extended literature on role perceptions and role
orientations, especially from the Worlds of Journalism Study (http://www.worldsofjournal-
ism.org/; see also Weaver & Willnat; 2012).
To emphasize our interest in a normative, value-laden view on the specific importance of the
tasks involved, and not in an assessment of the factual future importance of these tasks in actual
daily practice, the word ‘should’ has been underlined in the introductory question: “We now would
like to know your personal view on what the future direction of journalism should be. We are
especially interested in what you think about the future importance of a number of tasks that pro-
fessional journalists perform. Compared to today, in the next ten years the importance of the fol-
lowing task for professional journalists should become: 5.Much Higher. 4.Higher. 3.Same as now.
2.Lower. 1.Much Lower.“
The question about ethics also uses a 5-point Likert-scale but has a different introduction: “The
following question is about professional ethics. Consider an assignment about an important
2
For a complete overview of the questions, see: Drok, N. (2019). Journalistic Roles, Values and Qualifications in the
21st century; How European journalism educators view the future of a profession in transition. Appendix 1:
Questionnaire, pp. 126-133. Downloadable at:
https://www.ejta.eu/sites/ejta.eu/files/2019%2004%2012%20DROK%20Report%20RVQ.pdf
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economic topic given to a journalist. We would like to know whether or not you find that certain
practices are acceptable. The following practice is acceptable in case of an important economic
topic. (1 Strongly disagree, 2 Disagree, 3 Neutral, 4 Agree, 5 Strongly agree, Don’t know).”
The third question of which the outcomes will be reported in this article, is about an assessment
of ten possible developments or trends in journalism. The introduction was: “In several countries
there are or have been discussions about whether or not professional journalism should be “rede-
fined” in the 21st century. Below you will find 10 statements about the direction in which journal-
ism might evolve. Please indicate to what extent you agree with those statements: In my view, it
would be good if journalism was... (1 Strongly disagree, 2 Disagree, 3 Neutral, 4 Agree, 5 Strongly
agree, Don’t know).”
Cross-national survey research is plagued by many problems. One of the most difficult ones is
that countries culturally differ in their response styles (Hofstede, 2001). Research has shown that
there are “systemic differences between countries with regard to response styles” (Harzing, 2006:
244). This makes it difficult to decide whether a higher score in a certain country really reflects a
higher extent of agreement or that it is the result of a cultural style to agree more often and more
easily in general. In this article we have tried to overcome or at least mitigate this problem by
presenting the outcomes in two ways: firstly, by giving the actual mean scores on the 5-point Likert
scale, secondly, by comparing the ranking of the scores per country. This comparison is shown
graphically and by calculating the (Spearman) rank-correlations between the rankings of the three
units of analyses (Ukraine, European Union, Russia). The value of this correlation always lies
between +1.000 (completely the same ranking) and -1.000 (completely the opposite ranking).
Results and Discussion
Before discussing the views of the teachers on tasks, ethics and trends in journalism it might
be interesting and relevant to give some insight into the background characteristics (age, gender,
educational level) of Ukrainian journalism educators and compare those with the background
characteristics of their counterparts in the European Union and in Russia.
Age
Ukrainian teachers are relatively young in comparison with Russian and especially EU
teachers. On average they are one year younger than Russian teachers and 4,5 years younger than
EU teachers (Table 2). Of the Ukrainian teachers 41% is younger than 40 years of age (Russia:
34%; EU 23%).
Table 2. Age of journalism teachers (%).
AGE (%)
UKR
RUS
EU
20 – 29
11,1
6,0
3,7
30 – 39
29,8
27,7
19,7
40 – 49
31,3
32,1
31,9
50 – 59
16,3
20,1
30,7
60 – 69
10,1
10,9
12,6
Older
1,4
3,3
1,3
Total
100,0
100,0
100,0
Average (years)
42,4
43,5
46,9
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Gender
Three out of four Ukrainian teachers (74%) are female (Table 3). This high percentage of
female teachers is about the same in Russia (77%). In the EU, however, the majority of journalism
educators is male (59%).
Table 3. Gender of journalism teachers (%).
GENDER (%)
UKR
RUS
EU
Male
26
23
59
Female
74
77
41
Total
100,0
100,0
100,0
Educational level
In Ukraine most of the teachers have a PhD degree (74,0%). This also is the case for Russian
teachers (75,0%). Within the European Union the percentage of teachers with a PhD degree is
much lower: 30,1%. The most common degree for journalism teachers in the EU is the master
degree (48,5%). See Table 4. The level of the degree does not give information about the nature of
the degree, whether it is a degree in Journalism or Communications Science or a degree in another
field, such as Language or Philology. Next to that, it should be kept in mind that the requirements
for obtaining a PhD degree can differ between countries.
Table 4. Educational level of journalism teachers.
Education (%)
UKR
RUS
EU
Secondary school
1,0
0,0
3,2
Bachelor degree
3,8
1,6
14,4
Master degree
16,8
15,8
48,5
PhD degree
74,0
75,0
30,1
Other
4,3
7,6
3,8
Total
100,0
100,0
100,0
Summing up these three background characteristics (age, gender, education), it becomes clear
that the profile of the Ukrainian teachers rather closely resembles that of the Russian teachers. In
comparison to the teachers of the EU, Ukrainian and Russian teachers are younger, more often
female, and higher educated. Replication of our research within a few years might give an
indication whether the difference between Ukraine, Russia and the EU are getting bigger or
smaller.
Tasks
In our research we have asked the teachers to give their view on the future (next ten years)
importance of a selection of 18 tasks that professional journalists perform. Table 4 gives the mean
scores on each of these tasks for journalism teachers from Ukraine, Russia, and the European
Union.
Overall, the mean score is highest in Ukraine (3,76), followed by Russia (3,66) and the EU
(3,48). The most important future task in the eyes of Ukrainian teachers is ‘Stay away from stories
that cannot be verified’ (score: 4,71). This is also the number one for the Russian teachers (score:
4,70). For teachers of the EU the number one future task is ‘Provide in-depth background
information’ (score: 4,30). The task with the lowest future importance is ‘Treat the public as
consumers rather than citizens’ according to Ukrainian teachers (score: 2,37). Russian teachers
(score: 2,08) and EU teachers (score 2,00) agree with that.
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Table 5. Views on the future importance of journalistic tasks.
Tasks
(Scores on 5-point scale)
UKR
RUS
EU
a. Get information to the public quickly
4,01
3,96
3,28
b. Stay away from stories that cannot be verified
4,71
4,70
4,13
c. Monitor and scrutinize government
4,16
3,89
4,01
d. Stand up for the disadvantaged
4,18
4,04
3,84
e. Provide entertainment and relaxation
2,87
2,71
2,54
f. Expose social abuses
4,18
4,11
3,89
g. Make as many stories as possible each day
3,02
3,00
2,27
h. Provide analysis and interpretation of current affairs
4,14
4,01
4,25
i. Monitor and scrutinize business organizations
3,75
3,62
4,09
j. Give ordinary people a chance to express their views
3,72
3,71
3,38
k. Concentrate on news that will sell
3,02
2,79
2,36
l. Provide information that people need to make political decisions
4,03
3,90
4,06
m. Concentrate on bringing the latest news
3,41
3,37
2,96
n. Provide in-depth background information
3,99
4,10
4,30
o. Monitor and scrutinize civil society organizations
3,82
3,77
3,84
p. Motivate people to get socially involved
4,15
3,96
3,63
q. Treat the public as consumers rather than citizens
2,37
2,08
2,00
r. Point people toward possible solutions for societal problems
4,15
4,16
3,77
Mean score
3,76
3,66
3,48
In general, the ranking of the 18 tasks shows more or less the same picture for Ukraine, Russia,
and the European Union (Figure 1). Teachers in all three countries place high value on reliability
(‘Stay away from stories that cannot be verified’) and low value on tasks that can relate to a
commercial view on journalism (‘Concentrate on news that will sell’, ‘Make as many stories as
possible each day’, ‘Provide entertainment and relaxation’ and ‘Treat the public as consumers,
rather than citizens’).
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Figure 1. Ranking of journalistic tasks based on their future importance.
A closer look shows that the rankings of Ukraine and Russia rather strongly resemble; the
ranking of the European Union is more deviant. There are five tasks that clearly have a higher
ranking in Ukraine and in Russia. These are: ‘Expose social abuses’, ‘Stand up for the
disadvantaged’, ‘Motivate people to get socially involved’, Point people toward possible solutions
for societal problems’ and ‘Get information to the public quickly’. Most of these tasks are in
general linked to the so-called Mobilizer role of journalism. The one about getting information to
the public quickly is in general linked to the so-called Disseminator role of journalism.
3
3
For further explanation of these roles, see for instance Weaver, D. H. & Willnat L. (eds.). (2012). The Global
Journalist in the 21st Century. London/New York: Routledge.
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18
q. Treat the public as consumers rather…
e. Provide entertainment and relaxation
g. Make as many stories as possible…
k. Concentrate on news that will sell
m. Concentrate on bringing the latest…
j. Give ordinary people a chance to…
i. Monitor and scrutinize business…
o. Monitor and scrutinize civil society…
n. Provide in-depth background…
a. Get information to the public quickly
l. Provide information that people need…
h. Provide analysis and interpretation…
r. Point people toward possible…
p. Motivate people to get socially…
c. Monitor and scrutinize government
d. Stand up for the disadvantaged
f. Expose social abuses
b. Stay away from stories that cannot…
UKR EU RUS
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On the other hand, there are five tasks that have a clear higher ranking in the European Union,
compared to Ukraine as well as to Russia. These are ‘Provide analysis an interpretation of current
affairs’, ‘Provide information that people need to make political decisions’, ‘Provide in-depth
background information’, Monitor and scrutinize civil society organizations’, ‘Monitor and
scrutinize business organizations’. The EU also has a higher ranking on ‘Monitor and scrutinize
government’, but only compared to Russia, not to Ukraine. The tasks about monitoring are related
to the so-called Watchdog role of journalism; the other ones to the so-called Investigator role.
The overall picture of Figure 1 regarding the view of teachers on the future importance of
journalistic tasks, is that Ukraine is closer to Russia than to the EU. This is confirmed by the rank
correlations (Table 6). The correlation between Ukraine (UKR) and Russia (RUS) is clearly higher
than the one between Ukraine and the European Union (EU):
Table 6. Spearman Rank Correlations Tasks.
UKR - EU
UKR - RUS
0,649
0,881
Trends
In many parts of the world, professional journalism finds itself in a period of transition. In
several countries there are or have been discussions about whether professional journalism should
be ‘redefined’ in the 21st century. In the survey, teachers were asked to indicate to what extent
they would agree with various statements about the direction in which professional journalism
might evolve. They were not asked to assess the probability, but the desirability of these trends (“It
would be good if journalism was...”).
Overall, Ukrainian teachers (mean score: 3,87) find these trends a little more desirable than
their Russian colleagues (3,79), and clearly more than their EU colleagues (3,57). The most
desirable trend according to the Ukrainian teachers is ‘more about getting the whole story and less
about trying to be first’. This trend has also the highest score in the EU. In Russia ‘more about
social responsibility and less about earning money’ is seen as the most desirable trend. There is not
so much difference between UKR, RUS and EU about these two trends: both get high scores
everywhere (see Table 7). However, since the overall mean score differs considerably (especially
the EU deviates), it is especially informative to also look at the rankings.
Table 7. Views on certain trends in journalism.
Trends
(Scores on 5-point scale)
UKR
RUS
EU
a. more about social responsibility and
less about earning money
4,24
4,34
4,01
b. more about ordinary people and
less about the ruling elites
3,84
4,15
3,47
c. more about long term issues and
less about the events of the day
3,64
3,65
3,93
d. more about solutions and less about problems
3,97
3,77
3,44
e. more about consensus and
less about conflict
3,80
3,47
2,97
f. more about what’s next and
less about what happened
3,50
3,20
3,12
g. more about interacting with audiences and
less about one-way sending
4,03
3,95
3,63
h. more about getting the whole story and
less about trying to be first
4,25
4,27
4,31
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i. more about successes and
less about failures
3,52
3,17
3,05
j. more about renewing journalistic content and
less about new technology
3,94
3,96
3,77
Mean Score
3,87
3,79
3,57
Overall, the rankings show – again – the same kind of pattern (Figure 2). There is not much
difference regarding the top 2 and the bottom 2 of the ten distinguished trends.
Figure 2. Ranking of trends in journalism on the basis of their desirability.
Teachers in Ukraine, Russia as well as the European Union are positive about reliability (‘more
about getting the whole story and less about trying to be first’) and about responsibility (‘more
about responsibility and less about earning money’). All of them are relatively negative about
focusing more on successes or on what is next.
Apart from that, Ukrainian teachers give a relatively high score to ‘more about interacting with
audiences and less about one-way sending’ as well as to ‘more about solutions and less about
problems’. Russian teachers give a relatively high score to ‘more about ordinary people and less
about the ruling elites’.
0 2 4 6 8 10
f. more about what’s next and less about
what happened
i. more about successes and less about
failures
c. more about long term issues and less
about the events of the day
e. more about consensus and less about
conflict
b. more about ordinary people and less
about the ruling elites
j. more about renewing journalistic
content and less about new technology
d. more about solutions and less about
problems
g. more about interacting with audiences
and less about one-way sending
a. more about social responsibility and
less about earning money
h. more about getting the whole story
and less about trying to be first
UKR EU RUS
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There are two trends about which teachers from the European Union have a deviating view:
they give a clearly lower score to ‘more about consensus and less about conflict’, and they have a
clearly higher score on ‘more about long term issues and less about the events of the day’ than their
colleagues from Ukraine and Russia.
The consensus between teachers from Ukraine, Russia, and the European Union about the
desirability of various trends in professional journalism is reflected in the Spearman correlations
(see Table 8). Again, the correlation between Ukraine and Russia is the strongest.
Table 8. Spearman Rank correlations Trends.
UKR - EU
UKR - RUS
0,685
0,855
Ethics
The teachers were asked to assess the level of acceptability of 16 more or less questionable
journalistic practices. Of course, the level of acceptability of a certain practice can be strongly
influenced by the context. If there are human lives involved, for instance when an industrial plant
has leaked poisonous liquids but does not want to communicate about that, most journalists and
journalism teachers would be more tolerant about certain methods to get the truth revealed. In the
questionnaire the teachers were asked to give their judgements in the context of an assignment
about an important economic topic.
The overall mean scores of Ukraine (1,99), Russia (1,94) and the European Union (2,07) do
not differ much. They are all close to a score of 2 on a five points scale, which means that these
practices are in general not very acceptable in the eyes of the teachers (see Table 9).
According to Ukrainian teachers the most acceptable practice in the given context is ‘Get
employed in an organization to get inside information’ (3, 28). That is also the most acceptable one
in Russia (3,07), but not in the European Union. In the EU the most acceptable is ‘Use confidential
government documents without authorization’ (3,41).
The least acceptable practice in Ukraine is ‘Alter quotes from sources substantially’ (1,34) and
in Russia it is ‘Alter photographs substantially’ (1,37). In the European Union the lowest score
goes to another practice: ‘Accept money from sources’ (1,18).
Table 9. Views on the acceptability of certain practices.
Ethics
(Scores on 5-point scale)
UKR
RUS
EU
a. Reveal confidential sources
2,00
2,08
1,81
b. Claim to be somebody else
2,46
2,10
2,37
c. Use hidden microphones and cameras
2,88
2,74
2,98
d. Pay people for confidential information
2,51
2,54
2,04
e. Get employed in an organization to get inside
information
3,28
3,07
3,23
f. Use confidential government documents without
authorization
2,22
2,25
3,41
g. Use personal documents without permission
1,90
1,71
2,40
h. Exert pressure on unwilling informants to get a
story
1,83
1,63
2,00
i. Agree to protect confidentiality but not doing so.
1,57
1,58
1,37
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In a relative sense, using documents (from government or from individuals) without
permission is much more accepted in the EU. Paying people for information or accepting money
from sources, is much more accepted in Ukraine and Russia and so is using recreations of news by
actors without mentioning it.
The largest difference in score between UKR and RUS on one side and the EU on the other
concerns ‘Reveal the truth, no matter the consequences. Probably revealing the truth can have more
severe consequences for a journalist in Ukraine and Russia than in the European Union.
In general, the ranking of the various questionable journalistic practices (from most acceptable
to least acceptable) shows the same kind of pattern for Ukraine, Russia, and the European Union.
All teachers are specifically critical about practices that mislead the public, such as altering photos
or quotes substantially or publish stories without verification. On the other hand, they are all less
critical about methods to get information, such as using a hidden camera or getting employed for
inside information.
Ukraine and Russia have almost the same ranking, whereas the European Union has a
somewhat different ranking. Especially practices related to doing things without permission are
seen as more acceptable, while practices that involve paying or getting money from sources are
seen as less acceptable (Figure 3) in the EU.
j. Use re-creations of news by actors without
mention
1,95
1,86
1,49
k. Publish a story with unverified content
1,35
1,45
1,36
l. Accept money from sources
1,52
1,58
1,18
m. Alter photographs substantially
1,38
1,37
1,27
n. Alter quotes from sources substantially
1,34
1,45
1,27
o. Use copyrighted material without permission
1,49
1,55
1,73
p. Reveal the truth, no matter the consequences
2,12
2,16
3,14
Mean Score
1,99
1,94
2,07
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Figure 3. Ranking of journalistic practices based on their ethical acceptability.
The similarity of the rankings of Ukraine, Russia and the EU is also reflected in high rank
correlations, with UKR-RUS having a score of almost 1,000 (see Table 10).
Table 10. Spearman Rank correlations Ethics.
UKR - EU
UKR - RUS
0,826
0,979
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16
n. Alter quotes from sources…
k. Publish a story with unverified…
m. Alter photographs substantially
o. Use copyrighted material without…
l. Accept money from sources
i. Agree to protect confidentiality but…
h. Exert pressure on unwilling…
g. Use personal documents without…
j. Use re-creations or dramatizations…
a. Reveal confidential sources
p. Reveal the truth, no matter the…
f. Use confidential government…
b. Claim to be somebody else
d. Pay people for confidential…
c. Use hidden microphones and cameras
e. Get employed in an organization to…
UKR EU RUS
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Conclusion
Answering the first research question – RQ1: How do Ukrainian teachers see the future
importance of various journalistic tasks, ethics, and qualifications? – our study shows that the
Ukrainian teachers prioritize the quality journalism that would mobilize the society and scrutinize
government. Such a mobilizer role was a key one during the Revolution of Dignity, when the
journalists themselves were active participants and mobilized the society to be active citizens. This
task correlates with the trend, which Ukrainian teachers wish to be the most important in future –
“more about social responsibility and less about earning money”. Speedy delivery of information
is also seen as less important for future journalists, since rush for news causes squeezing time
needed for its quality verification. In current conditions, when disinformation, jeansa and fakes
overflow Ukrainian media, majority of teachers believe that the main task of a journalist should be
“Stay away from stories that cannot be verified”. Thus, responsible and reliable journalism is the
future of the profession desired by Ukrainian teachers. The emphasis is on ordinary people and
finding consensus rather that concentrating on conflict. This thirst for reliability also seen in the
answers to the block of ethical questions – Ukrainians eager the most for accuracy in quoting the
sources. However, in Ukraine ethical side of the profession is rather questionable, since accepting
money from sources still is tolerated more than other unacceptable practices. This might also point
on issue of political and commercial jeansa widely produced by Ukrainian media.
Answering the second research question – RQ2: Do Ukrainian teachers’ views stand closer to
the views of journalism teachers from Russia or from the European Union? – we observe that the
views of Ukrainian teachers stand closer to the Russian colleagues than the European ones.
Although recent Ukrainian social reforms and political situation are more oriented on integration
into European Union, the journalism teachers’ worldviews are still more similar than different with
Russian neighbors. That is understandable given the strong influence of the shared historical,
cultural, and educational backgrounds of the countries.
In general, there are many similarities between the views of teachers from Ukraine, Russia,
and EU. There appears to be a rather high level of consensus about the tasks journalists should
perform, about journalism ethics and about desirability of several possible trends in professional
journalism. There are also differences in these three fields, but not so much between Ukraine and
Russia, but between these two and the EU. These differences start on the level of the background
characteristics of educators. Ukrainian and Russian teachers are younger, more often female, and
higher educated. These differences might explain some of the differences in view that were found.
In the larger European and World study, age and gender in general do not have a huge impact.
However, educational level does have some impact – especially since it is often negatively
correlated with the number of years that teachers have worked in practice.
Regarding the views on the future tasks of journalists, there is consensus between Ukrainians,
Russians, and Europeans about the importance of reliability/verification. There is also consensus
about the low importance of tasks that are related to a commercial kind of journalism. However,
despite this consensus Ukrainians and Russian teachers lay some more emphasis on tasks that are
related to the disseminator role, while European teachers lay clearly more emphasis on tasks that
are connected to the investigator role.
In the trends section there is – again – a consensus between Ukrainian, Russian, and European
teachers about the high importance of reliability (get the whole story instead of trying to be first)
and the low support for commercialism (focus on social responsibility, not money). They also agree
on giving low support to certain elements of constructive journalism (such as a less focus on
failures or more focus on what’s next). However, there is again a rather strong difference between
Europeans teachers on one side and Ukrainian/Russian teachers on the other regarding the
investigative trend (more about long-term issues and less about the events of the day).
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Concerning journalism ethics, our study shows a consensus between Ukrainian, Russian, and
European teachers about reliability: all of them are very critical on misleading the public (altering
photos or quotes, publishing without verification). They are all less critical about methods that are
misleading certain sources (hidden cameras, getting employed for inside information). The most
important difference between Europeans and Ukrainians/Russians has to do with paying or getting
money from sources. Europeans see this as unacceptable, whereas this practice is more tolerated
in Ukraine and Russia.
Further research on views on journalistic tasks, trends and ethics might include professional
journalists that are working in the news industry. Comparisons between the views of teachers and
professionals might shed light on one of the main challenges of Ukrainian journalism education:
closing the gaps between educators and employers about their views on Ukrainian journalism and
its future.
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Submitted 12.11.2021
