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Self-Endorsed History of Abuse and Wellbeing in a Community Sample of Jewish Orthodox Single Individuals

American Psychological Association
Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy
Authors:
  • ADC Psychological Services

Abstract

Objective: The current study explored the prevalence rates of physical, sexual, and emotional abuse as well as the relationship between abuse and mental health within the Jewish Orthodox nonmarried community. Method: To reduce response bias, abuse and mental health measures were added to a larger survey that was being conducted in the area of dating. Participants responded to an abuse question and completed the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CESD-10), the Generalized Anxiety Disorder 7-item Scale (GAD-7), and the Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS). Results: Of the 274 respondents, 29.2% endorsed emotional abuse, 13.5% endorsed sexual abuse, and 9.2% endorsed physical abuse. Participants that endorsed overall abuse scored significantly higher on the depression and anxiety inventories and significantly lower on the life satisfaction inventory compared with those that did not endorse abuse. Conclusion: This study is helpful in garnering communal and clinical awareness regarding abuse prevalence and mental health risks among this insular population where those abused are at times shunned.
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Self-Endorsed History of Abuse and Wellbeing in a Community Sample of Jewish
Orthodox Single Individuals
Naomi Rosenbach MAa., Michael J Salamonb , PhD, Craig A. Johnsonc PhD.
a. Doctoral Candidate at Hofstra University, Department of Clinical Psychology, Hempstead,
NY, USA; b. ADC Psychological Services, North Shore University Hospital a Division of
Northwell Health, Hewlett, New York; c. Hofstra University, Department of Clinical
Psychology.
This Manuscript has been published at the APA journal; Psychological Trauma: Theory,
Research, Practice and Policy
This paper is the unedited unfinalized version. © 2022, American Psychological Association.
This paper is not the copy of record and may not exactly replicate the final, authoritative
version of the article. Please do not copy or cite without authors' permission. The final
article is available, via its DOI: https://doi.org/10.1037/tra0001290
Citation: Rosenbach, N., Salamon, M. J., & Johnson, C. A. (2022). Self-endorsed history of
abuse and wellbeing in a community sample of Jewish Orthodox single
individuals. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy. Advance online
publication.
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Abstract
Objective: The current study explored the prevalence rates of physical, sexual and emotional
abuse as well as the relationship between abuse and mental health within the Jewish Orthodox
non-married community. Method: To reduce response bias, abuse and mental health measures
were added to a larger survey that was being conducted in the area of dating. Participants
responded to an abuse question and completed the Center for Epidemiological Studies
Depression Scale (CESD-10), the Generalized Anxiety Disorder 7-item Scale (GAD-7), and the
Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS). Results: Of the 274 respondents, 29.2% endorsed
emotional abuse, 13.5% endorsed sexual abuse and 9.2% endorsed physical abuse. Participants
that endorsed overall abuse scored significantly higher on the depression and anxiety inventories
and significantly lower on the life satisfaction inventory compared to those that did not endorse
abuse. Conclusion: This study is helpful in garnering communal and clinical awareness regarding
abuse prevalence and mental health risks amongst this insular population where those abused are
at times shunned.
Keywords: physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional abuse, Orthodox Jews
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Introduction
Abuse
In 2002 the World Health Organization reported that abuse, including physical, sexual, and
emotional abuse was a major worldwide public health problem (WHO, 2002.) Confirming that
broadly quoted report, subsequent research in the area has established that abuse negatively
impacts mental health including depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress, dissociative disorders,
risky behaviors, and suicidality (Black, 2011; Hosser, Raddatz, & Windzio, 2007; Leserman,
2005; Molnar, Buka, & Kessler, 2001; Paolucci, Genuis, & Violato, 2001; Sar, Akyuz, & Dogan,
2007; Scher et al., 2004; Smith & Breiding, 2011). Abuse also negatively impacts physical health
and has been associated with a variety of medical problems (Black, 2011; Cloutier, Martin, &
Poole, 2002; Leserman, 2005; Link et al., 2007; Lutfey et al., 2008; Rich-Edwards et al.,
2010; Smith & Breiding, 2011) and is even correlated with premature death (Brown et al., 2009).
Many researchers have looked at the prevalence rates of abuse in specific demographic and
community samples (Acierno et al., 2010; Briere, & Elliott, 2003; Chiu et al., 2013; Scher, 2004)
and meta-analyses gleaning information on overall population prevalence rates conclude that
abuse affects individuals across ethnic, racial and socioeconomic groups and affects both genders
throughout the lifespan (Ji, & Finkelhor, 2015; Stoltenborgh, 2011; Stoltenborgh, 2012). The
discrepancy in prevalence rates across the various studies often depends on the researchers’
definitions of abuse, study methodology and participant demographics (Fix, & Nair, 2020,
Maguire-Jack, & Kim, 2021). Studies that anonymously ask participants if they have ever
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experienced abuse usually end up with higher rates of disclosure than studies that rely on
incidence rates where an informant discloses abuse.
Even with the discrepant outcomes, overall abuse rates are estimated to affect a large percentage
of the population. Two metanalyses revealed that childhood sexual abuse alone is estimated at
18% for girls and 7.9% for boys (Pereda et al., 2009; Stoltenborgh et al., 2011). Lifetime sexual
abuse is estimated at as high as 23% for men and 37% for women (Chiu et al., 2013; Black et al.,
2011). While less research has been conducted on the prevalence rates of physical and emotional
abuse there is some evidence that lifetime physical and emotional abuse is between 20%- 30%
(Chiu et al., 2013; Kimerling et al., 2007; Stoltenborgh et al., 2012)
When evaluating the prevalence and effects of abuse, socio-cultural and religious context is an
important factor to consider (Ahrens, Isas, & del Carmen Lopez, 2010; Harper & Perkins, 2018;
Tishelman & Geffner, 2010), especially for religious groups that are highly insular and typically
live apart from mainstream or secular society (Foynes et al., 2014). Disclosure of abuse in
religious groups tends to lag behind the general population due to protective tight-knit family
groups, laws of modesty, the importance of status, and heightened secrecy and shame that abuse
engenders for many in these communities (Fontes & Plummer, 2010; Foynes et al., 2014; Harper
& Perkins, 2018; Twerski, 2017). Furthermore, it is difficult for researchers to employ an
appropriate sampling methodology as participants within these groups are often difficult to
obtain. Nevertheless, specifically in regard to sexual abuse, there has been a limited amount of
research targeting prevalence rates of sexual abuse within different religious groups including
Catholics (Collins et al., 2014; Dale & Alpert, 2007; Parkinson, 2014), Amish (McGuigan &
Stephenson, 2015), Mormons (Gerdes et al., 1996), and Muslims (Haboush & Alyan, 2013;
Sambisa et al., 2010) While some may think that religiosity may mitigate abuse, studies
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comparing sexual abuse in religious and secular groups have found similar rates in both groups
(Doxey, Jensen, & Jensen, 1997; Elliott, 1994; Spröber et al., 2014) and there is some evidence
that males in religious groups are at an elevated risk for sexual abuse within certain religious
communities (Al-Fayez, Ohaeri, & Gado, 2012; Holt & Massey, 2013).
The Orthodox Jewish Community
The orthodox Jewish community is a traditional and insular subgroup of the larger Jewish
population. Individuals who identify as Orthodox adhere to an exacting religious observance of
the Torah (Old Testament), biblical scripture and rabbinic interpretation that governs many areas
of life in both the public and private spheres. Within Orthodox Judaism, however, subgroups
vary in degrees of insularity and adherence to stringencies. There are three generally accepted
subgroups within Orthodox Judaism. They are often referred to as Chassidish (Hassidic),
Yeshivish or Yeshiva Orthodox and Modern Orthodox. The Hassidic group are known for their
traditional garb and are least likely to engage with the secular world. Modern Orthodox
adherents are likely to be college-educated and secularly engaged. The Yeshiva Orthodox fall
somewhere in between. Additionally, there are those within the orthodox world who do not align
with any of these groups (Cohen, Miller, & Ukeles, 2012; Lane, 2015).
Because many factions of the orthodox population live an insular lifestyle there has traditionally
been a dearth of research exploring factors related to their well-being (Salamon, 2011; Schlosser,
2006; Schnall, 2006). There has been a recent push for the orthodox population to be better
represented in the scientific literature to develop culturally competent care when serving the
needs of this population. With a high birth rate, this becomes an even greater imperative as this
population is growing in numbers with a 2013 pew estimate of over half a million adults in
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America (Pew Research center, 2017) and a 2019 Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics estimate of
well over one million in Israel alone (Malach & Cahaner, 2019).
Abuse in the Orthodox Community
Limited research regarding the broader topic of abuse has been conducted in the Orthodox
community. Most studies reported are in the area of sexual abuse. Yehuda et al. (2007) looked at
sexual abuse rates among married women who lived in Israel and found that prevalence rates
were about 25%. A more recent study conducted by Rosmarin et. al. (2018), expanded the
sample to include women and men who resided in America. They found that overall childhood
sexual abuse rates were above 18% for males and above 21% for females. These numbers are
indicative that sexual abuse in the Jewish Orthodox community does not differ in rates of
prevalence from the general population and is a major problem within the Jewish Orthodox
community. Nevertheless, other studies have found that childhood sexual abuse within Jewish
religious communities is largely underreported (Ben-Arieh and Haj-Yahia, 2006, Ben-Arieh,
2010, Ben Meir and Levavi, 2010). Reporting abuse to authorities, even when it is mandatory, is
controversial within the Jewish Orthodox communities. Some see reporting as important and
necessary and others are completely opposed to it (Katzenstein & Fontes, 2017; Resnicoff, 2012;
Zalcberg, 2013). Reasons for opposing reporting include prohibitions on “betraying” Jews to
secular authority figures, fear of stigmatization and the tendency to rely on rabbinic authority to
take care of all communal problems including dealing with pedophiles and sexual abusers
(Katzenstein & Fontes, 2017; Neustein & Lesher 2008, Rabinowitz, 2021).
Even more problematic than the underreporting of abuse are reported incidents of leaders
covering up abuse and denying its very existence even in the face of supporting evidence (Blau,
2017; Zalcberg, 2015). Fortunately, there has been a shift in the last few years as members of the
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Jewish Orthodox community have taken steps towards better addressing issues related to abuse
and implementing psychoeducational programming to help create broader awareness on the
subject (Eidensohn & Shulem, 2010; Lopiansky et al., 2017; Nadan et al., 2019; Salamon, 2011).
Furthermore, there is evidence that the Jewish Orthodox community as a whole is making strides
in engaging with mental healthcare, and the stigma regarding receiving clinical treatment is
decreasing (Schnall et al., 2014).
Even with increased awareness on the subject, there have been incidents of community and
leadership negligence in dealing with abuse allegations. A recent situation offers a view as to
how the orthodox establishment handled abuse in their communities. Chaim Walder, a well
known author, lecturer and self-proclaimed therapist in the Yeshiva Orthodox world was accused
of sexually molesting at least 22 women. His case was brought to a religious court, not the
police. The court, consisting of three rabbis, found him guilty. While there is no power that this
court had other than promulgating their findings and possibly turning them over to the police,
Walder chose to die by suicide rather than face a criminal investigation. In the note that he left he
denied all of the allegations. While members of the community were aghast at the accusations
against Walder many chose to blame his victims and those that reported the abuse, calling them
by a variety of names and charging them with his death. One of his victims felt that the
community protected him by whitewashing the abuse and honoring him at his funeral. This
victim ultimately died by suicide (Efune, 2022; Pfefer, 2021; Staff, 2021; Willig, 2021).
Because traditionally the community has been reluctant to address issues related to abuse,
replication of existing studies is necessary to further increase awareness on the subject and drive
change. There has been some research looking at prevalence rates of sexual abuse, however,
there is a dearth of research assessing rates of physical and emotional abuse. A better assessment
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of abuse prevalence and its relation to mental health within the Jewish Orthodox population can
benefit clinicians who work with that population and inform best care assessment and practice.
Current Study
Given the insularity of the community, random sampling is difficult to obtain when working with
this population. When conducting research in the Jewish Orthodox community creative forms of
sampling methodologies are necessary in order to draw study participants while minimizing
response bias. In addition, because both previous studies have drawn participants through
convenience sampling, replication amongst groups with different characteristics and
demographics is particularly helpful. One way to connect with the Jewish Orthodox community
is through issues related to dating, as problems related to dating are often discussed and debated
within the community. A natural opportunity arose when a study about dating was being
conducted within the Jewish Orthodox community. The purpose of the larger study was to assess
the way dating beliefs, dating behaviors and several demographic categories affected wellbeing
amongst the single population. The intention of this study was to obtain preliminary data
regarding abuse prevalence and the effect of abuse on mental health in a population of single
individuals by adding some very brief overarching questions about abuse to the larger study that
drew participants through their interest in answering a survey on “gender differences in dating
styles.” Because this study was designed to minimize response bias by capturing individuals
who were interested in responding to a study on dating, the researchers kept the questions about
abuse to a bare minimum. The intention of this study was not to gather an in-depth understanding
regarding the types of abuse encountered but rather to understand the very basics regarding
prevalence rates of self-endorsed physical, sexual and emotional abuse and its impact on mental
health within the Jewish Orthodox community of non-married individuals.
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Method
Participant recruitment and procedures:
A multimodal approach was utilized to disseminate the survey. Participants were recruited via
social media platforms such as WhatsApp groups, snowball emailing, and American online news
websites that target a Jewish Orthodox following. While the use of the internet and social media
is frowned upon amongst certain insular groups within the orthodox population, evidence
suggests that many individuals within those insular groups do have access to email and use the
internet in some capacity (Barzilai-Naho, & Barzilai, 2005). Because the larger study was
looking at aspects of dating in the orthodox community, criteria to participate included
singlehood status. No incentives were given for participation. There was no mention of abuse
within the title or introduction of the study. Demographic variables collected included gender,
age, socio-religious category and marital status. Mental health measures were given as they
related to the larger study. The study was approved by Hofstra University’s institutional review
board (IRB) and informed consent was obtained.
Measures
Abuse: Towards the end of the larger survey that asked about dating beliefs and behaviors,
participants were asked “have you ever experienced physical, sexual or emotional abuse”. The
answer choices were 1) yes 2) no 3) maybe. Participants who answered yes or maybe to the
general abuse question received another question asking them to check all that apply: “I have
experienced physical abuse; I have experienced sexual abuse; I have experienced emotional
abuse” Participants were also given an optional text space to expand on their answer if they
chose to.
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Depression Inventory: The revised Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression (CESD-10)
Scale (Radloff, 1977) was used to measure depressive symptoms. The CESD-10 is a self-report
scale where scores represent summed ratings of how often each depressive symptom was
experienced in the past week on a 4-point scale (0 _ rarely or none of the time; 3 _ most or all of
the time). Examples of the symptoms measured include how often one felt depressed, lonely,
hopeful, restless, bothered and fearful. The CESD-10 has been found to have high validity and
reliability in numerous populations (Björgvinsson et al., 2013; Miller, Anton & Townson, 2008,
Radloff, 1977) with an internal consistency of .86, test retest reliability of .85 and convergent
validity of .91 (Miller, Anton & Townson, 2008). The CESD-10 is often used to assess
depressive symptoms in the general population.
Anxiety Inventory: The Generalized Anxiety Disorder 7-item Scale (GAD-7) (Spitzer, Kroenke,
Williams & Löwe, 2006) was used to measure anxiety symptoms. The GAD-7 is a 7-item self-
report questionnaire where participants rate how often they have experienced each anxiety
symptom, such as feeling nervous, worrying and having trouble relaxing, on a 4- point scale
(0_not at all; 3_nearly every day). The GAD-7 is often used to measure anxiety in the general
population and has been found to be valid and reliable in numerous populations (Lowe et al.,
2008; Spitzer, Kroenke, Williams, & Löwe, 2006; Zhong et al, 2015), with an internal
consistency of .89 (Lowe et al., 2008).
Life satisfaction: The Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS) (Diener, Emmons, Larsen & Griffin,
1985) was used to measure subjective life satisfaction. The SWLS is a 5-item measure where
individuals rate their degree of agreement on a statement using a 7-point Likert scale. Examples
of the statements include ‘I am satisfied with my life’ and ‘so far I have gotten the important
things I want in life’. The SWLS has been used in multiple populations and has been found to be
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a reliable and valid measure (Chinni & Hubley, 2014; Vassar, 2008) with an internal consistency
coefficient of .87 and a test retest correlation coefficient of .82 (Diener, Emmons, Larsen, &
Griffin, 1985).
Results
Demographics. Respondents included 274 individuals (males=97, females=177) between the
ages of 18-64 (M=28.5, SD= 9.8). The majority of the sample (88.2%) identified as American.
Forty-one percent of the sample identified as Yeshiva Orthodox, 35.5% identified as Modern
Orthodox, about 10% identified as Chassidish with smaller numbers identifying as Formerly
Orthodox or other. Most (82.5%) of the sample were never married, 15.7% were divorced, and
the rest of the sample (<2%) were widowed or separated.
Abuse Prevalence. Regarding overall abuse rates, 24.8% of respondents answered ‘yes’ to the
abuse question, 10.6% answered maybe and 64.6% answered no. When given the opportunity to
check all that apply, 9.2% of the sample endorsed physical abuse, 13.5% endorsed sexual abuse,
and 29.2% endorsed emotional abuse. A chi-square analysis revealed no significant gender
differences in endorsing overall abuse, X2 (2, N = 274) =.824, p =.662, as well as no differences
in the rates of physical, X2 (1, N = 274) =.191, p =.167, sexual, X2 (1, N =274 ) = .602, p =.438,
or emotional abuse, X2 (1, N = 274) =.416, p =.519. A chi-square was conducted to test for
differences in abuse prevalence between the Yeshiva Orthodox and Modern Orthodox
communities. While the results revealed no significant differences in overall abuse rates, X2 (1,
N =209 ) = .474, p =.094, those identifying as Yeshiva Orthodox were significantly more likely
to endorse physical abuse, X2 (1, N =209 ) = 4.53, p =.033. No significant effect of
socioreligious identification was found for prevalence of sexual abuse, X2 (1, N =209 ) = .201, p
=.654, or emotional abuse, X2 (1, N =209) = 1.219, p =.270.
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Overall Abuse and Mental Health
A series of ANOVAS were conducted to test for an effect of abuse by comparing the three
groups (yes, no, maybe).
Depression. A one-way ANOVA revealed an effect of abuse on depression, F(2, 268) = 5.43, p
= .005 (Figure 1). Those that endorsed a ‘yes’ on the abuse question scored significantly higher
on the depression inventory (M=19.90, SD = 6.17) than those that endorsed a ‘no’ (M=17.6., SD
= 5.16) (p = .006) . Those that endorsed a ‘maybe’ on the abuse question scored significantly
higher on the depression inventory (M=20.21.90, SD = 6.47) than those that endorsed a no (p =
.024). There were no significant differences between those that endorsed a ‘yes’ and those that
endorsed a ‘maybe’ (p = .802).
Anxiety. A one-way ANOVA revealed an effect of abuse on anxiety, F(2, 269) = 6.53, p = .002
(Figure 2). Those that endorsed a ‘yes’ on the abuse question scored significantly higher on the
anxiety inventory (M=12.39, SD = 4.10) than those that endorsed a ‘no’ (M=20.95, SD = 4.00) (p
= .020) . Those that endorsed a ‘maybe’ on the abuse question scored significantly higher on the
anxiety inventory (M=13.65, SD = 5.78) than those that endorsed a no (p = .002). There were no
significant differences between those that endorsed a ‘yes’ and those that endorsed a ‘maybe’(p =
.181).
Life Satisfaction. A one-way ANOVA revealed an effect of abuse on life satisfaction, F(2, 265)
= 5.30, p =.006 (Figure 3). Those that endorsed a ‘yes’ on the abuse question scored significantly
lower on the life satisfaction scale (M=20.47, SD = 4.10) than those that endorsed a ‘no’
(M=23.54, SD = 6.15) (p = .002) . Those that endorsed a ‘maybe’ on the abuse question did not
significantly differ on the life satisfaction scale (M=21.57, SD = 8.15) from those that endorsed a
‘yes’ or those that endorsed a ‘no’ on the abuse question.
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Type of Abuse and Mental Health
Participants who endorsed physical abuse were significantly more likely to have an elevated
score on the anxiety scale (M=13.5, SD=4.33) compared to participants who did not endorse
physical abuse (M=11.4, SD=4.29), t(268)=-2.390, p=.018. Participants who endorsed physical
abuse were also significantly more likely to report decreased life satisfaction (M=19.08,
SD=6.98) compared to participants who did not endorse physical abuse (M=22.90, SD=6.79),
t(264)=2.67, p=.008. Participants who endorsed sexual abuse were significantly more likely to
report decreased life satisfaction (M=20.10, SD=8.02) compared to participants who did not
endorse sexual abuse (M=22.94, SD=6.62), t(264)=2.34, p=.020. Participants who endorsed
emotional abuse scored significantly higher on the depression scale (M=20.12, SD=6.38)
compared to participants that did not endorse emotional abuse (M=17.81, SD=5.20), t(267)=-
3.10, p=.002. Participants who endorsed emotional abuse scored significantly higher on the
anxiety scale (M=12.82, SD=4.63) compared to participants who did not endorse emotional
abuse (M=11.09, SD=4.10), t(268)=-3.02, p=.003. Participants who endorsed emotional abuse
scored significantly lower on the life satisfaction scale (M=20.00, SD=7.63) compared to
participants who did not endorse emotional abuse (M=23.62, SD=6.25), t(264)=4.03, p= <.001.
Discussion
Abuse prevalence
This study explored the prevalence of physical, sexual and emotional abuse and the
influence of abuse on mental health outcomes amongst Jewish Orthodox unmarried males and
females. In order to minimize response bias an abuse question was tagged onto a parent survey
that was assessing ‘gender differences in dating behaviors’. Of the 274 participants that answered
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the abuse question, 24.8% responded yes and 10.6% answered ‘maybe’ to the question of
whether they have experienced physical, sexual and/or emotional abuse. When given the option
to check off which kind of abuse they have experienced, 29.2% of the sample endorsed
emotional abuse, 13.5% endorsed sexual abuse and 9.2% endorsed physical abuse. There were
no significant gender differences in overall abuse or types of abuse reported. When comparing
the Yeshiva Orthodox and Modern Orthodox populations, those that identified as Yeshiva
Orthodox were more likely to report physical abuse. No other sociocultural differences in
reporting overall abuse or types of abuse were found.
Abuse and mental health
Those that endorsed a ‘yes’ and those that endorsed a ‘maybe’ to the overall abuse question
scored significantly higher on the depression and anxiety measures and significantly lower on the
life satisfaction scale. When evaluating the types of abuse separately, emotional abuse
significantly negatively impacted depression, anxiety and life satisfaction. Physical abuse
significantly negatively impacted anxiety and life satisfaction. Although the association between
physical abuse and depression did not reach significance, the results trended in the hypothesized
direction. Sexual abuse significantly negatively impacted life satisfaction and the results for
depression and anxiety were trending in the hypothesized direction.
Overall Abuse
These findings suggest that abuse affects a large percentage of individuals within the Jewish
Orthodox population. More than 35% of participants, using a community sample of single
individuals, answered a ‘yes’ or ‘maybe’ to the abuse question. While we cannot be sure that
those that endorsed a ‘maybe’ have experienced abuse we can infer that they have either
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experienced behavior that was questionably abusive or that they have indeed experienced abuse
but were reluctant to admit it, particularly if it impacts the goal of dating for marriage. In the
Jewish Orthodox world exposing a personal weakness during dating is often frowned upon as it
may create stigma and lead to a less desirable spouse. It is important to note that the majority of
participants (82.5%) were never married and for those participants any abuse reported excluded
spousal abuse. While we do not know who the perpetrators of abuse were in this study these
findings indicate that there is a significant amount of abuse occurring in the Jewish Orthodox
community without including spousal abuse.
Sexual Abuse
The prevalence rates of sexual abuse reported in this study was lower than the 20%-30% rates
reported in other studies, both within the orthodox community (Rosmarin et al., 2018; Yehuda et
al., 2007) and the general population (Chiu et al., 2013; Black et al., 2011). While there is
evidence suggesting that individuals who have experienced sexual abuse are less likely to be in
long-term marriages (Cherlin et al., 2004), the lower rates of sexual abuse endorsed in this study
compared to the rates endorsed amongst married females within the orthodox community
(Yehuda et al., 2007) indicates that the prevalence rates of sexual abuse are not necessarily
higher among unmarried individuals within the Jewish Orthodox community. Sample size,
community insularity and reluctance to speak of abuse, particularly sexual abuse may explain the
lower rate of reported sexual abuse in this sample compared to that found in other studies. It may
also help to explain why those reporting sexual abuse did not endorse mental health issues at a
rate reported in other studies. If an individual who is raised in an insular environment is unclear
what sexual abuse is but can report that they were physically and emotionally abused, both of
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which are subsumed in the act of sexual abuse, perhaps those endorsing the other forms of abuse
are indicating more.
It is important to note that in both previous studies that assessed sexual abuse in the orthodox
community, abuse was asked about in greater detail, and participants were given the opportunity
to check off different ways in which they may have been touched inappropriately (Rosmarin et
al., 2018; Yehuda et al., 2007.) The present study only gave participants an option to answer
whether they have or have not experienced abuse. There is evidence that abuse is less likely to be
disclosed if asked about in ways that label it as sexual abuse versus asking about specific
unwanted behaviors (Fricker, Smith, Davis, & Hanson, 2003). Furthermore, without proper
education regarding what constitutes abuse, many individuals only regard involuntary
penetration as sexual abuse and are not fully aware that sexual abuse covers other forms of
involuntary or coerced touch (Salamon, 2008). Given the insularity of this population and the
lack of community discussion and education surrounding sex in general, it is possible that some
participants were not fully aware of what constitutes sexual abuse. Indeed one study participant
who did not check off that they have experienced sexual abuse indicated this when they wrote
the following comment in the optional text box; not sure if it qualifies as abuse....I was
definitely groomed although I didn't know it at the time." It is also possible that that the recent
push for community awareness and education on the topic has had a positive effect and brought
the overall rates of sexual abuse down.
The finding that male and female sexual abuse prevalence rates were similar is surprising, given
that worldwide female sexual abuse rates reported are typically higher than male reported sexual
abuse (Pereda, Guilera, Forns, & Gómez-Benito, 2009; Stoltenborgh, Van Ijzendoorn, Euser, &
Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2011; Chiu et al., 2013; Black et al., 2011) However, current results are
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in line with previous research that found that males sexual abuse is higher among religious and
insular populations (Al-Fayez, Ohaeri, & Gado, 2012; Holt & Massey, 2013). This is an
important finding that suggests males are at an equal risk compared to females for having
experienced sexual abuse in the Jewish Orthodox population. Clinicians working with this
population should regularly evaluate this possibility when screening and assessing for abuse.
Physical Abuse
To our knowledge, this is the first published study that assessed prevalence rates of physical
abuse amongst non-married individuals in the Jewish Orthodox community. While the
prevalence rates of physical abuse reported was lower than the 20% prevalence rate speculated in
the general population (Chiu et al., 2013), the results indicate that physical abuse is still
problematic and affect a significant percentage of individuals in the community. Moreover, the
results indicate that those from the Yeshiva Orthodox community are at an elevated risk for
having experienced physical abuse compared to those from the Modern Orthodox community.
Research supports a connection between religiosity and childhood corporal punishment where
religious conservatives are more likely to believe in a ‘spare the rod, hate the child” approach
(Day et al., 1998; Gershoff et al., 1999). Dyslin and Homsen (2005), found that extrinsic
religiosity was associated with an increased risk of perpetuating physical childhood abuse. More
research is necessary to understand who is most likely to perpetuate the physical abuse (family,
friends, teachers) and what methods are typically used.
Emotional Abuse
To our knowledge this is the first study that assessed history of emotional abuse amongst Jewish
Orthodox non-married individuals. The prevalence rates of emotional abuse reported was in the
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high average range compared to the estimated 20-30% reported in the general population (Chiu
et al., 2013; Stoltenborgh et al., 2012). The most prevalent abuse noted was emotional abuse
which was endorsed by close to one-third of the sample. While emotional abuse is often
overlooked as it does not leave any physical scars, emotional abuse significantly negatively
impacted all three measures of well-being including depression, anxiety, and life satisfaction.
These results underscore previous research that found that emotional abuse negatively impacts
wellbeing in similar ways that sexual and physical abuse does (Gibb, Chelminski, &
Zimmerman, 2007). Emotional abuse is often overlooked and underreported due to the lack of an
agreed-upon scientific definition, yet there is an abundance of evidence indicating that childhood
emotional abuse is highly correlated with adult psychopathology (Kent, Waller, & Dagnan,
1999; Khan et al., 2015; Rich, Gingerich, & Rosen, 1997). The few participants that expanded
about their emotional abuse in the text box provided indicated that they grew up with parents
who had personality disorders such as narcissism where they were “yelled at” every time they
did not do what their parents wanted them to do. Some participants wrote about being bullied as
a child and others spoke of difficult ex-spouses. The large percentage of emotional abuse
reported is indeed an important finding in a population which has traditionally underreported
sexual abuse. As previously noted, it is possible that some individuals feel more comfortable
labeling physical or sexual abuse as emotional abuse. One participant wrote that they
experienced “emotional incest” without elaborating further on what that meant. These findings
indicate that it is imperative to further assess the types of emotional abuse that is occurring
within this population.
Because this study asked about abuse in broad terminology, it is likely that abuse rates were
underreported and the results should be interpreted accordingly. Previous research indicates that
19
abuse is more likely to be endorsed when it is asked about in greater detail and not labeled
specifically as abuse (Fricker et al., 2003), therefore it is reasonable to presume that the actual
population abuse rates are greater than that endorsed in this study. Given the insularity of the
Jewish Orthodox population and the recent changes within the community resulting in better
engagement with the mental health system, this study is an important step in raising clinical
awareness regarding abuse occurrence within this population. The search for a spouse in the
orthodox community can be fraught with difficulty and daters often seek out the help of mental
health providers (Salamon, 2008). Some survivors of abuse are advised not to reveal their abuse
even to their future spouses. The toll that this places on marriages and children is potentially
dreadful (Salamon, 2008; Salamon, 2011). A therapeutic approach to help individuals in these
circumstances requires the mental health specialist to question and understand that the topic
should be addressed. A culturally sensitive therapeutic approach would acknowledge the
conflict for the dater and provide an outlet to therapeutically address the patient’s needs. While
there is a growing awareness of the problem of abuse in the Jewish community, across all levels,
more sensitivity, training and acceptance of the frequency of abuse is needed.
Limitations and future directions
The limitations of this study include a modest sample size and a recruitment methodology that
excluded married individuals from participating. While abuse negatively impacted mental health
in this population it is important to note that both the prevalence rates regarding abuse and the
relationship between abuse and mental health may not generalize to a married population. It is
possible that those that have experienced abuse are more likely to remain single or be divorced.
However, it is important to note Yehuda et al. (2007) found higher rates of sexual abuse in a
married population compared to this study, making it unlikely that having experienced sexual
20
abuse is more prevalent in a single population. Singlehood status alone may have impacted
mental health measures. While those that have been abused were at increased risk for mental
health problems, singlehood status amongst a population where marriage is held in high regard
may have impacted the baseline of the mental health measures. Even with the limitations of
assessing abuse using a population of single individuals, this study is an important step in
expanding awareness regarding abuse occurrences within the Jewish Orthodox population.
Future studies should expand the sample size to include married individuals.
Future studies should also focus on gathering more information about who is perpetrating the
abuse and where it occurred. Future studies should include the assessment of abuse in greater
detail. It is important to better understand the spaces that the abuse is occurring (home, schools,
synagogues etc.) and precisely how this population is defining abuse. While there has been some
research assessing these details in its relation to sexual abuse (Rosmarin et al., 2018; Yehuda et
al., 2007), more research is necessary to better understand the details of physical, sexual and
emotional abuse within the Jewish Orthodox population. Given the high prevalence of self-
endorsed emotional abuse, it is especially important to better understand how individuals from
this community define and experience emotional abuse.
Because some segments of the insular orthodox population refrain from regular internet usage
and may not have had access to this study, the results may not generalize to those segments of
the population. Additionally, because the majority of participants were American, the findings of
this study may not generalize to Jewish Orthdox communities outside of America.
Conclusion
21
This research explored the rates of physical, sexual and emotional abuse and the effect of abuse
on mental health in the Jewish Orthodox community using a community sample of single
individuals. A large percentage of the sample endorsed emotional abuse (29.2%), and a
significant number endorsed sexual abuse (13.5%) and physical abuse (9.2%). Participants that
answered a ‘yes’ or a ‘maybe’ to the overall abuse question scored significantly higher on the
depression and anxiety inventories and significantly lower on the life satisfaction inventory
compared to those that reported no abuse. More research is necessary to understand the context
and details associated with the types of abuse reported. This research is important in raising
community and clinical awareness regarding abuse prevalence and mental health risk within the
Jewish Orthodox community. Given the insularity of this population, more targeted community
programming is necessary to educate the community on what constitutes abuse, identify those at
risk as well as provide support and treatment for those affected by abuse.
22
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... While some evidence suggests that the shidduch dating system works well for individuals that take part in it (Gulkor & Senior, 2021;Milevsky et al., 2011), other evidence indicates that the shidduch dating system is extremely challenging for many individuals. (Cohen, 2023;Penkower, 2010;Rosenbach et al., 2022;Salamon, 2008). According to the American Jewish ...
... The widespread notion of a "shidduch crisis" in the Orthodox community has prompted a recent large-scale qualitative analysis on the subject. Rosenbach et al. (2022) highlighted several themes and subthemes that arose when 889 community members identified 'problems in the shidduch system'. The themes that emerged touched upon issues within the formal dating structure itself. ...
... The lack of community education in areas of intimacy, sexuality, and marriage leaving many individuals feeling ill equipped in their ability to maintain healthy relationships, and 4) The difficulties experienced by those who would like to get married, yet are lacking dating opportunities, or finding it hard to meet someone appropriate for them. Furthermore, Rosenbach et al. (2022) point out that many participants in their study alluded to these problems negatively impacting wellbeing and mental health. Examples of these quotes include "I cannot begin to explain the level of hurt and emotional pain that we go through, our community is based on family, and yet we cannot have this despite how hard we try" and "There is a lot of pressure on yeshiva orthodox single girls regarding the supposed shidduch crisis. ...
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Previous qualitative studies have noted that the Orthodox Jewish dating system, often referred to as shidduch dating, has become difficult for many. The aim of this study was to assess the way some of these problems influence well-being. To minimize response bias, some questions pertaining to problems in the shidduch system were added to a larger communal survey. Participants were asked to rate the severity of the following problems on a Likert scale of 1–100: (a) pressure to get married before you feel ready, (b) lack of dating opportunity, (c) superficiality of dating criteria and resume system, (d) too much gender segregation makes it hard to meet people, (e) stigma and lack of respect for singles; (f) parental overinvolvement in the dating process, (g) problems related to matchmakers, and (h) lack of education regarding dating, intimacy, and creating meaningful relationships. Participants also completed the Depression Scale (Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression–10), the Generalized Anxiety Disorder Seven-Item Scale, and the Satisfaction with Life Scale. Two hundred fifty-five Orthodox Jewish single individuals responded to the study. A correlational analysis revealed that most of the problems noted correlated with mental health measures, and differentially impacted females where females rated most of the problems as more severe, and appeared to be more negatively impacted by them. This study provides some awareness regarding the impact problems in shidduch dating has on well-being and can help clinicians working with this population better understand the way these problems influence mental health.
... While there is a dearth of research exploring the prevalence rates of sexual abuse within specific religious communities, there has been an increasing amount of research highlighting the occurrences of sexual abuse within different religious groups including Catholics (Collins et al., 2014;Dale & Alpert, 2007), Amish (McGuigan & Stephenson, 2015), Mormons (Gerdes et al., 1996), and Muslims (Haboush & Alyan, 2013;Sambisa et al., 2010). While some believe that religiosity may mitigate abuse, the few studies assessing and comparing sexual abuse in religious and secular groups indicate that the prevalence rates in religious communities are not any lower than the 10-30 percent range found in mainstream secular societies (Doxey, Jensen, & Jensen, 1997;Elliott, 1994;Haj-Yahia & Tamish, 2001;Rosenbach et al., 2022;Spröber et al., 2014). ...
... Additionally, there is some evidence that males in religious groups are at an elevated risk for 5 sexual abuse within certain religious communities (Al-Fayez et al., 2012;Holt & Massey, 2013;Rosenbach et al., 2022;Rosmarin et al., 2018). ...
... While this study differentiated sexual abuse by types of abuse that occurred (penetration vs unwanted touch etc.), the researchers did not inquire about the relationship the victims had with their perpetrator. A more recent study by Rosenbach et al. (2022) found that in a community sample of 274 unmarried individuals, 13.5% of orthodox men and women endorsed a history of sexual abuse, however the relationship between the victims and their perpetrators was not reported. All three studies found that those that endorsed abuse were at increased risk for mental health problems. ...
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The sexual abuse of children within religious settings is an issue that has gained increased popular and professional attention over the past two decades. Various reports have highlighted the scale of such abuse, along with shortcomings in reporting practices. In this article, we outline some contemporary research that sought to understand the psychology that underpins variable reporting practices. In line with this research, we set out two conceptual frameworks that have some potential to help to explain such practices: system justification theory and moral foundations theory. Further, we describe how these frameworks could be adopted in research moving forward in order to make sense of the ways in which members of religious groups respond to allegations of child sexual abuse within their institutions. We close the article by arguing that by gaining a deeper understanding of the psychology underlying reporting practices, it may be possible to communicate more effectively about child sexual abuse within religious institutions, and therefore encourage more widespread reporting of allegations before more children are harmed. ‘We outline some contemporary research that sought to understand the psychology that underpins variable reporting practices’ Key Practitioner Messages Those most likely to observe or suspect child abuse in religious settings are themselves likely to participate in such settings. The challenge for these ‘onlookers’ is to overcome the psychological dynamics that push against the recognition and reporting of child abuse in religious settings. These dynamics can be understood via established psychological theories and frameworks. Practitioners concerned with improving reporting practice in these contexts can draw on this work to inform training and intervention strategies.
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