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Russia's Actually (Non-)Existent Neoliberalism: The Development of the Russian Far East as Discourse and Practice
Abstract
The article explores Russia's ‘turn to the East’ and examines different and often conflicting visions of development that emerged in the process of reconstructing the Russian Far Eastern development strategy at regional and federal levels. It draws on a ‘thick’ case study of the special investment regime, Free Port Vladivostok, which exemplifies simultaneously a new approach to regional development and the contradictions spawned by it. Analysis of Free Port Vladivostok represents an entry point into a discussion of Russian neoliberalisation and ‘actually (non-)existent neoliberalism’.
... Attempts to expand the conceptual boundaries of neoliberalism into the East must recognize that this is arguably incompatible with situations in which markets are subjugated to what in some cases can be a predatory and kleptocratic state (Åslund, 2019;Belton, 2021;Harding, 2021). Such states, rather than expanding the rule of markets, expand their own control over resources and the economy, creating an inverted notion of state capture (Kinossian & Morgan, 2022) and, curiously, the notion of "Russia's actually (non-)existent neoliberalism" (Kuteleva et al., 2022). ...
Research on the post-socialist city remains weakly connected to global urban debates. This contribution argues that a comparative research agenda can help the post-socialist city to overcome its isolation and to engage with urban theory (rather than simply supplying case studies for such). New comparative urbanism suggests that mechanistic, “genetic” comparisons may fail to offer new avenues for research, while “generative” comparisons that involve cities from across the globe can create spaces for conversation. Following this, there may be at least three areas of dialogue around the research on the post-socialist city. Firstly, protean post-socialist processes offer a harsh test for urban theories if they seek to claim global relevance. Secondly, the diversity of transition outcomes challenges the variegation of the liberal capitalism thesis because the latter has geographic limits. Thirdly, the emerging new state capitalism requires analytical scrutiny of its variants, including state-led and illiberal forms currently dominant in China and Russia.
This chapter discusses how infrastructures enhance the economic capacity of BRICS nations through a viewpoint of the multiplier impacts on cooperation and positioning within and among the nations. This chapter analyzes transport and energy systems for improving trade and access in the framework of the BRICS states. It assesses the impact of multinational endeavors and discusses concepts and the future of consortium partners' infrastructure joint venture projects. Furthermore, this chapter employs a systematic review framework that follows the preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses (PRISMA) checklist. Specifically, key themes pointed out by the study include sustainable and innovative development of infrastructure and integration of technologies such as smart sensors and data analytics in trade logistics.
Rampant suburbanisation is one of the most visible changes evidenced in cities throughout Central and Eastern Europe in the past three decades. In this paper, we analyse how suburbanisation unfolded in East Germany after reunification. We do this against the background of ongoing debates about the usefulness and meaning of the term post-socialism that have questioned the self-enclosed spatiality of the concept and suggest giving the concept of neoliberalisation a more central role in analysing the changes experienced in this part of the world. We show that the suburbanisation process in East Germany rested on three neoliberal policy orientations: (1) extensive investment stimuli for the construction of new rental housing, (2) promotion of home ownership and (3) the privileging of suburban locations through planning gaps. Since all these policies are based on neoliberal ideas, we argue that neoliberalisation and post-socialist reform agendas have appeared as two sides of the same coin. Against this background, we advocate putting the developments that came after socialism at the centre of the research and call for a new generation of studies on post-socialist neoliberalisation.
This chapter examines intersections between Russia’s China policy and the Far Eastern development strategy, with a focus on Primorye. Primorye is a particularly interesting venue for a case study of Sino-Russian interactions because it is both far from and important to Moscow. The distance between Vladivostok, the capital of Primorye, and Moscow spans seven time zones and 5,770 miles. China, on the other hand, is right on Primorye’s doorstep. In the mid-2000s, Primorye and, specifically its capital Vladivostok, became a showcase for Russia’s “turn to the East.” Drawing on the case of Primorye, the chapter illustrates contingencies, complexities, challenges, and paradoxes that underpin the development of Sino-Russian relations and identify the implications of closer ties between Beijing and Moscow for the development of the Far East. Drawing on interviews and extensive fieldwork conducted between 2014 and 2021, we show that the “turn to the East” promotes political rapprochement between Moscow and Beijing but does not facilitate establishing harmonious relations between communities along the Sino-Russian border and hardly facilitates the modernization of the regional economy. Overall, Russia’s inconsistent attitudes towards China reveal the fragile foundation of Sino-Russian friendship as well as complex internal identity contradictions that prevents Russia’s Far Eastern provinces from fully embracing the opportunities that China’s rise might offer them.
This work analyzes how Papuan/Melanesian narratives of self-reliance in an era of decolonization in Oceania rationalize and contest Chinese investments in the state and civil society domains. The case study shows that both supporters and opponents of Chinese investment at the Ramu Nickel Mine in Papua New Guinea build their claims around self-reliance. The state actors present Chinese investment as an alternative to and autonomy from Papua New Guinea’s traditional donor, Australia. In contrast, the civil society demonstrates agency by rejecting China’s “neo-colonial” attitude towards local natural resources. These self-reliance discourses translate into different practical outcomes. For example, Chinese financing enables the state to demonstrate new assertiveness regionally and on the global stage, especially regarding critical issues, such as the climate crisis. On the other hand, civil society makes modest gains from Chinese companies, which indicates that in the future Chinese interventions will be forced to consider local interests more carefully and negotiate with sub-state actors. Tensions in responses to Chinese investment from the civil society and the state not only reveal different visions of the future for Papua New Guinea but also translate into conceivable patterns across the Oceania region as China increases its aid and investment presence.
Assemblage thinking has exploded in policy research, especially among scholars working in the policy mobilities field who are seeking to harness the potential of an assemblage approach to understand how policies move, mutate and manifest in increasingly transnational contexts. The ubiquity of assemblage, however, does not always render it clear, with the concept being variously defined and sometimes lacking conceptual strength and explanatory power. This paper seeks to conceptualize and defend an assemblage approach to policy analysis. By synthesizing core threads from existing literature, it identifies three theoretical and conceptual foundations central to a ‘policy assemblage’ approach: (1) relations of exteriority and emergence; (2) heterogeneity, relationality and flux; and (3) attention to power, politics and agency. Together, these foundations signal a coherency to assemblage thinking and suggest an assemblage approach has powerful potential, allowing researchers to see and explain things in ways that many established traditions in policy research do not. By identifying foundations and offering examples of how each might be mobilized, the paper provides the beginnings of a framework for policy assemblage research not previously articulated in a systematic form, thus inviting further discussion about what it means to undertake policy assemblage research.
This paper argues that Russia and China are partners of consequence and that the neglect of the normative dimension of the Sino-Russian relationship has led its impact on global governance to be undervalued and misunderstood. Following a constructivist approach, the paper examines the shared norms underlying an ever closer Sino-Russian partnership, despite divergent interests in a number of areas. A first section examines how shared norms lead Russia and China to define their identity similarly, facilitate joint actions, and constrain their individual policy choices. For Russia, elaborating its own unique identity is crucial to its claim to global status, though complicated by interactions with multiple ‘Others.’ Russia's effort to engage Asian partners is often viewed as hedging against China, but as second section argues that Russian engagement in Asia is better understood in terms of Russia's effort to define an Asian identity. A third section highlights the securitization/desecuritization dynamic in Sino-Russian economic relations. Xi Jinping's efforts to redefine China's global role reinforces its tendency to desecuritize the vulnerabilities that lead China to seek economic cooperation with Russia. Russia, fearing becoming a ‘resource appendage’ of China, then securitizes economic relations with China.
A growing number of scholarly works in the field of archaeology and heritage studies have been investigating the role of culture in relationship management. By assessing the use of heritage and repatriation of archaeological finds by multinational Gazprom, a natural gas company, in the Russian Federation, this paper contributes to this heritage diplomacy research by critically repositioning some of its core paradigms and its predominant emphasis on interstate diplomatic processes. As explored in this paper, archaeology and heritage are cultural technologies that have to be framed in the broader statecraft policies of the nation state, and are enmeshed with different types of power and include a plethora of agents. By exploring a case study investigating the corporate security initiatives of a resource extraction and transport giant in Russia, this paper contributes to the extensive literature on neoliberalism, corporate social responsibility and federalism in newly developing economies.
The Soviet Union created a unique form of urban modernity, developing institutions of social provisioning for hundreds of millions of people in small and medium-sized industrial cities spread across a vast territory. After the collapse of socialism these institutions were profoundly shaken--casualties, in the eyes of many observers, of market-oriented reforms associated with neoliberalism and the Washington Consensus. In Post-Soviet Social, Stephen Collier examines reform in Russia beyond the Washington Consensus. He turns attention from the noisy battles over stabilization and privatization during the 1990s to subsequent reforms that grapple with the mundane details of pipes, wires, bureaucratic routines, and budgetary formulas that made up the Soviet social state. Drawing on Michel Foucault's lectures from the late 1970s, Post-Soviet Social uses the Russian case to examine neoliberalism as a central form of political rationality in contemporary societies. The book's basic finding--that neoliberal reforms provide a justification for redistribution and social welfare, and may work to preserve the norms and forms of social modernity--lays the groundwork for a critical revision of conventional understandings of these topics.
The preparation of a nationwide framework for Russian regional planning policy has been impeded by an ongoing conflict between two competing logics of territorial organization: that of “polarized” or “equalized” development. This paper analyzes the preparation of the nationwide framework for regional planning within the context of political authoritarianism and continuing neoliberal reforms. The findings indicate (1) a stalemate in the preparation of regional policy, caused by fundamental contradictions between authoritarian centralization and the need to stimulate growth; (2) that in the absence of coherent regional policy, the government and other actors employ ad hoc “unguided” approaches to regional development projects; and (3) that the main result is an increasingly polarized pattern of development.
Two decades of aggressive neoliberalisation in Russia has failed to produce a uniform system of private property and profit-maximising enterprises. Instead, the complex interactions of multiple ‘practices of property’ that are pre-Soviet, Soviet and post-Soviet in origin, and not private property alone, have created a diverse economic landscape. Moreover, multiple practices of property have produced both capitalist economies (such as Moscow's early capitalist enterprises) and non-capitalist, ethically guided economies (such as the indigenous enterprises of Arctic reindeer herders). The persistence of alternative economic logics in Russia illustrates the limits of the role of private property in shaping the post-Soviet economy.
The Russian Far East has, since Gorbachev, been used in foreign-policy discourse as a tool to access the integrative processes of the Asia-Pacific. However, vulnerability, symbolised by the border with China and the asymmetry of the Sino–Russian economic relationship, highlights the geopolitical andgeoeconomic implications of engagement with the Asia-Pacific. The ‘modernisation’ agenda, which became a leitmotiv of the Medvedev administration, focused attention on the challenges ofdevelopment in this region, but development within this agenda tends to be based on the most optimistic scenarios, and development plans for the border areas are heavily geared towards China. Integration with the Asia-Pacific is often advocated as a means of escaping economic dependence on China, but approaches and strategies remain overly politicised.
Challenges the notion that publicness and the public sphere is in decline, and analyses the emergence of new forms, sites and practices of publicness and the implications for public services. Covers: - shifting formations of nation and the challenges of migration, diversity and faith to universalistic notions of the public - how the emphasis on of civil society and community are recasting the public domain - the emergence of hybrid organsiational forms and public private authority - new strategies for governing publics and public services
Responding to the increasing interest in the movement of policies between places, sites and settings, this timely book presents a critical alternative to approaches centred on ideas of policy transfer, dissemination or learning. Written by the key people in the field, it argues that treating policy as an active process of ‘translation’, in which policies are interpreted, inflected and re-worked as they change location, is of critical importance for studying policy. The book provides an exciting and accessible analytical and methodological foundation for studying policy in this way and will be a valuable resource for those studying policy processes at both undergraduate and post-graduate levels. Mixing collectively written chapters with individual case studies of policies and practices, the book provides a powerful and productive introduction to rethinking policy studies. It ends with a commitment to the possibilities of thinking and doing ‘policy otherwise’.
Cambridge Core - Political Economy - From Triumph to Crisis - by Hilary Appel
In this new book, noted scholars of Northeast Asia contribute new views on the future of the region. Collecting essays from experts of all 4 countries and their interconnected histories and political orders, the book helps to contextualize the future development of the region in the context of a US "Pivot to Asia." The four countries on the northern fringe of Asia went their separate ways after the end of the Cold War, but strengthening Sino-Russian relations and what may be the looming endgame in North Korea’s strategy of threats and isolation are signs that we now need to think about this area also through its connections. Looking back to what existed in an earlier incarnation of the Northern Tier and focusing on Chinese and Russian views of North Korea, we are able to explore the implications of increasingly close Sino-Russian relations. The book will be of great value to scholars, policymakers, and all passionate about exploring what's next for Russia and China's relationship.
The aims of Russia’s “departure from Europe and entrance into Asia” are as follows: 1) civilizational, to clarify rejection of “universal values” of the West and insistence on a distinctive civilization”; 2) geopolitical, to forge a multilateral security framework, in contrast to the US-centered alliance system; and 3) geoeconomic, to become an integral part of Asia’s dynamic economy, developing the Russian Far East and Eastern Siberia as a manufacturing hub, transforming transportation infrastructure to realize Eurasianism, and supplying energy primarily to Asia rather than European states. The gateway to Asia for all three of these objectives is China despite some question about overdependence on it as an economic strategy. Rejecting the West in all three respects, Russia has contradictory notions of joining China in a “new cold war” and forging a multipolar regional framework, but the former is taking the lead.
Janine Wedel pinpoints the widespread assumption, in Western accounts of EU and NATO enlargement, that Central European states, eager to integrate with the EU and NATO, closely follow Western policy recommendations. Accounts of security, in particular, presume that, as these states seek security from the West, they gradually adopt Western conceptions of security. This chapter destabilizes the convenient imagery of obliging Central Europeans. It underscores that the geopolitical scripting of Central Europe involves more than Westerners analyzing the region; it also involves local intellectuals of statecraft providing the data for these analyses. Taking a hint from the previous remarks by Wedel, I suggest that Central Europeans’ apparent receptiveness is illusory. The region’s intellectuals of statecraft do not simply adopt, but also construct, the Central Europe that emerges from Western security studies. Listening to foreigners is not simply a process of learning, it is also a strategy of telling Westerners what they want to hear, so as to attract or retain Western attention and money. There are Western stereotypes of Central Europe as “not yet” fully mature or European, that allow, and indeed necessitate, that strategy. It is because of Western ignorance that Central European intellectuals of statecraft can assume the role of expert interpreters and storytellers.
This book is a comprehensive introduction to the contemporary Russian Far East (RFE) and offers an argument about federal relations and power in the state. It is the only easily available, single volume book to examine the RFE in such depth.
Neoliberalism is commonly viewed as an economic doctrine that seeks to limit the scope of government. Some consider it a form of predatory capitalism with adverse effects on the Global South. In this groundbreaking work, Aihwa Ong offers an alternative view of neoliberalism as an extraordinarily malleable technology of governing that is taken up in different ways by different regimes, be they authoritarian, democratic, or communist. Ong shows how East and Southeast Asian states are making exceptions to their usual practices of governing in order to position themselves to compete in the global economy. As she demonstrates, a variety of neoliberal strategies of governing are re-engineering political spaces and populations. Ong’s ethnographic case studies illuminate experiments and developments such as China’s creation of special market zones within its socialist economy; pro-capitalist Islam and women’s rights in Malaysia; Singapore’s repositioning as a hub of scientific expertise; and flexible labor and knowledge regimes that span the Pacific.Ong traces how these and other neoliberal exceptions to business as usual are reconfiguring relationships between governing and the governed, power and knowledge, and sovereignty and territoriality. She argues that an interactive mode of citizenship is emerging, one that organizes people—and distributes rights and benefits to them—according to their marketable skills rather than according to their membership within nation-states. Those whose knowledge and skills are not assigned significant market value—such as migrant women working as domestic maids in many Asian cities—are denied citizenship. Nevertheless, Ong suggests that as the seam between sovereignty and citizenship is pried apart, a new space is emerging for NGOs to advocate for the human rights of those excluded by neoliberal measures of human worthiness.
Russia's recent reorientation “to the East” has gained increased urgency given events in Ukraine. Here the policymaking process surrounding the “turn to the East” is examined. The focus is on the economic dimension – the economic development of the Russian Far East and engagement with the Asia-Pacific region – rather than geostrategic and security issues. Policymaking is evaluated in terms of general approach and process, with the implications of the evaluation for Russian policymaking more generally then being explored. “Turn to the East” policymaking exhibits a strong commitment to strategic planning that is characteristic of Putin, and which in this case struggles not only with process issues but also with contradictions within the strategy and the challenging realities of the region. Regarding process, a far more institutionalized policy process than the currently dominant personalist view would lead us to expect is found, with relevant bureaucratic and non-state actors well represented in an elaborate and relatively formal process. However a considerable weakening of sign-off procedures is noted, which has lead to policy inconsistency and indeed “policy irresponsibility” among participants. The author attributes the weakening of sign-off procedures to Putin's frustration with the gridlock tendencies of strict sign-off regimes, rather than a desire to create a personalist regime of hands-on management. This suggests that improvement of the Russian policy process requires structural and procedural change, rather than simply leadership change.
This paper is a critical exploration of the of the term neoliberalism. Drawing on a wide range of literature across the critical social sciences and with particular emphasis on the political economy of development, it evaluates the consequences of the term's proliferation and expanded usage since the 1980s. It advances a case that neoliberalism has become a deeply problematic and incoherent term that has multiple and contradictory meanings, and thus has diminished analytical value. In addition, the paper also explores the one-sided, morally laden usage of the term by non-economists to describe economic phenomena, and the way that this serves to signify and reproduce the divide between economics and the rest of the social sciences.
Using the example of intermediaries in business–state relations, this essay addresses the evolution of corruption in Russia which has been facilitated by the introduction of a neoliberal system of market relations. Based on empirical studies of small and medium-sized enterprises in Russia, the essay demonstrates how intermediaries (which are also present in Western market economies and serve the function of reducing firms' transaction costs) have adapted to the local system in order to serve as providers of both legal and illegal (corrupt) services. Disputing the pervasive claim that neoliberalism and corruption are mutually exclusive phenomena, we argue that in ‘incoherent’ democracies like Russia, where properly functioning democratic institutions and a developed civil society are lacking, neoliberalism has led to the expansion of corruption.
This article aims to assess the role of neoliberal ideas in shaping Russia's transition to a market economy. Prevailing ideas of the Washington Consensus undoubtedly encouraged Russia's leaders to embrace radical reforms, but Russia's reformers were not blindly following an ideological agenda set for them in Washington, DC. The actual policies that were implemented diverged considerably from the prevailing neoliberal orthodoxy and were heavily shaped by the self-interest of the elites who were making the policy decisions. While prices were freed and international trade and currency flows opened up, an insider-dominated privatization process left the Russian economy in the hands of a narrow circle of oligarchs. Russia's corrupt, oil-dependent and state-centered economy is far removed from the decentralized, competitive market system that the reformers had envisaged. Democracy, which was initially seen as integral to the transition process, also fell by the wayside. While critics argue that Russia suffered from an overdose of ‘market fundamentalism’, neoliberals themselves still insist that Russia did not go far enough in unleashing genuine market forces. Either way, Russia has now joined the global market economy, while at the same time preserving many of the institutional features that are the product of its unique geography and historical heritage.
The economic enclaves that are being built across South India would appear to exemplify what Aihwa Ong has called ‘neoliberalism as exception’. Drawing on fieldwork in and around one ‘special economic zone’ in the state of Andhra Pradesh, this article critiques the language of exceptionality by exploring the structural continuities and dynamic interconnections between the zone and what continues to be called the ‘informal economy’. Rather than valorize India’s economic zones as manifestations of a juridical-discursive ‘exception’ in which the state experiments with alternative forms of market-oriented rule or as carceral spaces in which working populations are subjected to innovations in bio-political government this article shows how these zones formalize conditions of precariousness and political subjectivity that already characterize working life in much of South India, incorporating social networks and livelihoods that extend beyond their walls.
The authors analyze the tension between the transborder networks of globalization and the requirements of nation building. Application of this framework to the Russian Far East as a borderland acquired by the state for strategic rather than economic reasons generates a model of the "twostroke mechanism" of the region's development. Recent protests against high import duties on Japanese cars are explained in this context.
Governmental interventions that set out to improve the world are assembled from diverse elements - discourses, institutions, forms of expertise and social groups whose deficiencies need to be corrected, among others. In this article I advance an analytic that focuses on practices of assemblage - the on-going labour of bringing disparate elements together and forging connections between them. I identify six practices that are generic to any assemblage, whatever its specific contours: 1) forging alignments, 2) rendering technical, 3) authorizing knowledge, 4) managing failures, 5) anti-politics, and 6) reassembling. I demonstrate the power of this analytic through an extended study of community forest management. This is an assemblage that brings together an array of agents (villagers, labourers, entrepreneurs, officials, activists, aid donors, scientists) and objectives (profit, pay, livelihoods, control, property, efficiency, sustainability, conservation). Its very unwieldiness helps to sharpen analysis of how such an assemblage is, in fact, assembled, and how it has been sustained for more than thirty years, absorbing hundreds of millions of dollars in programmes from the west coast of Canada to the eastern islands of Indonesia. I do not attempt to adjudicate the rights and wrongs of this assemblage. Rather, I deploy an analytic of assemblage to explore the practices that fill the gap between the will to govern and the refractory processes that make government so difficult.
This essay elaborates a critical geographical perspective on neoliberalism that emphasizes (a) the path–dependent character of neoliberal reform projects and (b) the strategic role of cities in the contemporary remaking of political–economic space. We begin by presenting the methodological foundations for an approach to the geographies of what we term “actually existing neoliberalism.” In contrast to neoliberal ideology, in which market forces are assumed to operate according to immutable laws no matter where they are “unleashed,” we emphasize the contextual embeddedness of neoliberal restructuring projects insofar as they have been produced within national, regional, and local contexts defined by the legacies of inherited institutional frameworks, policy regimes, regulatory practices, and political struggles. An adequate understanding of actually existing neoliberalism must therefore explore the path–dependent, contextually specific interactions between inherited regulatory landscapes and emergent neoliberal, market–oriented restructuring projects at a broad range of geographical scales. These considerations lead to a conceptualization of contemporary neoliberalization processes as catalysts and expressions of an ongoing creative destruction of political–economic space at multiple geographical scales. While the neoliberal restructuring projects of the last two decades have not established a coherent basis for sustainable capitalist growth, it can be argued that they have nonetheless profoundly reworked the institutional infrastructures upon which Fordist–Keynesian capitalism was grounded. The concept of creative destruction is presented as a useful means for describing the geographically uneven, socially regressive, and politically volatile trajectories of institutional/spatial change that have been crystallizing under these conditions. The essay concludes by discussing the role of urban spaces within the contradictory and chronically unstable geographies of actually existing neoliberalism. Throughout the advanced capitalist world, we suggest, cities have become strategically crucial geographical arenas in which a variety of neoliberal initiatives—along with closely intertwined strategies of crisis displacement and crisis management—have been articulated.
President Vladimir Putin has presided over a sustained mood of backlash against democracy promotion and the international interventions of the nineties. His doctrine of "sovereign democracy" appears to have broken with the liberal/neoliberal models that guided reform in Russia during this period. In this article, I show that something more complex is afoot: the Putin administration has advanced liberalizing reforms at the same time as it has rhetorically distanced itself from them. These contradictions are particularly manifest in the sphere of social welfare. Since 2001, Putin passed a series of liberal-oriented reforms that his nineties predecessors were unable to achieve, for example in pension, health and education reform. He simultaneously advanced certain benefits and greatly increased state spending - for example on "maternal capital" and youth projects. I analyze this dynamic as a Soviet-style neoliberalism that draws on the conceptual resources of liberalizing initiatives at the same time as it articulates forceful resistance to them. Drawing on data gathered in the course of a collaborative project with Russian scholars and youth, this article examines this dynamic and the hybrid social forms these policies give rise to, focusing specifically on provincial programs to promote voluntarism.
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