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Abstract

This report outlines the key findings from the Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry (BaHMI) project. This is the first project to investigate bullying and harassment experienced by those working and involved in the music industry. This project investigated the experiences of over 400 people involved in the UK music industry via a survey, collecting information on: experiences of bullying; experiences of harassment; impact of experiences of bullying and harassment; perpetrators; disclosing and reporting experiences; UK music industry working culture.
Bullying and
Harassment in the
Music Industry
“Completely entangled in its fabric”
Cassandra Jones and Kallia Manoussaki
2 Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry 3
Introduction 4
Key messages 5
About the Project 6
Methods 7
Prole of Research Contributors 8
Experiences of Bullying and Harassment 12
Perpetrators 14
Impact of Bullying and Harassment 15
Reporting and Disclosures 16
UK Music Industry Working Culture 18
Conclusion 20
References 21
6 16
10
Contents
4 Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry 5
Key messages
Introduction
In the past year addressing bullying and harassment
in the music industry has become a key priority in the
UK. Nonetheless, we know little about the prevalence,
characteristics and impact of bullying and harassment on
those working and involved in the industry.
Despite efforts to support social change and equality, the
UK music industry continues to be dominated by white,
heterosexual men; lacks regulation; and relies on informal,
precarious working agreements (Black Lives in Music,
2021; Hennekam and Bennet, 2017; Hill, Hesmondhalgh and
Megson, 2020). These factors create a ripe environment for
bullying and harassment to thrive (Jones, 2018).
Prompted by media reports and anecdotal evidence, we
identied the need for concrete evidence on these issues in
the UK music industry. To address this need, we developed
a survey to capture the current status of bullying and
harassment in the wider UK music industry. In November of
2021, we launched this survey and received 574 responses.
The ndings highlight the endemic nature of bullying and
harassment in the music industry and the need for change.
We believe that the experiences and views of those affected
by bullying and harassment should be placed at the heart
of future developments of policies and regulations. With
this report we want to raise awareness about the extent
to which bullying and harassment occurs and about the
disproportionate prevalence among marginalised groups.
Experiences of bullying & harassment
96% of respondents experienced bullying
99% of women and 93% of men who completed the
survey were bullied
98% of survey participants with a disability were bullied
97% of survey participants who identied as a sexual
minority were bullied
81% of respondents experienced harassment
96% women and 69% men who completed the survey were
harassed
83% of survey participants with a disability were harassed
95% of survey participants who identied as a sexual
minority were harassed
85% reported their experiences of bullying and
harassment negatively impacted them
82% of women who experienced bullying and harassment
experienced negative consequences whereas 48% of men did
Perpetrators
65% of respondents reported that the perpetrator was
one man or multiple men.
19% of respondents described the perpetrator as one
woman or multiple women.
55% reported the perpetrator had inuence
over their career
The ndings highlight
the endemic nature
of bullying and
harassment in the
music industry and
the need for change.
6 Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry 7
About the Project
There is little research on
bullying and harassment in the
music industry but we know
that it happens and negatively
impacts people involved in the
industry.
A recent example includes the well-
documented incident in which Sam
Matlock, the vocalist for Wargasm, was
physically assaulted by venue security
(see BBC, 2021). Another example are
the allegations of the employees of the
promotions company SSD that the founder
sexually harassed them and created
a toxic work environment (Beaumont-
Thomas, 2021). We do not know how
many people involved in the UK music
industry have been subjected to bullying
and harassing behaviours or the impact of
those experiences on their personal and
professional lives. This research project
was designed to provide insight into these
issues.
Additionally, the project investigated
how experiences may differ across
different groups of people involved in the
industry. We recognise that many forms
of discrimination such as sexism, racism,
and ableism are prevalent in the UK music
industry and may be inuential on their
own or in combination on experiences
of bullying and harassment. Black Lives
in Music (2021) found that 73% of Black
music professionals experienced direct
racism and Black, women professionals
earned less money than White, women
professionals. When asked about
experiences of discrimination, Black
women faced discrimination based on
their race, gender, sexuality and disability.
These ndings highlight the importance
of considering the experiences of
marginalised groups and intersectional
identities.
Methods
The research team was based
at the University of Winchester
and the University of the West
of Scotland (UWS). The UWS
Creative Industries’ Ethics
Committee granted ethical
approval for this research
project which involved collecting
data from people working in
the UK music industry via focus
groups, an online survey and
follow-up interviews.
The BaHMI survey was adapted from the
Equally Safe in Higher Education (ESHE)
research toolkit (McCarry et al., 2018) and
was informed by contributions collected
from ve focus groups which included
people from diverse backgrounds who
were involved in the UK music industry.
They provided feedback on the wording
and content of survey questions. This
helped to ensure the relevance of this
work to the industry. After incorporating
feedback from the focus groups, the survey
was piloted and then run for 11 weeks from
the 1st of November 2021.
The survey included ve
sections on:
1. Demographics
2. Experiences of bullying and
harassment
3. Impact of experiences
4. Disclosure and reporting
5. The cultural context of the UK music
industry working environment.
An open text box was included at the end for
participants wishing to add comments.
The ndings in this report are based
on the analysis of our Bullying and
Harassment in the Music Industry, or
BaHMI, survey data.
8 Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry 9
Prole of Research
Contributors
The survey drew responses from 574 participants,
capturing quantitative and qualitative responses from a
range of people working and involved with the UK music
industry. The diverse representation of the participants
highlighted the importance of considering intersectional
aspects of bullying and harassment experiences.
The average age of participants was 38.6. Their ages
ranged from 16 to 80. A little over half were men (54%)
and 43% were women.1 Over three-quarters of the survey
respondents identied as straight (78%). The next most
common sexual orientation was bisexual (9%) followed
by other minoritised sexual identities (7%) and those
preferring to not say (5%).
The ethnic prole of the survey participants showed that
the majority identied as White (87%) and 13% as an ethnic
minority. When asked about national identity, 81% reported
their identity as British, English, Scottish, Welsh or North
Irish.
Nearly one in six of the respondents (16%) indicated they
have an impairment, health condition or learning difference
that has a substantial or long-term impact on their ability to
carry out day to day activities.
On average, participants had been working in the UK music
industry for 16 years and toured 4 months a year.
Ethnicity
White (UK)
White (Other)
Mixed
Asian
Black
74%
13%
5%
3%3%
Gender
Straight
Bisexual
Gay Man
Gay Woman
Queer
Other
Prefer to not say
78%
9%
2% 2% 2% 1%
5%
Men
Women
Non-binary
Prefer to not say
54%43%
1%
1%
1. Survey participants were asked to identify their gender and to indicate if they
identied as transgender. Twelve (2.1%) did. They were included in the analysis
according to the gender identity. For example, if a survey participants reporting
identied as a woman and as transgender, the analysis included them with
participants who identied as women. This was done only for statistical purposes.
The diverse
representation of the
participants highlighted
the importance of
considering intersectional
aspects of bullying and
harassment experiences.
10 Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry 11
Primary Job Role(s)
35%
24%
16%
11%
8%
6%
6%
4%
4%
3%
2%
2%
Musician
Crew
Education
Manager
Producer
Studio
Promoter
Label
Media
Booking Agent
Promoter Rep
Merchandise
Primary Music Genre(s)
30%
28%
22% 16% 15% 12% 11% 10% 9% 8% 5% 5%
R&B/Soul
Metal
Jazz
Dance/Electronic/Edm
Folk
Other
Indie
Classical/neo-classical
Rock/Punk
Pop
Blues
Hip Hop
Primary Work Space(s)
FESTIVALS
TOURING
OTHER
33%
25%
11%
17%
8%
22%
16% 18%
11% 11% 9% 4% 2%
VENUE
buses/vans/hotels
Non-UK
UK
Online
Ofce
Rehersal
Recording
Front of House
Backstage
On Stage
Theater
Orchestra Pit
Community Centres
STUDIOS DESK BASED
Survey participants were asked to
describe the location of their work and
their employment status. Over half of
the survey respondents worked in the
UK only (57%) and the remaining 43%
worked in the UK and other countries.
The most frequently reported employment status
was self-employed (44%). The next most common
was employed (37%) and then self-employed
with manager responsibilities (10%) and lastly in
education (7%).
Participants described their three most common
work spaces and job roles, as well as the three most
frequent genres of music they work in. While a range
of workspaces were identied, the most frequently
reported were venues, desk based, studios and
festivals.
Survey respondents had many different kinds of job
roles. The most frequently reported were musician,
crew and in education. Additional roles can be found
in the chart opposite
The music genres in which participants worked were
diverse. The most common genres were pop, rock/
punk and classical/neo-classical.
12 Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry 13
Experiences of Bullying and Harassment
The ndings presented in the rest of the report are based on the information provided
by 467 respondents. Participants reported how frequently they experienced a range
of bullying behaviours while involved in the UK music industry. The most common
kind of bullying experienced was being undermined in work related discussions (81%)
and humiliation or ridicule in connection with work (76%). It is important to note that
while physical violence and a threats of physical violence were the least common to
be reported by respondents, more than one-third (35%) experienced the former and
approximately one-fth (21%) experienced the latter.
After examining the prevalence of bullying among
women and women, the analysis focused on the
prevalence of bullying among different groups. We
looked at ethnicity rst. The ndings showed that 96%
of survey participants who identied as white and 92%
of participants who identied as an ethnic minority were
subjected to bullying.
The ndings on ethnicity should be taken with extreme
caution. The number of survey participants who identied
as an ethnic minority was small, which means the ndings
should not be considered representative of ethnic
minorities involved in the UK music industry. For an in-
depth analysis, see the report by Black Lives in Music
(2021).
We then examined disability and sexuality. 98% of survey
participants who reported a disability experienced
bullying. All women in this study who had a disability
(100%) were subjected to bullying, as did 97% of men
with a disability.
95% of respondents who identied as straight
experienced bullying and 97% of respondents who
identied as a sexual minority were bullied.
Respondents described how frequently they were
subjected to forms of harassment while involved in the
UK music industry. Behaviours they were subjected to
range from sexist and sexualised remarks to sending
unwanted sexual photos/videos to sexual coercion and
forced sex/rape.
Further analysis of the prevalence of harassment
focused on ethnicity, disability and sexuality. The ndings
suggested that ethnicity did not inuence harassment,
with 81% of participants who identied as white and
81% of participants who identied as an ethnic minority
were harassed. As stated above, this result should
be considered with extreme caution due to the small
number of survey participants who identied as an ethnic
minority.
99%
WOMEN BULLIED
93%
MEN BULLIED
96% of survey
respondents
reported they
were subjected
to at least one
kind of bullying.
96%
WOMEN
HARASSED 69%
MEN
HARASSED
81% of survey
participants
experienced at
least one form
of harassment.
Undermining in work related discussions ..................... 81%
Humiliation or ridicule in connection to work ..............76%
Pressured to work in certain ways to ensure
future work, e.g. play or work certain gigs,
work for less money ............................................................74%
Insulting or offensive remarks made
by colleagues about you ....................................................70%
Gossip or rumours spread about
you by someone you work with ...................................... 68%
Invasion of your personal space ..................................... 66%
Being stared at in a hostile way .......................................63%
Persistent criticism about your
work (including your creative outputs) .........................62%
Hints or signals from others that you
should quit working in the music industries .............. 48%
Experienced physical violence ........................................35%
Threatened with physical violence ................................. 21%
Sexist remarks made to you .............................................53%
Unwanted sexual remarks made to you ....................... 53%
Being stared at in a sexualised/objectied way ........49%
Unwanted sexual remarks made about you ................. 47%
Sexist remarks make about you ....................................... 46%
Unwanted sexual attention by a colleague ..................45%
Unwanted questions about sexuality .............................39%
Unwanted sexual attention by a fan .............................. 30%
Pressured to do something sexual
when you didn’t want to ......................................................19%
Offered a career benet for sexual cooperation ........ 17%
Experienced negative career impact
for refusing sexual cooperation .......................................16%
Made you do something sexual when you were
intoxicated with drinks and/or drugs ..............................16%
Sent unwanted sexual photos/videos by colleague ..15%
Forced, or threatened with force,
to do something sexual you did not want to ..................9%
Sent unwanted sexual photos/videos by a fan ..............8%
83% of respondents with a disability were subjected to
harassment. Nearly all women in this study who had a
disability (98%) and two-thirds of men with a disability
were harassed.
Nearly all participants who identied as a sexual minority
(95%) experienced harassment and more than three-
quarters (77%) of participants who identied as straight
were harassed.
94% of survey respondents who identied as a women
and straight and 66% of survey respondents who
identied as a man and straight were subjected to
harassment.
100% of participants who identied as a woman and a
sexual minority and 87% of participants who identied as
a man and a sexual minority were harassed.
14 Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry 15
Thinking about your most
recent experiences, was the
person(s) responsible
Man
Woman
Men & Women
Multiple Men
Multiple Women
Other
53%
14%
16%
12%
3%
2%
Perpetrators
If survey participants indicated they had experienced bullying and/or harassment, they were
asked to describe the perpetrator(s) of their most recent experience. Men comprised the
majority of perpetrators, with nearly two-thirds (65%) of respondents reporting that the
perpetrator was one man or multiple men. Nearly one-fth (19%) described the perpetrator
as one woman or multiple women.
Impact of Bullying and Harassment
The survey ndings indicated that bullying and harassing behaviours impacted the vast
majority of participants’ personal and professional lives. 85% of participants reported
they experienced negative consequences. The most common kind of impact was
negatively affecting mental health (55%) and choosing to never work with the person(s)
responsible again (45%).
Negatively affected mental health..................................55%
Chose to never work with the
person(s) responsible again ...............................................45%
Negatively affected professional relationships..........42%
Negatively affected career development .....................35%
Negatively affected personal relationships .................32%
Took time off from working in the music industry ..... 22%
Affected you in other ways ................................................ 21%
Changed your job role in the music industry................ 15%
Stopped working in the music industry ........................... 6%
82%
OF WOMEN
48%
OF MEN
82% of women reported in the survey that their
experiences of bullying and harassment negatively
impacted them.
This is in comparison to 48% of men who reported
a negative impact.
Survey participants described in more depth
the consequences of bullying, discussing the
impact it had on their mental health and career.
Bullying by one colleague caused
stress resulting in serious ill
health & loss of long term job.
The bullying I suffered over
a [long] period from one tour
manager and his wife resulted
in my rst attempt in taking my
own life … the artists managers
attempt to stop me working has
caused two other failed suicide
attempts. This still continues to
this day.
Participants also reported that more than half of
perpetrators (55%) had inuence over their career.
Comments from one respondent suggested that many
experience bullying perpetrated by those with power and
inuence:
Have had numerous situations of being
bullied by male bosses. Numerous times
watched colleagues get bullied. Basically
made to feel like you have to accept it
because they’re so inuential [and] can
help your career. My love for working in
music has dwindled over the years and
have considered leaving before I stop
loving music. Actually was forced to leave
on one occasion for the sake of my mental
health.
16 Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry 17
Reporting and Disclosures
Respondents who experienced bullying and or harassment were asked if they disclosed
their experiences to anyone. Approximately three in ve respondents (63%) told
someone. The most common person they disclosed to was a friend (37%) or colleague
(34%). Following these sources of support, the next most frequent was a partner (23%),
family member (18%), other (8%), Union (4%) and support organisation, such as Help
Musicians or Music support (3%).
Participants subjected to bullying and or harassment
also described if they made an ofcial report. Only 13%
did so. When they did, they made the report to their line
manager (6%), employer (5%), police (2%), other ofcial
organisation (2%), Union (2%), and other (2%).
A few explained why they did not make ofcial reports.
For one survey respondent, there was no one to report to
and for another, there was a lack of trust in the reporting
processes.
The issues I had were with my bosses,
so I had no one I could report it to, or any
way to stand up for myself. Eventually
I found a new job, but for months I was
crying daily after work.
I don’t have trust in my line manager,
my boss, my HR department. The union
is great, but internally, nothing ever
changes to help employees have a voice.
One said that his gender was an obstacle to reporting.
It is difcult reporting bullying as a man,
because few line managers will believe
you, and colleagues don’t want to know.
Survey respondents described a range of outcomes
following their ofcial reports. Approximately half (48%)
reported that nothing happened after they made their
report. For those who did experience an outcome, 40%
said their career was negatively impacted. This is in
contrast to a negative career impact on only 15% of the
person(s) responsible.
Considering these ndings, it comes as no surprise that
73% of survey participants said there were not satised
or somewhat dissatised with the outcome of their
ofcial report. Only 16% were somewhat satised or
satised.
Person(s) Responsible Survey Participants
Outcome(s) of Ofcial Report
15%
40%
Negative impact on career
8% 2%
Issued Cease and Desist
2%
10%
Issued an NDA
One participant explained why they were not satised and how freelancers have fewer options to address
unsatisfactory outcomes.
There’s really very little opportunity to do anything about the experience you have, as
freelancers we’re reliant on working networks and reputation, so have to manage situations
carefully. I left an employed role where I experienced bullying for several years, after
making a complaint to the CEO and Board of Trustees. I could have sued them for wrongful
dismissal or bullying in the workplace but the industry is small and I am trying to develop my
career. The organisation did nothing about my complaint, and so that person continues in
that job, is treating my replacement in the same way, and I’m gaslighted into being told that
it wasn’t malicious and wasn’t harmful to me.
18 Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry 19
UK Music Industry Working Culture
Survey respondents indicated how much they agreed with different statements about
the UK music industry working culture. The majority of participants agreed that the music
industry favours non-disabled (77%) and younger age groups (56%) and is orientated
toward men (68%). Half agreed that the UK music industry favours White British over other
ethnic groups.
Two participants provided further insight into these
ndings. One commented on the sexist power dynamics
in their working environment and the other described
how embedded discrimination is in the wide UK music
industry.
“I’ve observed many powerful white men
wanting to work only with women at
subordinate level.”
“The music industry is misogynistic
bullying and racist entity. It’s difcult to
tackle or even talk about because it’s so
ingrained.”
The majority of those who completed the survey thought
that bullying and sexual harassments are problems in the
music industry, with nearly eight in ten (77%) agreeing
bullying is a problem and seven in ten (71%) agreeing that
sexual harassment is a problem.
One survey respondent shared their view that bullying
and harassment are embedded in the industry.
“Harassment and bullying are PART of the
music industry- completely tangled in its
fabric.”
While the majority thought there should be formal
regulations tackling bullying and harassment in their
work environment (91%) and across the entire UK music
industry (82%), a few survey participants did not think
regulations would be effective. Eight in ten participants
(80%) were not aware of any music industry policies on
these issues.
The UK Music Industry
Favours non-
disabled over
disabled
Is orientated toward
men
Favours younger
age groups
Favours white
British over other
ethnic groups
Favours hetrosexual
over other sexual
identities
Agree Neither Agree Nor Disagree Disagree
77%
18%
5%
56%
28%
17%
68%
17%
15%
50%
31%
20%
33%
35%
32%
“I have worked for a very large company
who did introduce a code for bullying
and harassment. An ofcial route for
reporting. It makes no difference….. I
went through ofcial route. Investigation
found the staff member to be guilty of
harassment and assault and theft. They
make recommendations to employer
for disciplinary action. Left again to the
discretion of the person’s manager. No
action taken. Promotion given. sadly
these ofcial regulations once in place
ar[e] only on paper.”
Respondents proposed different measures to address
bullying and harassment, with one suggesting a change in
attitudes and another suggesting an external HR service.
As most of the industry is self employed
formal regulations aren’t really going
to do much it’s got to come from peer
pressure.”
“I think it should be a requirement for all
music industry professionals/companies
to have access to an external HR service.
The label where I was bullied at by the
general manager was my rst proper full
time job in music after graduating from
university, and they didn’t even have a
HR team, so I felt like I had no option
but to just endure it, which had an awful
effect on my mental health at the time
and hugely knocked my condence.
Something I am still trying to x to this
day.”
20 Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry 21
Conclusion
This report shows that being subjected to bullying and harassment
is the rule rather than the exception when involved in the UK music
industry. Nearly 100% of survey respondents reported being
subjected to bullying or harassment or both. This is a strong call to
action that more must be done to tackle these issues.
We regard this report as an important contribution to building the evidence base on
bullying and harassment in the UK music industry. The research ndings presented here
provide insight into some people’s experiences of working in the UK music industry and
the ongoing impact of bullying and harassment. Structural inequalities and biases based
on gender, ethnicity, disability, sexual orientation and age remain prevalent and provide a
context that can facilitate and normalise these behaviours. As a workplace, the UK music
industry has as responsibility to change discriminatory attitudes and tolerance of bullying
and harassment.
The Bullying and Harassment in the Music Industry (BaHMI) project offers a signicant
opportunity to pioneer vital work needed to ensure that the UK music industry is among
the safest in the world. These ndings provide a starting point for informing strategic
responses to bullying and harassment. One key part of carrying this work forward is
additional research to further develop understanding of bullying and harassment, its
impact, and how the industry should respond. Following the release of this report, the
BaHMI research team will interview UK music industry stakeholders to gather views on the
next steps for the project and for the industry.
References
BBC. (2021). Wargasm singer’s head ‘held down backstage toilet
by bouncers’. BBC. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-
london-59208362
Beaumont-Thomas, B. (2021). Head of SSD concerts resigns
after allegations of ‘toxic’ work environment. The Guardian.
https://www.theguardian.com/music/2021/apr/06/head-of-ssd-
concerts-resigns-after-allegations-of-toxic-work-environment
Black Lives in Music. (2021). Being Black in the UK Music
Industry. https://blim.org.uk/report/
Hennekam, S., and Bennet, D. (2017). Creative industries work
across multiple contexts: Common themes and challenges.
Personnel Review, 46(1), 68 - 85.
Hill, R. L., Hesmondhalgh, D., and Megson, M. (2020). Sexual
violence at live music events: Experiences, responses and
prevention. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 23(3),
368–384. https://doi.org/10.1177/1367877919891730
Jones, C. (2018). Gender-based violence amongst music festival
employees. L. Platt & R. Finkel (eds.) Gendered Violence at
International Festivals. Routledge.
McCarry M., Donaldson A., McCullough A., McGoldrick R. and
Stevenson K. (2018) Equally Safe in Higher Education Research
Toolkit: Guidance for Conducting Research into Gender-
based Violence in Scottish Higher Education Institutions.
Glasgow: University of Strathclyde. https://www.strath.ac.uk/
media/1newwebsite/departmentsubject/socialwork/documents/
eshe/Equally_Safe_Doc_2_pgs_inc_ISBN.pdf
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Dr Melanie McCarry whose
insights and work on the Equally Safe in Higher Education
(ESHE) project directly informed this work. Without her
guidance this survey would not be possible. We are also
grateful for the support from those involved in the music
industry and Scottish Women in Music (SWIM) who
consulted on the development of the survey.
We are extremely grateful to the Royal Society of
Edinburgh for funding this work and to the University
of Winchester for funding the creation of this report, as
well as Dr Emmaleena Käkelä and Clare Dufn for their
vital contributions. Lastly, we would like to thank the
Musician’s Union, UK Music and Francis Murphy for their
support in disseminating the survey and Ian Skriczka at
King of Pixel for designing the project logo.
To cite this report: Jones, C. & Manoussaki, K.
(2022). “Completely tangled in its fabric”: Bullying
and Harassment in the Music Industry. University of
Winchester.
Brochure Design: huttoncreativedesign.co.uk
... The emergent literature documenting sexual harassment and sexualised violence within the music industry in addition to stakeholder engagement, media reporting and anecdotal evidence suggests endemic levels. Crabtree (2020) argues that sexual harassment can be described as widespread, systematic and normalised within the music industry (Baker et al, 2020;Jones and Manoussaki, 2022). This has also been reflected by recent reports which have revealed that nearly half (48%) of the musicians who participated in the UK Musicians' Union survey (2021) have experienced sexual harassment at work and that 40 per cent of women under 40 who participated in the Brown (2021) study have experienced sexual harassment at live music events in the UK. ...
... Congruent with all studies of sexual harassment, research has found that sexual harassment in music spaces is primarily perpetrated by men towards women; both women as performers and as patrons (Crabtree, 2020;. Recent UK research found that 65 per cent of survey respondents had experienced harassment perpetuated by a man or multiple men (Jones and Manoussaki, 2022). Researchers have also documented the levels of harassment and violence perpetuated by patrons towards performers where the UK Musicians' Union (2021) survey found that 47 per cent of their musician respondents reported experiencing harassment by a third party and recent Australasian research found that female musicians experience heckling, verbal abuse, groping and sexual violence by patrons (Crabtree, 2020). ...
Article
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The cultural and creative industries are the fastest growing industries in the UK (Webster et al, 2018). Stakeholder engagement, media reporting, anecdotal evidence and emerging research suggests that there are endemic levels of sexual harassment and sexualised violence within the music industry that can be described as widespread, systemic and normalised. This article reviews the literature on sexual harassment and sexualised violence in the music industry, examining gender stratifications and inequalities within the music industry with a focus on UK, Australian and US studies. The music industry is not a singular entity but instead, is an agglomeration of many different sub-sectors predominantly consisting of three interconnected spheres of music recording and distribution, music publishing and licensing, and live performance. This paper references Kelly’s (1988; 2007; 2016) theorisations on conducive contexts and the continuum of violence to argue that historical and entrenched misogyny and sexism along with the lack of regulation, process and governing frameworks create conditions for both the maintenance of gender inequality and the perpetuation of sexual harassment and sexualised violence within the music industry. Consequently, both the cultural context and the practice of misogyny (in this case sexual harassment and sexualised violence) within the music industry are mutually supporting and reinforcing.
... This 'paradox' between music-making being a source of well-being but career musicians suffering from poor mental health has been observed in the work of Musgrave (2023b), and indeed Vaag et al. (2015) in their work in Norway found that psychological risk was increased in musicians whose music careers comprised over 75% of their total working hours. Numerous studies have suggested that the stressful psychosocial working conditions experienced by career musicians might explain this relationship between professional musicians and mental ill health, for example: high levels of optimism displayed by musicians having to then confront the reality of a highly precarious and uncertain labour market and a failure to achieve their dreams (Musgrave et al. 2024), antisocial working hours (Dobson 2011), the cultural prevalence of alcohol e.g., at live music events (Forsyth et al. 2016), bullying and harassment, particularly in the context of a freelance workforce which lacks typical employment protections (Jones and Manoussaki 2022), and experiences of racism by ethnic minority musicians (Black Lives in Music 2021). ...
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Some studies have suggested that professional musicians may suffer from elevated levels of mental ill health compared to both non-professional musicians and the general public. The aim of this study was to explore the levels of anxiety, depression, and subjective wellbeing among musicians in a country famed for high levels of wellbeing: Denmark. More specifically, we sought to evaluate the impact of age, gender, income, and subjective career status (SCS)-that is, seeing music as one's main career-on these variables. 986 musicians from a range of career stages and genres (both popular-or rhythmic as it is referred to in Denmark-and classical) completed a survey measuring anxiety and depression using the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale (HADS) and measuring subjective wellbeing using Cantril's self-anchoring scale. Multiple regression models were used to explore the relationship between the four independent variables and our three outcome measure scores. Additionally, the sample was split on the basis of their respective significant predictor variables combined in order to observe between-group differences. Firstly, we found that age, gender, and SCS-but not income-significantly predicted anxiety scores. Being younger, being female, and viewing music-making as one's main career all predicted higher levels of anxiety. Demographic group comparisons confirmed that younger female musicians who viewed music-making as their main career were particularly at risk in comparison to other groups. Secondly, age (younger) and gender (female) were also predictors of higher depression scores, but SCS status and income category were not. Lastly, age (younger), gender (female), and income (membership of the three lowest income categories) predicted lower scores on the subjective wellbeing measure. The fact that income did not significantly predict anxiety or depression scores suggested that elevated levels of either of these experienced by career-oriented musicians might not relate to income, or at least may not be solely income-related. Our findings contribute towards literature that seeks to better understand the determinants of elevated levels of mental ill health among musicians and towards research into mental health and wellbeing in Denmark more generally.
... This particularly affects the already marginalized and precariously employed individuals in this industry and the and disproportionate demands placed on them, for example because of their gender identities [26,27]. In recent years, a growing body of literature has emerged addressing issues of inequality and abuse of power in various institutional cultures and fields of creative labor [28][29][30][31][32][33]. ...
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Hostile, discriminatory, and violent behavior within the creative industries has attracted considerable public interest and existing inequalities have been discussed broadly. However, few empirical studies have examined experiences of hostile behavior in creative higher education and associated mental health outcomes of early career artists. To address this gap, we conducted a survey among individuals studying at higher education institutions for art and music (N = 611). In our analyses of different types of hostile behaviors and their associations with mental health and professional thriving, we focused on differences and similarities between marginalized and more privileged groups across multiple diversity domains. A substantial percentage of participants reported hostile behaviors in their creative academic environments. Individuals from marginalized groups reported more hostile behaviors, which partially explained their worse mental health and lower professional thriving. These findings indicate a clear need for the creative sector to implement strategies to create safer environments, particularly for early career artists from specific socio-demographic backgrounds. We conclude by suggesting strategies for prevention in this highly competitive industry.
... musicians' precarious portfolio careers can lead to feelings of anxiety (Berg et al. 2022), that musical work can negatively impact on relationships with family, friends and others (Vaag et al. 2014;Musgrave 2023a), that lifestyles relating to international touring can be harmful with high levels of suicidality (Newman et al. 2022), that gender inequality, sexism and misogyny can create a working environment typified by abuse (Conor et al. 2015), and that racism, bullying and other forms of discrimination are experienced by minority groups working in the music industry (BLiM 2021; Jones and Manoussaki 2022). In this context, a recent large study by the European Commission makes an explicit recommendation that 'every music school curriculum should include a substantial and compulsory component on physical and mental wellbeing risks and prevention' (Vermeersch et al. 2023: 11). ...
Chapter
Recent studies have highlighted high incidences of anxiety, depression and other mental health conditions amongst both career musicians and those working in the music industries, with psychosocial features of the contemporary music industry working environment cited by some as a contributory factor. Despite these reported affective challenges of musical work, music industry education within higher education (HE) has never been more popular with young people who dream of working in ‘the music industry’, evidenced in the growth of courses dedicated to music business management, music industry studies and, relatedly, popular music and music production. This popularity has consequently led to an increased interest in how graduates of these programmes manage their transition from education into the music industries. This chapter builds on this literature by asking, how meaningfully are broadly defined music graduates being prepared for the emotional challenges they might face in their careers? By presenting personal reflections as an educator working within music and entrepreneurship education in HE in the United Kingdom, this chapter offers some introductory thoughts around how to best prepare students to enter a working environment typified by poor mental health outcomes. By considering curriculum-based opportunities and challenges—and asking questions as much as promising to answer them—this chapter contributes towards scholarship concerned with graduate transitions into the creative industries as well as pedagogical developments within music education.
... There are several studies indicating that within the music industry inappropriate behavior is not only widespread, but a systematic and normalized practice (Crabtree, 2021;Jones & Manoussaki, 2022;McCarry et al., 2023). Both the UK and Finnish Musicians' Union have reported that sexual harassment is common in the field. ...
Article
In this study, we concentrated on Finnish live music events, aiming to study audiences’ experiences of inappropriate behaviour, particularly the effect of being a member of a minority in the risk of facing such behaviour. The research data comprised 19,452 answers to two web surveys. 22% of males, 33% of females and 64% of non-binary persons had experienced some or several forms of inappropriate behaviour at live music events. The large number of responses from minority group members allowed statistical analysis focusing on their experiences. Being a member of a minority significantly increases the risk of facing inappropriate behaviour. The more minority groups a person belongs to, the more likely they are to become harassed or threatened. Event organisers should put more effort into ensuring the quality of experience of minority members, and they should be aware that the way they handle inappropriate behaviour is reflected in their reputation.
Chapter
In 2022, the UK Parliamentary Women and Equalities Committee started an inquiry into “Misogyny in Music” (Details of the inquiry: https://committees.parliament.uk/work/6736/misogyny-in-music/.) responding to the increasing awareness of intersectional gendered hardships experienced by women and gender-diverse artists in the music sector. The overwhelming evidence of the alarming state of misogyny in the music industries can no longer be ignored, and the various aspects of lived gender discrimination should no longer be left to self-regulation within the music industries. This chapter will follow this parliamentary inquiry, whilst also offering a literature overview and existing evidence across several jurisdictions (UK, US, Australia, Norway, Finland, Germany (and potentially others)), to clearly make the argument that women and gender-expansive artists are discriminated against in the music sector. The authors offer a multidisciplinary overview of the ways in which the patriarchy of the music industries is maintained and, when needed, enforced through misogyny (Relying on Mann’s model: Kate Mann, Down Girl; The Logic of Misogyny (Penguin, 2018)). After the introduction of the existing evidence, the chapter focuses its investigation on three areas: first, mapping the relations, stakeholders, and actors (organisations and individuals) in the music industries. Second, the chapter investigates the accepted precarious employment practices and asymmetric power dynamics in music and the behaviours this supports, including bullying and harassment, and explaining why matters in music are more alarming than in other parts of society. And third, the chapter explores the role of intellectual property laws (esp. copyright) in maintaining the intersectional gender hardships lived by women and gender-diverse people. In its conclusion, the authors offer an overview of best practices and suggest principles for future reform and improvement in the sector.
Article
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This report contains findings based on the largest ever study of musicians’ and music creators’ mental health in Scandinavia, with 1865 survey respondents. Across our whole sample of musicians and more broadly defined music-makers in Denmark, subjective wellbeing is estimated to be worse than the wider Danish population based on our best approximation, with young music creators and women particularly badly affected. Levels of anxiety (measured using the HADS-A scale) are high amongst our sample. 45.8% received scores indicating abnormal levels of anxiety. However, age is significant variable here. For survey respondents under the age of 40, 68.7% received scores indicating abnormal levels of anxiety, with 42.8% reaching the threshold of clinical significance. Anxiety was seen to be most acute in the age band 25-29 years. For those in this age band, 78.2% received scores indicating abnormal levels of anxiety, with 49.1% showing clinically significant anxiety, of which 15.5% scored severe, clinically significant, anxiety. Gender is also a significant variable. For female respondents, 65.4% received scores indicating abnormal levels of anxiety (of which 41.2% reached the threshold of clinical significance) compared to 39.1% for men. Of those respondents who can be categorised as having abnormal anxiety, 61% of these considered music as their main career. This suggests, in line with other global studies, that the music career itself is a significant factor.
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Recent media reporting has highlighted that incidents of sexual violence frequently occur at live music events. Sexual violence has significant impacts on the health of those who experience it, yet little is known of how it impacts on everyday engagements with music, nor what measures venues and promoters might take to prevent and respond to incidents. Through interviews with concert goers, venue managers, promoters and campaigning groups, we investigated experiences of sexual violence at indie, rock, punk and funk gigs in small venues in one English city. We show that sexual violence at live music events significantly impacts on (predominantly) women’s musical participation. We argue that venues and promoters must work proactively to create musical communities that act as a defence against the normalisation of sexual violence, taking inspiration from safer space policies.
Wargasm singer's head 'held down backstage toilet by bouncers
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BBC. (2021). Wargasm singer's head 'held down backstage toilet by bouncers'. BBC. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-englandlondon-59208362
Head of SSD concerts resigns after allegations of 'toxic' work environment. The Guardian
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Beaumont-Thomas, B. (2021). Head of SSD concerts resigns after allegations of 'toxic' work environment. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/music/2021/apr/06/head-of-ssdconcerts-resigns-after-allegations-of-toxic-work-environment
Equally Safe in Higher Education Research Toolkit: Guidance for Conducting Research into Genderbased Violence in Scottish Higher Education Institutions
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McCarry M., Donaldson A., McCullough A., McGoldrick R. and Stevenson K. (2018) Equally Safe in Higher Education Research Toolkit: Guidance for Conducting Research into Genderbased Violence in Scottish Higher Education Institutions. Glasgow: University of Strathclyde. https://www.strath.ac.uk/ media/1newwebsite/departmentsubject/socialwork/documents/ eshe/Equally_Safe_Doc_2_pgs_inc_ISBN.pdf