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A role of peripheral vision in chess? Evidence from a gaze-contingent method
Abstract
Chunking theory and previous eye-tracking studies suggest that expert chess players use peripheral vision to judge chess positions and determine the best moves to play. However, the role of peripheral vision in chess has largely been inferred rather than tested through controlled experimentation. In this study, we used a gaze-contingent paradigm in a reconstruction task, similar to the one initially used by De Groot (1946). It was hypothesized that the smaller the gaze-contingent window while memorizing a chess position, the smaller the differences in reconstruction accuracy between novice and expert players. Participants viewed 30 chess positions for 20 seconds, after which they reconstructed this position. This was done for four different window sizes as well as for full visibility of the board. The results, as measured by Cohen’s d effect sizes between experts and novices of the proportion of correctly placed pieces, supported the above hypothesis, with experts performing much better but losing much of their performance advantage for the smallest window size. A complementary find-the-best-move task and additional eye-movement analyses showed that experts had a longer median fixation duration and more spatially concentrated scan patterns than novice players. These findings suggest a key contribution of peripheral vision and are consistent with the prevailing chunking theory.
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Central and peripheral vision during visual tasks have been extensively studied on two-dimensional screens, highlighting their perceptual and functional disparities. This study has two objectives: replicating on-screen gaze-contingent experiments removing central or peripheral field of view in virtual reality, and identifying visuo-motor biases specific to the exploration of 360 scenes with a wide field of view. Our results are useful for vision modelling, with applications in gaze position prediction (e.g., content compression and streaming). We ask how previous on-screen findings translate to conditions where observers can use their head to explore stimuli. We implemented a gaze-contingent paradigm to simulate loss of vision in virtual reality, participants could freely view omnidirectional natural scenes. This protocol allows the simulation of vision loss with an extended field of view (80°) and studying the head's contributions to visual attention. The time-course of visuo-motor variables in our pure free-viewing task reveals long fixations and short saccades during first seconds of exploration, contrary to literature in visual tasks guided by instructions. We show that the effect of vision loss is reflected primarily on eye movements, in a manner consistent with two-dimensional screens literature. We hypothesize that head movements mainly serve to explore the scenes during free-viewing, the presence of masks did not significantly impact head scanning behaviours. We present new fixational and saccadic visuo-motor tendencies in a 360° context that we hope will help in the creation of gaze prediction models dedicated to virtual reality.
The relative importance of different factors in the development of human skills has been extensively discussed. Research on expertise indicates that focused practice may be the sole determinant of skill, while intelligence researchers underline the relative importance of abilities at even the highest level of skill. There is indeed a large body of research that acknowledges the role of both factors in skill development and retention. It is, however, unknown how intelligence and practice come together to enable the acquisition and retention of complex skills across the life span. Instead of focusing on the 2 factors, intelligence and practice, in isolation, here we look at their interplay throughout development. In a longitudinal study that tracked chess players throughout their careers, we show that both intelligence and practice positively affect the acquisition and retention of chess skill. Importantly, the nonlinear interaction between the 2 factors revealed that more intelligent individuals benefited more from practice. With the same amount of practice, they acquired chess skill more quickly than less intelligent players, reached a higher peak performance, and arrested decline in older age. Our research demonstrates the futility of scrutinizing the relative importance of highly intertwined factors in human development.
To explore the perceptual component of chess expertise, we monitored the eye movements of expert and novice chess players during a chess-related visual search task that tested anecdotal reports that a key differentiator of chess skill is the ability to visualize the complex moves of the knight piece. Specifically, chess players viewed an array of four minimized chessboards, and they rapidly searched for the target board that allowed a knight piece to reach a target square in three moves. On each trial, there was only one target board (i.e., the "Yes" board), and for the remaining "lure" boards, the knight's path was blocked on either the first move (the "Easy No" board) or the second move (i.e., "the Difficult No" board). As evidence that chess experts can rapidly differentiate complex chess-related visual patterns, the experts (but not the novices) showed longer first-fixation durations on the "Yes" board relative to the "Difficult No" board. Moreover, as hypothesized, the task strongly differentiated chess skill: Reaction times were more than four times faster for the experts relative to novices, and reaction times were correlated with within-group measures of expertise (i.e., official chess ratings, number of hours of practice). These results indicate that a key component of chess expertise is the ability to rapidly recognize complex visual patterns.
We explored the influence of expertise in the domain chess on eye movements and estimation of different chess problems. We recruited 17 chess players with identified German Evaluation Number and 31 novices. In our first experiment, we presented six different chess problems, each for five seconds, and recorded the eye movements of our subjects (Arrington) while they selected the best move to checkmate the black king. Chess players had a higher percentage of correct answers. Interestingly, our eye movement recordings showed that chess players performed less and smaller saccades than novices. As a consequence, they had a smaller viewed area compared to novices. We examined the effects of the factor chess scene and chess experience on the viewed area by means of a 2-factorial ANOVA, both factors were highly significant.
To test for general differences, we asked our subjects to perform anti-saccades as well as smooth pursuit. Interestingly, we only found age-related differences here, but no differences in the eye movement parameters due to chess experience.
Our findings demonstrate that chess players restrict their viewed area compared to novices, indicating an expertise-based optimization of their oculomotor behavior. However, we did not observe a spillover of the effects to different oculomotor tasks.
The present study explored the ability of expert and novice chess players to rapidly distinguish between regions of a chessboard that were relevant to the best move on the board, and regions of the board that were irrelevant. Accordingly, we monitored the eye movements of expert and novice chess players, while they selected white's best move for a variety of chess problems. To manipulate relevancy, we constructed two different versions of each chess problem in the experiment, and we counterbalanced these versions across participants. These two versions of each problem were identical except that a single piece was changed from a bishop to a knight. This subtle change reversed the relevancy map of the board, such that regions that were relevant in one version of the board were now irrelevant (and vice versa). Using this paradigm, we demonstrated that both the experts and novices spent more time fixating the relevant relative to the irrelevant regions of the board. However, the experts were faster at detecting relevant information than the novices, as shown by the finding that experts (but not novices) were able to distinguish between relevant and irrelevant information during the early part of the trial. These findings further demonstrate the domain-related perceptual processing advantage of chess experts, using an experimental paradigm that allowed us to manipulate relevancy under tightly controlled conditions.
This multifaceted work on chess played without sight of the pieces is a sophisticated psychologist's examination of this topic and of chess skill in general, including a detailed and comprehensive historical account. This review builds on Hearst and Knott's assertion that chess can provide a uniquely useful model for research on several issues in the area of cognitive skill and imagery. A key issue is the relationship between viewing a stimulus and mental imagery in the light of blindfold chess masters' consistent reports that they do not use or have images. This review also proposes a methodology for measuring and quantifying an individual's skill shortfall from a theoretical maximum. This methodology, based on a 1951 proposal by Claude Shannon, is applicable to any choice situation in which all the available choices are known. The proposed “Proficiency” measure reflects the equivalent number of “yes—no” questions that would have been required to arrive at a best choice, considering also the time consumed. As the measure provides a valid and nonarbitrary way to compare different skills and the effects of different independent variables on a given skill, it may have a wide range of applications in cognitive skill research, skill training, and education.
In a wide range of problem-solving settings, the presence of a familiar solution can block the discovery of better solutions (i.e., the Einstellung effect). To investigate this effect, we monitored the eye movements of expert and novice chess players while they solved chess problems that contained a familiar move (i.e., the Einstellung move), as well as an optimal move that was located in a different region of the board. When the Einstellung move was an advantageous (but suboptimal) move, both the expert and novice chess players who chose the Einstellung move continued to look at this move throughout the trial, whereas the subset of expert players who chose the optimal move were able to gradually disengage their attention from the Einstellung move. However, when the Einstellung move was a blunder, all of the experts and the majority of the novices were able to avoid selecting the Einstellung move, and both the experts and novices gradually disengaged their attention from the Einstellung move. These findings shed light on the boundary conditions of the Einstellung effect, and provide convergent evidence for Bilalić, McLeod, & Gobet (2008)'s conclusion that the Einstellung effect operates by biasing attention towards problem features that are associated with the familiar solution rather than the optimal solution.
An important factor constraining visual search performance is the inhomogeneity of the visual system. Engaging participants in a scene search task, the present study explored how the different regions of the visual field contribute to search. Gaze-contingent Blindspots and Spotlights were implemented to determine the absolute and relative importance of the different visual regions for object-in-scene search. Three Blindspot/Spotlight radii (1.6°, 2.9°, and 4.1°) were used to differentiate between foveal, parafoveal, and peripheral vision. When searching the scene with artificially impaired foveal or central vision (Blindspots), search performance was surprisingly unimpaired. Foveal vision was not necessary to attain normal search performance. When high-resolution scene information was withheld in both foveal and parafoveal vision (4.1° Blindspot), target localization was unimpaired but it took longer to verify the identity of the target. Artificially impairing extrafoveal scene analysis (Spotlights) affected attentional selection and visual processing; shrinking the Spotlight of high resolution led to longer search times, shorter saccades, and more and longer fixations. The 4.1° radius was identified as the crossover point of equal search times in Blindspot and Spotlight conditions. However, a gaze-data based decomposition of search times into behaviorally defined epochs revealed differences in particular subprocesses of search. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).
We review and report findings from a research program by Reingold, Charness and their colleagues (Charness et al 2001; Reingold et al. 2001a, 2001b) that employed eye-movement paradigms and provided strong support for the suggestion of de Groot (1946, 1965) and Chase and Simon (1973a, 1973b) that a perceptual advantage is a fundamental component of chess skill. We demonstrated dramatically larger visual spans for experts while processing structured, but not random, chess positions. In addition, consistent with the encoding of chunks rather than individual pieces, experts made fewer fixations, and fixated between related pieces, rather than on pieces. It was also shown that chess piece saliency influenced the selection of experts' saccadic endpoints, and that experts completed the perceptual encoding phase and started the problem-solving phase sooner than intermediates. Finally, we demonstrated that experts, but not less-skilled players, extract chess relations using automatic and parallel procedures.
Twenty years ago, Ericsson, Krampe, and Tesch-Römer (1993) proposed that expert performance
reflects a long period of deliberate practice rather than innate ability, or “talent”. Ericsson et al.
found that elite musicians had accumulated thousands of hours more deliberate practice than
less accomplished musicians, and concluded that their theoretical framework could provide
“a sufficient account of themajor facts about the nature and scarcity of exceptional performance”
(p. 392). The deliberate practice viewhas since gained popularity as a theoretical account of expert
performance, but here we show that deliberate practice is not sufficient to explain individual
differences in performance in the two most widely studied domains in expertise research—chess
and music. For researchers interested in advancing the science of expert performance, the task
now is to develop and rigorously test theories that take into account as many potentially relevant
explanatory constructs as possible.
A meta-analysis was conducted of studies that measured the effects of both age and skill in chess on the tasks of selecting the best move for chess positions (the best move task) as well as recalling chess game positions (the recall task). Despite a small sample of studies, we demonstrated that there are age and skill effects on both tasks: age being negatively associated with performance on both tasks and skill being positively associated with performance on both tasks. On the best move task, we found that skill was the dominant effect, while on the recall task, skill and age were approximately equally strong effects. We also found that skill was best measured by the best move task. In the case of the best move task, this result is consistent with the argument that it accurately replicates expert performance (Ericsson & Smith, 1991). Results for the recall task argue that this task captures effects related to skill, but also effects likely due to a general aging process. Implications for our understanding of aging in skilled domains are also discussed.
The chapter highlights the theoretical and applied contributions of eye movement research to the study of human expertise. Using examples drawn from the domains of chess and medicine, the chapter demonstrates that eye movements are particularly well-suited for studying two hallmarks of expert performance: the superior perceptual encoding of domain related patterns, and experts’ tacit (or implicit) domain related knowledge. Specifically, eye movement findings indicate that expertise is associated with a greater ability to process domain related visual information in terms of larger patterns of features rather than isolated features. Furthermore, in support of the role of tacit knowledge in expertise, there is evidence that the eye movements of experts may contain information that is not consciously accessible.
Expert and intermediate chess players attempted to choose the best move in five chess positions while their eye movements
were monitored. Experts were faster and more accurate than intermediates in choosing the best move. Experts made fewer fixations
per trial and greater amplitude saccades than did intermediates, but there was no difference in fixation duration across skill
groups. Examining the spatial distribution of the first five fixations for each position by skill group revealed that experts
produced more fixations on empty squares than did intermediates. When fixating pieces, experts produced a greater proportion
of fixations on relevant pieces than did intermediates. It is argued that expert chess players perceptually encode chess configurations,
rather than individual pieces, and, consequently, parafoveal or peripheral processing guides their eye movements, producing
a pattern of saccadic selectivity by piece saliency.
This paper explores the question, important to the theory of expert performance, of the nature and number of chunks that chess
experts hold in memory. It examines how memory contents determine players’ abilities to reconstruct (1) positions from games,
(2) positions distorted in various ways, and (3) random positions. Comparison of a computer simulation with a human experiment
supports the usual estimate that chess Masters store some 50,000 chunks in memory. The observed impairment of recall when
positions are modified by mirror image reflection implies that each chunk represents a specific pattern of pieces in a specific
location. A good account of the results of the experiments is given by the template theory proposed by Gobet and Simon (in
press) as an extension of Chase and Simon’s (1973b) initial chunking proposal, and in agreement with other recent proposals
for modification of the chunking theory (Richman, Staszewski, & Simon, 1995) as applied to various recall tasks.
The procedure by which humans identify checks in check positions is not well understood. We report here our experience in modelling this process with CHREST, a general-purpose cognitive model that has previously successfully captured a variety of attention- and perception-related phenomena. We have attempted to reproduce the results of an experiment investigating the ability of humans to determine checks in simple chess positions. We propose a specific model of how humans perform this experiment, and show that, given certain reasonable assumptions, CHREST can follow this model to create a good reproduction of the data.
Comparing experts with novices offers unique insights into the functioning of cognition, based on the maximization of individual differences. Here we used this expertise approach to disentangle the mechanisms and neural basis behind two processes that contribute to everyday expertise: object and pattern recognition. We compared chess experts and novices performing chess-related and -unrelated (visual) search tasks. As expected, the superiority of experts was limited to the chess-specific task, as there were no differences in a control task that used the same chess stimuli but did not require chess-specific recognition. The analysis of eye movements showed that experts immediately and exclusively focused on the relevant aspects in the chess task, whereas novices also examined irrelevant aspects. With random chess positions, when pattern knowledge could not be used to guide perception, experts nevertheless maintained an advantage. Experts' superior domain-specific parafoveal vision, a consequence of their knowledge about individual domain-specific symbols, enabled improved object recognition. Functional magnetic resonance imaging corroborated this differentiation between object and pattern recognition and showed that chess-specific object recognition was accompanied by bilateral activation of the occipitotemporal junction, whereas chess-specific pattern recognition was related to bilateral activations in the middle part of the collateral sulci. Using the expertise approach together with carefully chosen controls and multiple dependent measures, we identified object and pattern recognition as two essential cognitive processes in expert visual cognition, which may also help to explain the mechanisms of everyday perception.
Proposed a theory to explain, in information-processing terms, some common phenomena in the initial perceptual phases of problem solving, to show that some existing computer programs for heuristic search and learning already contain basic processes that will produce these phenomena, and to show how simple organizations of the processes enable the programs to parallel human behavior. The theory is particularized in a computer program to simulate the eye movements, during the 1st 5 sec., of Ss choosing a move in chess. The application of the theory is illustrated and its consistency is shown with data on memory of chess positions and with existing knowledge of short-term memory parameters.
The reported research extends classic findings that after briefly viewing structured, but not random, chess positions, chess masters reproduce these positions much more accurately than less-skilled players. Using a combination of the gaze-contingent window paradigm and the change blindness flicker paradigm, we documented dramatically larger visual spans for experts while processing structured, but not random, chess positions. In addition, in a check-detection task, a minimized 3 x 3 chessboard containing a King and potentially checking pieces was displayed. In this task, experts made fewer fixations per trial than less-skilled players, and had a greater proportion of fixations between individual pieces, rather than on pieces. Our results provide strong evidence for a perceptual encoding advantage for experts attributable to chess experience, rather than to a general perceptual or memory superiority.
The respective roles of the environment and innate talent have been a recurrent question for research into expertise. The authors investigated markers of talent, environment, and critical period for the acquisition of expert performance in chess. Argentinian chess players (N = 104), ranging from weak amateurs to grandmasters, completed a questionnaire measuring variables including individual and group practice, starting age, and handedness. The study reaffirms the importance of practice for reaching high levels of performance, but it also indicates a large variability: The slower player needed 8 times as much practice to reach master level than the faster player. Additional results show a correlation between skill and starting age and indicate that players are more likely to be mixed-handed than individuals in the general population; however, there was no correlation between handedness and skill within the sample of chess players. Together, these results suggest that practice is a necessary but not sufficient condition for the acquisition of expertise, that some additional factors may differentiate chessplayers and nonchessplayers, and that starting age of practice is important.
In pioneering work, Senders (1983) tasked five participants to watch a bank of six dials, and found that glance rates and times glanced at dials increase linearly as a function of the frequency bandwidth of the dial’s pointer. Senders did not record the angle of the pointers synchronously with eye movements, and so could not assess participants’ visual sampling behavior in regard to the pointer state. Because the study of Senders has been influential but never repeated, we replicated and extended it by assessing the relationship between visual sampling and pointer state, using modern eye-tracking equipment. Eye tracking was performed with 86 participants who watched seven 90-second videos, each video showing six dials with moving pointers. Participants had to press the spacebar when any of the six pointers crossed a threshold. Our results showed a close resemblance to Senders’ original results. Additionally, we found that participants did not behave in accordance with a periodic sampling model, but rather were conditional samplers, in that the probability of looking at a dial was contingent on pointer angle and velocity. Finally, we found that participants sampled more in agreement with Nyquist sampling when the high bandwidth dials were placed in the middle of the bank rather than at its outer edges. We observed results consistent with the saliency, effort, expectancy, and value model and conclude that human sampling of multidegree of freedom systems should not only be modeled in terms of bandwidth but also in terms of saliency and effort.
This chapter describes the progress made toward understanding chess skill. It describes the work on perception in chess, adding some new analyses of the data. It presents a theoretical formulation to characterize how expert chess players perceive the chess board. It describes some tasks that correlate with chess skill and the cognitive processes of skilled chess players. It is believed that the demonstration of de Groot's, far from being an incidental side effect of chess skill, actually reveals one of the most important processes that underlie chess skill—the ability to perceive familiar patterns of pieces. In the first experiment discussed in the chapter, two tasks were used. The memory task was very similar to de Groot's task: chess players saw a position for 5 seconds and then attempted to recall it. Unlike de Groot, multiple trials were used—5 seconds of viewing followed by recall—until the position was recalled perfectly. The second task or the perception task for simplicity involved showing chess players a position in plain view.
The logic of the development of computer programming for the solution of problems has made it necessary to study human problem solving processes in order to apply principles used by man in perfecting machine programs. "The practical expansion of computer potential," writes V. M. Glushkov, "depends on the ability to introduce programs for appropriate tasks. There is, perhaps, no other way to actually program highly complex intellectual problems except by studying the processes of human thought" [41.
A view holds that expertise level depends on practice alone and that certain types of practice are important or unimportant. Supporting evidence largely comes from studies using a correlational retrospective recall paradigm, usually with small samples. Initially, these studies were partially replicated with 533 international chess players. Log number of games played was the strongest predictor of latest performance rating. Then, effects of study hours, having had coaching and the number of games played were examined longitudinally to control for key variables confounded in the retrospective recall paradigm. Groups with a nearly 5–1 median difference in weekly study hours, roughly equated on time in the domain and the number of games played, were observed over 7 years. More study hours had negligible impact. Coaching had some effect over time, and the number of games had a strong effect even when participants were equated on time in the domain. Previous studies show that a factor other than the number of games is important in developing chess expertise. Study is a weak factor at best and could not be that important factor. Chess expertise apparently does not depend on practice (study and the number of games) alone. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Significance
Picking up visual information from our environment in a timely manner is the starting point of adaptive visual-motor behavior. Humans and other animals with foveated visual systems extract visual information through a cycle of brief fixations interspersed with gaze shifts. Object identification typically requires foveal analysis (limited to a small region of central vision). In addition, the next fixation location needs to be selected using peripheral vision. How does the brain coordinate these two tasks on the short time scale of individual fixations? We show that the uptake of information for foveal analysis and peripheral selection occurs in parallel and independently. These results provide important theoretical constraints on models of eye movement control in a variety of visual-motor domains.
This paper is concerned with the problem of constructing a computing routine or “program” for a modern general purpose computer which will enable it to play chess. Although perhaps of no practical importance, the question is of theoretical interest, and it is hoped that a satisfactory solution of this problem will act as a wedge in attacking other problems of a similar nature and of greater significance. Some possibilities in this direction are:-
(1)
Machines for designing filters, equalizers, etc.
(2)
Machines for designing relay and switching circuits.
(3)
Machines which will handle routing of telephone calls based on the individual circumstances rather than by fixed patterns.
(4)
Machines for performing symbolic (non-numerical) mathematical operations.
(5)
Machines capable of translating from one language to another.
(6)
Machines for making strategic decisions in simplified military operations.
(7)
Machines capable of orchestrating a melody.
(8)
Machines capable of logical deduction.
Two large, diverse samples of tournament-rated chess players were asked to estimate the frequency and duration of their engagement in a variety of chess-related activities. Variables representing accumulated time spent on serious study alone, tournament play, and formal instruction were all significant bivariate correlates of chess skill as measured by tournament performance ratings. Multivariate regression analyses revealed that among the activities measured, serious study alone was the strongest predictor of chess skill in both samples, and that a combination of various chess-related activities accounted for about 40% of the variance in chess skill ratings. However, the relevance of tournament play and formal instruction to skill varied as a function of skill measurement time (peak vs. current) and age group (above vs. below 40 years). Chess players at the highest skill level (i.e. grandmasters) expended about 5000 hours on serious study alone during their first decade of serious chess play-nearly five times the average amount reported by intermediate-level players. These results provide further evidence to support the argument that deliberate practice plays a critical role in the acquisition of chess expertise, and may be useful in addressing pedagogical issues concerning the optimal allocation of time to different chess learning activities. Copyright (c) 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
This paper describes an information-processing model, MAPP, implemented as a computer program, that simulates the processes subjects use to remember and reproduce chess positions they have seen briefly. The model incorporates processes adapted from PERCEIVER, an information-processsing theory of eye movements in chess perception, and EPAM, a theory of rote verbal learning. The data from MAPP show good agreement with the performance of strong chess players in identical tasks.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Clark University, Worcester, Mass. "Reprinted from the American journal of psychology, July 1907, v. xviii.
For centuries philosophers and scientists have speculated about whether or not the human brain is essentially a machine. Could a machine be designed that would be capable of “thinking”? During the past decade several large-scale electronic computing machines have been constructed which are capable of something very close to the reasoning process. These new computers were designed primarily to carry out purely numerical calculations. They perform automatically a long sequence of additions, multiplications, and other arithmetic operations at a rate of thousands per second. The basic design of these machines is so general and flexible, however, that they can be adapted to work symbolically with elements representing words, propositions, or other conceptual entities.
This study introduces the Amsterdam Chess Test (ACT). The ACT measures chess playing proficiency through 5 tasks: a choose-a-move task (comprising two parallel tests), a motivation questionnaire, a predict-a-move task, a verbal knowledge questionnaire, and a recall task. The validity of these tasks was established using external criteria based on the Elo chess rating system. Results from a representative sample of active chess players showed that the ACT is a very reliable test for chess expertise and that ACT has high predictive validity. Several hypotheses about the relationships between chess expertise, chess knowledge, motivation, and memory were tested. Incorporating response latencies in test scores is shown to lead to an increase in criterion validity, particularly for easy items.
Het oog van de meester
- R W Jongman
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Blindfold chess: History, psychology, techniques, champions, world records, and important games
- E Hearst
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Move first, think later: Sense and nonsense in improving your chess
- W Hendriks
Hendriks, W. (2014). Move first, think later: Sense and nonsense in improving your chess.
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Het denken van den schaker: Een experimenteel-psychologische studie
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[The thinking of the chess player: An experimental -psychological study] (Doctoral
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Five seconds or sixty? Presentation time in expert memory
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Encyclopedia of color science and technology
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