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Remembrance of the Ottoman Occupation: Islam-Related Sentiments and Local Identity in Szigetvár (Hungary), the Death Place of Suleiman the Magnificent
Abstract
Buildings of the burial complex of Suleiman the Magnificent were excavated between 2015–2019 in Szigetvár. This paper investigates why, despite the traditional anti-Muslim sentiments in the local community, the FIDESZ-KDNP failed to turn the Suleiman story into local political success after the 2015 migration crisis, during a period of extensive anti-Muslim campaigning. This analyses focuses on the opportunities, challenges and concerns of the creation of a Muslim pilgrimage site and cultural tourism attraction based on the death place of the Ottoman emperor. The Muslim rule in the early modern period has left deep memorial traces on Hungary. Despite the superficial similarities, opinions about Muslims in Szigetvár are more complex than in the wider Hungarian public and are influenced by acts of reconciliation and economic considerations. Results of a deep empirical research are presented on local identity and Muslim related sentiments in this paper.
... The establishment of the park caused public objection across Hungary. This resulted in adding the bust of Nikola IV Zrinski (Croatian noblemen who died on the battlefield defending the castle and stopping the Turkish troops progressing to Vienna) in 1997 to calm down the protesters (Karikó & Szabó, 2009;Pap et al., 2022). ...
This article examines attitudes toward the development of a cultural route based on Ottoman heritage in Europe among university students from Bulgaria, Serbia, North Macedonia, Croatia, and Hungary. The online survey results outline the basic preconditions and potential obstacles to the development of such a cultural route, with the lack of public support in most countries identified as one of the major problems. The general conclusion is that both the attractiveness of the route’s content and public support can increase if the thematic focus is set on cultural interactions between different nations rather than on ‘pure’ Ottoman heritage and Islamic religion. This can lead to greater public acceptance and increased interest among stakeholders at the local, national, and international levels, and create the conditions for effective functionality and long-term sustainability of the route.
The Süleyman’s Türbe in Szigetvár (Hungary) is a historical monument with exceptional features; the aim of the study is to present the planned cultural-tourism centre investment goals, risks and externalities. Cultural and tourism specificities significantly influence the implementation of such unique, three nations concerning projects. One of the crucial conditions of the implementation is the integration into the existing cultural heritage plans and the proper management of the related uncertainties. The authors decided to handle the Türbe as an investment project; therefore, a tourism exploratory analysis, a risk analysis, and externalities identification are discussed in this paper. The project development was carried by nominal groups between June and December of 2019 using professional experts workshops, group decision and information gathering approaches. The paper is using a case-study-based investigation. The most significant risks and their mitigation strategies are the emergences of Turkish influence: Turkish–Hungarian consultation, intensive consultation with Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TCCA); problems related to expropriation: preventive communication, cultivating good relations; delay in project implementation: professional lobby, preparation of scenarios. This study aims to present the design model of this multifaceted, international-scale project. It is suggested that similar projects should be handled and considered as a whole to reach the maximum of their potential.
Researchers have been searching for the türbe (tomb) of Suleiman the Magnificent in Szigetvár, Hungary for over 110 years. Although scholars from a variety of disciplines have published numerous works on the subject, their meth- odologies have been limited to those established before 2013. In the last several years, newer multidisciplinary examinations have been conducted and as a result, the former examination sites (i.e., locations along the Almás stream and the Blessed Virgin Mary church in Turbék) were abandoned and a new location identified. This paper gives an overview of the principal findings over the last 110 years, highlighting contradictions and interpreting the geographical descriptions of these sources.
Jobbik, the Movement for a Better Hungary, is a new generation, radical right-wing political party. In many ways it is similar to other far-right groups in Europe, although it has several unique characteristics. It is a strange anomaly that the party, alone among radical parties in Europe, has pursued a Muslim-friendly policy. Is it an adequate explanation that this anti-Semitic and anti-Israel party considers Muslims its natural allies? Is this relationship solely based on anti-Semitism, or are there deeper explanations?
The authors first review the investigations into the history of the lost mausoleum (türbe) and the surrounding complex of Sultan Süleyman who died during the siege of Szigetvár on September 7, 1566. Then they narrate the establishment in 2012 (reshaped in 2015) of a research group which, by developing a new concept and using interdisciplinary research methods (including landscape reconstruction), found the remnants (foundations) of the türbe on the top of the Turbék-Zsibót vineyard hill in autumn 2015, then, during the rounds of excavation in 2016–2017, the foundations of the adjacent mosque and dervish convent as well as the traces of a fourth building. Regarding the date of the construction of the complex, the authors are of the opinion that the main buildings must have been built around 1575. Finally, they enlarge on the reception of the findings and the potential the site offers for touristic and regional development.
Since 2014, hundred thousands of migrants from the Middle East have arrived at the Hungarian–Serbian and Hungarian–Croatian borders. This paper discusses the unique phenomenon of what role the political debate about Islam, the construction of the temporary border barrier protecting the Hungarian national borders, played in the competitive communication of the national-radical Jobbik party and the centre-right governing parties Fidesz-KDNP which typically emphasize their Christian character. Furthermore, this essay follows up the elements of political campaign related to the international migration, Islam and the referendum on relocation quota between the end of 2014 and November 2016.
Ethnically and culturally diverse settlements in Central and Eastern Europe often witness local power-struggles along ethnic/linguistic boundaries that may centre on the visibility of ethnic groups and minority languages in public space (Kettley, C. 2003; Brubaker, R. et al. 2006; Murzyn, M.A. 2008; Dragoman, D. 2011; Csernicskó, I. and Máté, R. 2017). The majority ethnic group, as the possessor of power is in a more favourable position to control and/or limit the access of minorities to be visually present in the cityscape. The aim of this paper is to show (1) how the public space is re-structured and ethnicised by politics and practices of street naming; and (2) how the contestation over public space contributes to the evolvement of alternative city-text. The research was carried out in Oradea/Nagyvárad, a multi-ethnic town in the Romanian-Hungarian border zone. After describing the spatial features and effects of contestation over street names, based on the analysis of press, interviews and survey data the research shows how the local political deal, the evolved individual/minority coping strategies, and the recent interest in tourism development have contributed to the reinvention of local heritage. Finally, looking at the intensified interest towards local heritage (on behalf of both local government and minority politicians) the question arises: whether heritage might enhance the dissolution of the ongoing conflict centred on street names? © 2017, Reasearch Centre for Astronomy and Earth Sciences Hungarian Academy. All rights reserved.
Exploration in search of the tomb of Sultan Suleiman I and the buildings around it in the vicinity of Szigetvár, Baranya county, southern Hungary, has been going on for some one hundred years and on a number of sites (on the banks of Almás stream, at St. Mary’s Church in Turbék). On the basis of newly discovered documents and map representations, the authors have carried out a reinterpretation of earlier known sources and have abstracted from these information appropriate for a renewed geographical identification of the site of the tomb. The results have been construed in a reconstructed end-17th-century landscape using geoinformation methods. Identification of the Ottoman settlement at Turbék, which can be associated with the construction of the Sultan’s türbe (tomb), was made possible through the collection of finds on the surface of the archaeological site at the Turbék vineyard, the increased intensity of finds and through geophysical examination. The little town was a unique settlement in occupied Hungary, standing between 1574 and 1692 as a symbol of the
Islamic conquest of the region.
The paper gives an overview about the five historical stages of the Hungarian history featured by significant Muslim influence. Ethnic background, social status and geographical distribution are the main points are dealt in the study. In the mediavel period the Muslims were Asiatic origin people joined the Hungarian tribes and became strong mainstay of the royal power as financial experts and soldiers. In the Ottoman era (1541-1699) islamised Southern Slavic and Vlach people from the Balkans migrated to the middle third, occupied part of the Hungarian Kingdom. They gave military service and played a fundamental role in the administration of the state. After 1878 occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy Bosniaks and Turks migrated to the country. The legal status of the Muslim community was settled in 1916. During the First World War and the uprising against the Austrians in the western border areas of Hungary (now Burgenland) the Muslims earned serious legitimacy and laid the cornerstones of a favourable relationship with Hungarian centre-right, revisionist, and also far-right political groups. When the communists took power after the Second World War, they terminated Muslim community activities, and many Turks and Bosnians left the country. In the very last hours of the Communist era, students from Arabic countries and Hungarian Muslims began to establish religious organisations. Muslims settled in Hungary from farther areas of the Islamic world, including especially Arabic countries, and also Turkey, Central and Southern Asia. Geographical distribution has changed a lot since the beginning. During the Middle Ages their communities settled in the royal estates in different places countrywide. The Ottomans lived in the fortified settlements mainly in the hilly or montanous areas. In the modern period the Muslims are concentrated in the capital city and a few regional centres.
This article explores how epistemic racism shapes contemporary discussions on Islamophobia. Epistemic Racism is an underestimated aspect of racism. The first part is a discussion about epistemic racism in the world-system. The second part is on the Western male hegemonic identity politics and the fundamentalist responses to it. The third part is on epistemic Islamophobia and the social sciences.
The denial that racism operates against Muslims qua Muslims has permeated public and media discourse of late. Intellectuals, commentators and legislators from across the political spectrum have explicitly rationalized this position by distinguishing involuntary racial identities from voluntary religious identities. Meer explores the nature of Muslim identity vis-à-vis the involuntary and voluntary dichotomy before examining the consequences of recognizing some ‘racial’ identities in anti-discrimination formulas while ignoring others. This is followed by a short case study of some of the ‘commonsense’ arguments about race and religion that surrounded the proposed incitement to religious hatred legislation in Britain. The findings suggest that Muslims in Britain are disadvantaged by the operation of a ‘normative grammar’ of race that materially (in terms of legal instruments) and discursively (in terms of public and media comment) treats their racialization with less seriousness than it does that of other minorities.
This is the perfect book for any student new to qualitative research. In this exciting and major updating of his bestselling, benchmark text, David Silverman walks the reader through the basics of gathering and analysing qualitative data. David Silverman offers beginners unrivalled hands-on guidance necessary to get the best out of a research methods course or an undergraduate research project. New to the fourth edition: - A new chapter on data analysis dealing with grounded theory, discourse analysis and narrative analysis - Further worked-through examples of different kinds of data and how to interpret them - A separate section on focus groups and interpreting focus group data - An expanded ethics chapter - More coverage of digital media and photographs as data - A companion website with additional case studies and examples, links to SAGE journals online, and links to useful websites, podcasts and Youtube videos. This fourth edition is also accompanied with its own group page on www.methodspace.com where users can give feedback and discuss research issues.Visit www.methodspace.com/group/silverman
Five studies are herein reported to describe the development and preliminary validation of the Johnson-Lecci Scale (JLS), a multicomponent self-report measure of anti-White attitudes held among Blacks. Items were generated from the everyday experiences of Black respondents using an act-frequency approach, and the scale configuration was derived using factor analysis. The factor structure was shown to be robust because it was cross-validated in an independent sample. The resulting JLS factors (subscales) were ingroup-directed stigmatization and discriminatory expectations, outgroup-directed negative beliefs, negative views toward ingroup-outgroup relations, and negative verbal expression toward the outgroup. These subscales were shown to predict the interpretations of ambiguously racist scenarios (i.e., perceived racism) and converged with peer evaluations of the target's anti-White attitudes. The subscales also demonstrate both convergent and discriminant validity with other self-report assessments of bias relating to age, gender, education, socioeconomic status, and race.
The more than a million, mostly Muslim, arrivals in the European Union in recent years have given mainstream politicians an opportunity to generate and exploit the public racist, xenophobic and ultra-nationalist urges of the sort that had previously been the exclusive preserve of the extreme right. This successful vote-getting strategy hingeS on disassociating ethno-religious hatred, which Islamophobia is, from its most stigmatized example in Europe: antisemitism. Nowhere has this process been clearer than in Hungary, infamous for ‘solving’ the migration crisis by erecting a wire fence along its borders. Viktor Orbán and his ruling Fidesz party have stolen the racist thunder of the far-right Jobbik party, but without the latter’s once open antisemitism. Jobbik has responded by also seemingly renouncing antisemitism, ignoring the protests of its more die-hard neo-Nazi supporters. Kalmar’s article focuses on the government’s use of a conspiracy theory about the Jewish financier George Soros as an example of exploiting antisemitism while claiming to oppose it. It suggests that the process of rejecting antisemitism, if disingenuously, in order to legitimize Islamophobic racism in Hungary is a useful model for examining similar processes in much of the Euro-Atlantic world.
The paper gives an overview about the five historical stages of the Hungarian history featured by significant Muslim influence. Ethnic background, social status and geographical distribution are the main points are dealt in the study. In the mediavel period the Muslims were Asiatic origin people joined the Hungarian tribes and became strong mainstay of the royal power as financial experts and soldiers. In the Ottoman era (1541-1699) islamised Southern Slavic and Vlach people from the Balkans migrated to the middle third, occupied part of the Hungarian Kingdom. They gave military service and played a fundamental role in the administration of the state. After 1878 occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy Bosniaks and Turks migrated to the country. The legal status of the Muslim community was settled in 1916. During the First World War and the uprising against the Austrians in the western border areas of Hungary (now Burgenland) the Muslims earned serious legitimacy and laid the cornerstones of a favourable relationship with Hungarian centre-right, revisionist, and also far-right political groups. When the communists took power after the Second World War, they terminated Muslim community activities, and many Turks and Bosnians left the country. In the very last hours of the Communist era, students from Arabic countries and Hungarian Muslims began to establish religious organisations. Muslims settled in Hungary from farther areas of the Islamic world, including especially Arabic countries, and also Turkey, Central and Southern Asia. Geographical distribution has changed a lot since the beginning. During the Middle Ages their communities settled in the royal estates in different places countrywide. The Ottomans lived in the fortified settlements mainly in the hilly or montanous areas. In the modern period the Muslims are concentrated in the capital city and a few regional centres.
This article examines what race has meant in and to Europe. If Europe has different, if related, histories of racial thinking, expression, imposi-tion, and exclusion, how has it been shaped, in part, as specific region in the figure of race even as race, in the aftermath of World War II, is largely denied as a category applicable to human groups? And what today does Europe as a region, and the societies constituting it with all their internal variations, contribute, especially in the popular imaginary, to the extensions of racial meanings and to thinking critically about the racial ordering of social structure, racist exclusions, and social markings? This study is concerned with mapping the racial contours of contemporary European self-conception, historically understood, tracing the figures in the European imaginary of the European, the black, the Jew, and the Muslim.
Les mobilisations laïques et religieuses sont le reflet du cumul de plusieurs processus contradictoires mais complémentaires. Elles expriment à la fois une volonté d'insertion individuelle dans la société italienne, une demande légitime de participation à la vie publique laïque sous différentes formes et le besoin pour de nombreux musulmans de s'identifier dans une communauté encore à construire; mais elle témoignent aussi du poids du regard de l'Autre sur les stratégies que les musulmans adoptent dans l'espace public italien. L'on ne saurait comprendre la typologie des mobilisations et la structure du mouvement associatif sans tenir compte de la construction sociale d'une «exception musulmane» qui dessine en fait l'espace d'interaction disponible entre les musulmans et la société italienne. C'est ainsi qu'il faut lire par exemple la surreprésentation des associations religieuses musulmanes au sein du réseau associatif étranger, comme les difficultés rencontrées dans la construction d'un islam italien susceptible d'assumer son pluralisme interne. Le champ associatif apparait toutefois pour les musulmans comme une des rares opportunités de devenir «acteur» sur la scène publique afin de «déconstruire» le discours dont ils sont l'objet et de multiplier les occasions d'interactions sociales, en particulier au niveau local. Difficultés à trouver un style de communication publique, tensions et médiations accompagnent aujourd'hui cette entreprise de visibilité sociale.
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