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Union Density and Human Trafficking: Can Organized Labor Discourage Trafficking?
Abstract
Two key factors said to create conditions in which forced labor occurs are a lack of information regarding fair pay, and a lack of bargaining power for laborers. In short, employers can take advantage of laborers through favorable information and power asymmetries. If this is the case, then we might suspect that in those states where labor unions are stronger, trafficking for the purpose of forced labor should be less likely as they are able to mitigate both factors. Logistic regressions testing just such a relationship provide support, at both the individual and state level, for the assertion that where union density is greater labor trafficking is less likely to occur. While not addressing the socio-economic roots of labor trafficking, these findings do suggest a market-side response to this crime.
... Traffickers use sophisticated methods to target and exploit vulnerable populations for personal gain, disregarding human dignity and life. (Bossard, 2022;Bowersox, 2022;Goździak, 2021;Nordquist, 2022;Tsai et al., 2023;Watson, 2023;). Trafficking in human beings is a crime that occurs worldwide and affects millions of people every year. ...
... Sharing expertise, funding, legal knowledge, psychology, technology, and field operations through alliances with Interpol and other countries help strengthen responses to transnational trafficking in persons. Through joint efforts and shared goals, countries in West Africa seek to address the external threats posed by human trafficking and protect the rights and well-being of victims (Bowersox, 2022;Cunha et al., 2022;Koegler et al., 2023;Kvartalnov, 2021;McCourt, 2019;Murphy, 2023;Tsai et al., 2022;Umukoro, 2021;Watson, 2023). ...
... The alliance's purpose is to enhance the security of its members or promote shared interests globally (Bowersox, 2022;Nosenko, 2022;). Faced with complex political, economic, social, and cultural conditions, West African nations, alongside Interpol, find eradicating national and transnational crime challenging. ...
The main problem in this study is the human trafficking practices in West Africa. Trafficking in human beings is a serious transnational crime involving blackmail, exploitation, and forced labor. Victims of human trafficking are often forced to work in modern slave industries, such as prostitution, agriculture, and manufacturing. They can also experience physical and psychological violence. Human trafficking has many root causes, including poverty, gender inequality, and conflict. Research methods use qualitative descriptive approaches with data analysis techniques that focus on understanding a problem, context, complexity, and subjectivity to more detail about the data source. Results: Interpol's role and initiatives have saved hundreds of victims of human trafficking in West Africa. The organization has been a valuable partner for governments and law enforcement agencies in the region in combating human trafficking crimes and rescuing victims. Interpol's efforts to rescue victims of human trafficking in West Africa are critical to combating this crime. By raising awareness, identifying victims, disrupting trafficking networks, and providing support to victims. Interpol recognizes the urgent need to facilitate interstate police cooperation in addressing transnational crime, regional security and resilience.
Despite increasing attention to human trafficking since the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, knowledge gaps about labor trafficking remain. Issues such as legal inconsistencies, sector-specific vulnerabilities, and limited training for stakeholders hinder effective prosecution, often leading to outcomes that inadequately address the gravity of these crimes. While research has focused primarily on victims, less attention has been given to perpetrators. This exploratory study examines labor trafficking arrests from 2011 to 2022, using descriptive analysis to profile traffickers, assess control methods, and explore trends in criminal prosecution. Findings emphasize the need for targeted interventions, improved data collection, and standardized legal frameworks to better address labor trafficking in the U.S.
Trafficking in human beings (THB) is a widespread, transnational issue in the European Union (EU). Member states act as source, transit, and destination countries for intra-EU trafficking, in addition to being a major destination region for external THB victims. This study presents a new dataset of THB victims observed in each EU member state per year and by type of exploitation going back as far as 2001 and employs exact matching methods to test the link between different prostitution policies and Roma secondary education attainment rates on observed THB victimization. The paper also builds off previous literature to compare how different legal prostitution models and THB supply factors are expected to influence various types of THB. The results indicate that legalized prostitution and lower educational attainment among the Roma community increase observed THB victimization, especially THB for the purpose of sexual exploitation. The paper does not find that the Swedish model significantly increases or decreases observed THB victimization. In demonstrating how matching methods can be utilized to uncover policy patterns in THB outcomes, this study provides a blueprint for how other hidden phenomena, such as corruption or migration, can be robustly and empirically tested.
This article examines the dilemmas facing trade unions seeking to engage on questions of forced labour and human trafficking. The International Labour Organization and elements of the international trade union movement have succeeded in getting forced labour on the policy agenda globally and within many national settings. However, trade unions have limited capacity to effect real change in relation to these issues because of limitations on their influence, determined largely by membership density and the limited number of sectors in which they are present, but also internal assessments of what constitutes ‘core business’. As a consequence, while trade unions may advocate for legislative or policy change, partner with non-governmental organisations to deal with particular cases, or even engage directly with vulnerable populations, the integration of those populations into the day to day concerns of trade unions necessarily remains elusive—particularly in the global south, where forced labour is most prevalent.
This paper studies the effect of a politician?s ideological strength on campaign contributions that the politician receives from interest groups. If interest groups care mainly about current, or short-run, policy outcomes, they will make campaign contributions to ideologically neutral politicians who are often pivotal voters in the legislature. However, if interest groups care more about future, or long-run, policy outcomes, they have an incentive to help ideologically strong politicians who share similar policy preferences to win the election. Thus, liberal (conservative) interest groups will make campaign contributions to liberal (conservative, respectively) politicians. Using data on the amount of campaign contributions given by interest groups to the members of the US House of the Representatives in the 111th Congress (2009?2010), I show that ideologically neutral politicians receive more campaign contributions from interest groups. This result suggests that interest groups are primarily motivated by the short-run incentive.
This article analyses the Chinese rural migrant workers’ collective struggles within a framework that highlights the deepening of contradictions among labour, capital, and the state. At times of labour crisis, aggrieved workers have taken legal and extra-legal actions to defend their rights and interests in the absence of leadership by trade unions. From 1 January 2015, Guangdong provincial government was compelled to enforce new collective bargaining regulations to regulate labour relations, when an increasing number of workers leveraged their power to disrupt production to demand higher pay and better conditions within the tight delivery deadlines. In addition to discussing the workplace bargaining power at the key nodes in global supply networks, we highlight the impact of demographic changes on the potential increase of the marketplace bargaining power of workers.
This study aims to identify robust push and pull factors of human trafficking. I test for the robustness of 70 push and 63 pull factors suggested in the literature. In doing so, I employ an extreme bound analysis, running more than two million regressions with all possible combinations of variables for up to 153 countries during the period of 1995–2010. My results show that crime prevalence robustly explains human trafficking both in destination and origin countries. Income level also has a robust impact, suggesting that the cause of human trafficking shares that of economic migration. Law enforcement matters more in origin countries than destination countries. Interestingly, a very low level of gender equality may have constraining effects on human trafficking outflow, possibly because gender discrimination limits female mobility that is necessary for the occurrence of human trafficking.
After decades of stability from the 1920s to the early 1970s, the rate
of incarceration in the United States more than quadrupled in the
past four decades. The Committee on the Causes and Consequences
of High Rates of Incarceration in the United States was established under
the auspices of the National Research Council, supported by the National
Institute of Justice and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation,
to review evidence on the causes and consequences of these high
incarceration rates and the implications of this evidence for public policy.
Our work encompassed research on, and analyses of, the proximate
causes of the dramatic rise in the prison population and the societal dynamics
that supported those proximate causes. Our analysis reviewed evidence
of the effects of high rates of incarceration on public safety as well as those
in prison, their families, and the communities from which these men and
women originate and to which they return. We also examined the effects
on U.S. society.
After assessing the evidence, the committee found that the normative
principles that both limit and justify the use of incarceration as a response
to crime were a necessary element of the analytical process. Public policy
on the appropriate use of prison is not determined solely by weighing
evidence of costs and benefits. Rather, a combination of empirical findings
and explicit normative commitments is required. Issues regarding criminal
punishment necessarily involve ideas about justice, fairness, and just deserts.
Accordingly, this report includes a review of established principles of
jurisprudence and governance that have historically guided society’s use of
incarceration.
Finally, we considered the practical implications of our conclusions for
public policy and for research.
Since 2000, the federal government and all fifty states have passed laws that criminalize the trafficking of persons for labor and commercial sex. To date, relatively few human trafficking cases have been identified, investigated, and prosecuted by local criminal justice authorities. Using data from case records and qualitative interviews with police, prosecutors, and victim service providers in twelve counties, we discuss the challenges local police face in identifying cases of human trafficking. We find that the culture of local police agencies and the perceptions of police officials about human trafficking do not support the identification of a broad range of human trafficking cases. Since local definitions of human trafficking are still evolving, police focus on sex trafficking of minors, which they perceive to be the most serious problem facing their communities. Reluctance to differentiate between vice and sex trafficking minimizes the problem of human trafficking and makes labor trafficking seem largely nonexistent.
This article evaluates four popular claims regarding human trafficking's international magnitude, trends, and seriousness relative to other illicit global activities. I find that the claims are neither evidence-based nor verifiable. Second, an argument is made for carefully conducted microlevel research on trafficking. Several such studies are described, including the contributions to this volume of The Annals. I argue for microlevel research, which has advantages over grand, macrolevel claimsadvantages that are both quantitative (i.e., identifying the magnitude of trafficking within a measurable context) and qualitative (i.e., documenting complexities in lived experiences)and is better suited to formulating contextually appropriate policy and enforcement responses.
Centralization of wage bargaining
Lars Calmfors and John Driffill
The structure of labour markets is increasingly perceived as a determinant of the macroeconomic performance of a country. This article focuses on one aspect of labour markets, the degree of centralization of wage setting. The main conclusion is that extremes work best. Either highly centralized systems with national bargaining (such as in Austria and the Nordic countries), or highly decentralized systems with wage setting at the level of individual firms (such as in Japan, Switzerland and the US) seem to perform well. The worst outcomes with respect to employment may well be found in systems with an intermediate degree of centralization (such as in Belgium and the Netherlands). This conclusion is reasonably well supported by the available empirical evidence. It is also logical. Indeed, large and all-encompassing trade unions naturally recognize their market power and take into account both the inflationary and unemployment effects of wage increases. Conversely, unions operating at the individual firm or plant level have very limited market power. In intermediate cases, unions can exert some market power but are led to ignore the macroeconomic implications of their actions. These conclusions challenge the conventional wisdom which asserts that the more ‘corporatist’ is an economy, the better is its economic performance.
This article examines the process of consensus formation by the international community regarding how to confront the problem of trafficking in persons. We analyze the corpus of United Nations General Assembly Third Committee resolutions to show that: (1) consensus around the issue of how to confront trafficking in persons has increased over time; and (2) the formation of this consensus depends upon how the issue is framed. We test our argument by examining the characteristics of resolutions’ sponsors and discursive framing concepts such as crime, human rights, and the strength of enforcement language. We conclude that the consensus-formation process in international relations is more aptly described as one of ‘accommodation’ through issue linkage than a process of persuasion.
This article proposes a general theoretical framework for under- standing the concept of "class compromise" in terms of a "reverse- J" model of the relationship between the associational power of workers and the interests of capitalists: increases in working-class power adversely affect capitalist-class interests until such power crosses some intermediate threshold beyond which further increases in working-class power are potentially beneficial to capitalists' inter- ests. This article argues that the reverse-J curve is itself the result of two distinct kinds of effects of workers' power on capitalists' in- terests: one, a negative effect, in which workers' power undermines the capacity of capitalists to unilaterally make various kinds of deci- sions, and the second, a positive effect, in which workers' power helps capitalists solve the various kinds of collective action problems they face.
This study examines the role of unions in implementing the Occupational Safety and Health Act (OSHA) by using a data set that provides information on regulatory enforcement. The analysis demonstrates that unionized establishments are more likely to receive safety and health inspections, face greater scrutiny in the course of those inspections, and pay higher penalties for violating health and safety standards than comparable nonunion establishments. Implementation of OSHA therefore seems highly dependent upon the presence of a union at the workplace.
Today's low-wage workforce is mostly ignored by the national political parties and largely untouched by organized labor. Over the last twenty years, "community unions" have emerged to try to fill the void. They are modest-sized community-based organizations of low-wage workers that, through a combination of service, advocacy, and organizing, focus on issues of work and wages. Community unions have so far had greater success at raising wages and improving working conditions via public policy rather than direct labor market intervention. This is because low-wage workers in America today have greater political than economic power.
This is the third and final volume in the authoritative History of the British Trade Unions since 1889. It covers the years between 1934 and 1951. These years saw gradual recovery from the world-wide economic depression, the Second World War, and its aftermath of austerity and development. It was a period of great achievement for the labour movement. Hugh Armstrong Clegg traces the story of the trade unions, their policies, their leaders, and their relations with government. Professor Clegg carefully sets his study against the economic and political background of the period, and provides a wealth of valuable detail. This is a comprehensive and dispassionate account by a leading authority on British trade unions and their history, which will be an important source for all historians of the labour movement in Britain.
Politically active individuals and organizations make huge investments of time, energy, and money to influence everything from election outcomes to congressional subcommittee hearings to local school politics, while other groups and individual citizens seem woefully underrepresented in our political system. This book is a comprehensive and systematic examination of political voice in America, and its findings are sobering. The book looks at the political participation of individual citizens alongside the political advocacy of thousands of organized interests—membership associations such as unions, professional associations, trade associations, and citizens groups, as well as organizations like corporations, hospitals, and universities. Drawing on numerous in-depth surveys of members of the public as well as the largest database of interest organizations ever created—representing more than 35,000 organizations over a 25-year period—this book conclusively demonstrates that American democracy is marred by deeply ingrained and persistent class-based political inequality. The well-educated and affluent are active in many ways to make their voices heard, while the less advantaged are not. This book reveals how the political voices of organized interests are even less representative than those of individuals, how political advantage is handed down across generations, how recruitment to political activity perpetuates and exaggerates existing biases, how political voice on the Internet replicates these inequalities—and more. In a true democracy, the preferences and needs of all citizens deserve equal consideration. Yet equal consideration is only possible with equal citizen voice. This book reveals how far we really are from the democratic ideal and how hard it would be to attain it.
Wage differences between authorized and unauthorized Mexican immigrants can be explained by human capital factors prior to the 1986 passage of employer sanctions, which prohibited knowingly hiring unauthorized aliens. However, a significant post-1986 wage differential has been interpreted as employers “passing along” expected costs of sanctions through lower wages for unauthorized immigrants. I test this explanation using administrative data on employer sanctions enforcement, finding employer sanctions enforcement levels are related to Mexican immigrants' wages but have no statistically significant differential effect based on legal status. Estimated savings to employers due to the pay gap are orders of magnitude larger than actual fines.
The article examines the impact of organised interests on the passage of legislation in the German Bundestag through an empirical analysis of the position papers presented in the public hearings of its standing committees in 2011. These committees are the most important forums to revise legislative proposals. Drawing on resource dependency theory, we employ GLM regression analyses to study if interest groups act as change agents that bring legislation closer to their own policy preferences. Controlling for institutional and bill characteristics, we discuss two major findings that shed light on the role of interest groups in legislation. First, business groups' opposition to government bills triggers legislative changes because their members control the means of production and make investment decisions. In contrast, fundamental opposition of non-business groups has no impact. Second, bills debated and opposed by a greater number of interest groups undergo more changes pointing to the importance of the density of interest groups and balance of opinions on a proposal.
This paper examines social media use by cause and sectional interest groups in the European Union. The literature suggests that cause groups should focus on building a constituency more than sectional groups, because they do not offer exclusive benefits to their members. Cause groups face collective action problems more than sectional groups, so they have to take a proactive approach to community building. The nature of the causes cause groups lobby for is also more suitable for protest and thus calls to action. An in-depth analysis of a random sample of 1,000 tweets by cause and sectional groups reveals differences with respect to social media use. Cause groups use social media to pursue two-way communication with the public slightly-albeit not significantly-more than sectional groups. Cause groups mobilise the public to take action significantly and substantively more than specific interests.
Drawing on case studies in the German metal and chemical sectors, this article addresses trade unions’ behavior toward employers’ labor market segmentation strategies and, in particular, their use of outsourcing. Findings illustrate that, contrary to the expectations of the dualization literature, trade unions do not always give priority to their core constituency over the interests of temporary or peripheral workers. Union actions are not solely determined by the aim of defending the interests of their current members but depend instead on the interrelationship between unions’ identity and their members’ and organizational interests.
Over the last fifteen years, the problem of human trafficking has become a focus of government and advocacy agendas worldwide. Increasingly referred to as “modern-day slavery,” the phenomenon has prompted rapid proliferation of international, regional, and national anti-trafficking laws, and inspired states to devote enormous financial and bureaucratic resources to its eradication. It has also spawned an industry of nonprofits that have elevated the “abolition” of trafficking into a pressing moral campaign, which anyone can join with the click of a mouse. Scholars have also jumped into the fray, calling on states to marshal human rights law, tax law, trade law, tort law, public health law, labor law, and even military might to combat this apparently growing international crime and human rights violation.
The entangled threat of crime, corruption, and terrorism now deserves high-level policy attention because of its growth trajectory. Using lively case studies, this book analyzes the transformation of crime and terrorism and the business logic of terrorism. Louise I. Shelley concludes that corruption, crime, and terrorism will remain important security challenges in the twenty-first century as a result of economic and demographic inequalities in the world, the rise of ethnic and sectarian violence, climate change, the growth of technology, and the failure of nineteenth- and twentieth-century institutions to respond to these challenges when they emerged.
Dedicated to organizing workers from diverse racial, ethnic, and religious backgrounds, many of whom were considered "unorganizable" by other unions, the progressive New York City-based labor union District 65 counted among its 30,000 members retail clerks, office workers, warehouse workers, and wholesale workers. Lisa Phillips presents a distinctive study of District 65 and its efforts to secure economic equality for minority workers in sales and processing jobs in small, low-end shops and warehouses throughout the city. Phillips shows how organizers fought tirelessly to achieve better hours and higher wages for "unskilled," unrepresented workers and to re-value their work, the result of an economy inclining toward fewer manufacturing jobs and more low-wage service and processing jobs. © 2013 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. All rights reserved.
This book examines all forms of human trafficking globally, revealing the operations of the trafficking business and the nature of the traffickers themselves. Using a historical and comparative perspective, it demonstrates that there is more than one business model of human trafficking and that there are enormous variations in human trafficking in different regions of the world. Drawing on a wide body of academic research – actual prosecuted cases, diverse reports, and field work and interviews conducted by the author over the last sixteen years in Asia, Latin America, Africa, Europe, and the former socialist countries – Louise Shelley concludes that human trafficking will grow in the twenty-first century as a result of economic and demographic inequalities in the world, the rise of conflicts, and possibly global climate change. Coordinated efforts of government, civil society, the business community, multilateral organizations, and the media are needed to stem its growth.
This book examines and evaluates various private initiatives to enforce fair labor standards within global supply chains. Using unique data (internal audit reports, and access to more than 120 supply chain factories and 700 interviews in 14 countries) from several major global brands, including NIKE, HP, and the International Labor Organization's Factory Improvement Programme in Vietnam, this book examines both the promise and the limitations of different approaches to actually improve working conditions, wages, and working hours for the millions of workers employed in today's global supply chains. Through a careful, empirically grounded analysis of these programs, this book illustrates the mix of private and public regulation needed to address these complex issues in a global economy.
The Law and Slavery delivers Professor Jean Allain's foundations which have led to the renaissance of the legal understanding of slavery which has transformed the landscape related to human exploitation during the early 21st Century. © 2015 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. All rights reserved.
This paper investigates social preferences over employment protection regulation in a general equilibrium model of dynamic labor demand and sheds some light on the comparative dynamics of Eurosclerosis. When firing costs are low, a transition to a rigid labor market is favored by all the employed workers with idiosyncratic productivity below some threshold; when their status quo level is high, preserving a rigid labor market is favored only by the employed with intermediate productivity. A more volatile environment and a lower rate of productivity growth increase the political support for labor market rigidity only in high-rents economies.
Asia is known as a continent where human trafficking is particularly prevalent. Departing from the bulk of research on trafficking in Asia that focuses on illegal migration and prostitution, this article examines the embeddedness of human trafficking in legal temporary migration flows. This analysis uses survey and interview data to document the experiences of Vietnamese migrants who worked in East Asian countries. It identifies a continuum of trafficking, abuse, exploitation, and forced labor, and examines how exploitation begins at the recruitment stage with the creation of bonded labor. Guest-worker programs in destination countries put migrants in particularly precarious situations, which do, in some cases, qualify as trafficking. I argue that temporary migration programs may create the conditions that lead to extreme forms of exploitation among many legal migrant workers in the region.
This article examines the varied consequences that the label trafficked holds for migrants and for the organizations that assist them. In the case of migrants from the Dominican Republic to Argentina, threat of U.S. economic sanctions prompted the two governments to document incidents of trafficking by labeling all forms of migrant labor exploitation as trafficking. Collapsing a range of coerced and noncoerced labor experiences under one label has muddied the definition of trafficking. In contrast, U.S. trafficking policy systematically ignores significant exploitation of labor migrants, in part because of the volatile politics of immigration in the United States, and because of the conflation of sex trafficking with trafficking. The article uses these two examples of the effects of labeling exploited workers as trafficking victims to draw attention to the politicization of the term trafficking.
The problem of forced labour in the contemporary global economy is attracting increasing attention in global governance debates and policy circles. The effectiveness of governance initiatives depends on underlying understandings of the root causes of the problem. We explore how the root causes of forced labour in global production networks (GPNs) are framed in global governance debates. Focusing on the dominant frameworks mobilized by international institutions, with some attention to cognate national-level and corporate governance strategies, we identify certain limitations to dominant interpretations, which derive from their ‘residual’ character and their associated neglect of the manner in which the roots of forced labour reach deeply into the organization of GPNs, the forms of exploitation which are integral to them, and the connections between exploitation and poverty. We set out an alternative, ‘relational’ perspective on the roots of forced labour in GPNs, based on the concept of ‘adverse incorporation’, and consider the implications of the insights generated by this perspective for contemporary governance frameworks.
Introduction During recent years extensive research has centered on corporatist patterns of interest representation and centralized systems of collective bargaining. This research has associated corporatism and centralized bargaining with “labor quiescence,” to use David Cameron’s (1984) label for the combination of low strike rates and wage restraint. Labor quiescence, in turn, is claimed to contribute to successful economic performance: lower rates of inflation and unemployment, higher rates of investment, and a less pronounced slowdown of growth following the oil crises of the 1970s. Union cooperation with government policies to curb the growth of wages has been a central theme in the research on corporatism in Western Europe. In one of the first contributions to a burgeoning literature, Gerhard Lehmbruch (1977) observed: “Incomes policies appear to constitute a core domain of liberal corporatism” (96). Similarly, Leo Panitch (1977) argued that in “virtually every” corporatist society, policies “designed to abate the wage pressure of trade unions was the frontpiece of corporatist development” (74). Cross-national studies by Bruce Headey (1970) and Gary Marks (1986) have verified the existence of a close empirical relationship between union centralization and the successful implementation of voluntary incomes policies. More recently, union centralization or corporatism has attracted the attention of economists seeking to account for the divergence in macroeconomic performance among advanced industrial societies since the mid-1970s.
This article focuses on the evolution of the interaction between Chinese migrant workers in France and the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), France's second largest labor union. My central question is: what can the case of Chinese migrants in France tell us about the relationship among trade unions, migrant workers, and their respective ethnic economies? Analyzing the CGT's changing strategies for mobilizing Chinese workers demonstrates the main tensions between the organization strategies and the employment relationship in family-based small-medium enterprises. This article will show the importance of intersectional analysis in the study of the structure of ethnic economies and how, in this case, the employer–employee relationship is a source of domination rather than a mechanism for mobilization. Moreover, while it is possible to include legislative change as a union movements' goal, it also demonstrates how a political goal, in this case the legalization of workers, can undermine the traditional goal of pursuing improvement to working conditions.
This article studies how decentralization of wage bargaining from sector to firm level influences wage levels and wage dispersion. We use detailed panel data covering a period of decentralization in the Danish labor market. The decentralization process provides variation in the individual worker’s wage-setting system that facilitates identification of the effects of decentralization. We find a wage premium associated with firm-level bargaining relative to sector-level bargaining and that the return to skills is higher under the more decentralized wage-setting systems. Using quantile regression, we also find that wages are more dispersed under firm-level bargaining compared to more centralized wage-setting systems.
Although human trafficking has gained unprecedented national and international attention and condemnation over the past decade, the legal instruments developed to combat this phenomenon have thus far proved insufficient. In particular, current efforts help an alarmingly small number of individuals out of the multitudes currently understood as falling under the category of trafficked persons, and even in these few cases, the assistance provided is of questionable value. This Article thus calls for a paradigm shift in anti-trafficking policy: a move away from the currently predominant human rights approach to trafficking and the adoption of a labor approach that targets the structure of labor markets prone to severely exploitative labor practices. This labor paradigm, the Article contends, offers more effective strategies for combating trafficking. After establishing the case for the labor paradigm, the Article suggests how it can be incorporated into existing anti-trafficking regimes. The Article proposes five measures for implementing anti-trafficking policies grounded on the labor approach: prevent the criminalization and deportation of workers who report exploitation; eliminate binding arrangements; reduce recruitment fees and the power of middlemen; guarantee the right to unionize; and extend and enforce the application of labor and employment laws to vulnerable workers. Finally, the Article analyzes why this paradigm has yet to be adopted and responds to some of the main objections to a paradigm shift.
This crossnational study seeks to explain variations in governmental repression of human rights to personal integrity (state terrorism) in a 153-country sample during the eighties. We outline theoretical perspectives on this topic and subject them to empirical tests using a technique appropriate for our pooled cross-sectional time-series design, namely, ordinary least squares with robust standard errors and a lagged dependent variable. We find democracy and participation in civil or international war to have substantively important and statistically significant effects on repression. The effects of economic development and population size are more modest. The hypothesis linking leftist regime types to abuse of personal integrity rights receives some support. We find no reliable evidence that population growth, British cultural influence, military control, or economic growth affect levels of repression. We conclude by considering the implications of our findings for scholars and practitioners concerned with the prevention of personal integrity abuse.
The exchange theory of interest groups rests initially on a distinction between the entrepreneur or organizer and the customer/member. The argument asserts that group organizers invest in a set of benefits which they offer to potential members at a price--joining the group. Benefits may be material, solidary or expressive. In order for the group to survive a sufficient balance must be maintained in the exchange; members must receive benefits and leaders enough return, conceptualized as "profit," to warrant continued participation. Implications are drawn for such questions as lobbying and intra-group factionalism as well as for the origins, growth and survival of various types of interest groups.
Proponents often recommend high labor standards as a means of reducing inequality between and within countries. Opponents suggest that labor standards exacerbate international and domestic inequalities. In this paper, we forward a simple argument whereby the impact of higher labor standards on domestic inequality depends on a country's labor endowment. We hypothesize that where labor is abundant, higher standards will exacerbate inequality. Where labor is scarce, higher labor standards might lower inequality. In both cases, the impact of labor standards on inequality work through an employment and wage effect. Using newly available data on labor standards around the world from 1981 to 2000, we provide evidence largely consistent with our hypotheses. Higher labor standards do, indeed, exacerbate inequality in labor-abundant economies. On the other hand, higher labor standards lower inequality in labor-scarce economies. We discuss the implications of these findings for work on labor market insiders and outsiders as well as the political economy of development.
Many say that while the ILO ably sets international labor standards and monitors compliance with them, it "has no teeth." However, when trade unions and human rights NGOs petition the US government to declare certain developing countries that violate workers' rights to be ineligible for benefits through the GSP and OPEC programs, incremental progress can be made in reducing those violations. Six country cases: Bangladesh, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Korea, and Swaziland show how, in this effective confluence of forces, the unions and NGOs provide the "eyes and ears," the ILO provides the "brains," and US trade legislation provides the "teeth."
The CIRI Human Rights Data Project provides information about government respect for a broad array of human rights in nearly every country in the world. Covering twenty-six years, fifteen separate human rights practices, and 195 countries, it is one of the largest human rights data sets in the world. This essay provides an overview of the CIRI project and our response to some critiques of the CIRI physical integrity rights index. Compared to the Political Terror Scale (PTS), the CIRI physical integrity rights index is focused on government human rights practices, can be disaggregated, is more transparent in its construction, and is more replicable because of the transparency of our coding rules. Furthermore, unlike the PTS, the unidimensionality of the CIRI index has been demonstrated empirically. For these reasons, the CIRI index is a more valid index of physical integrity rights.
This article argues that a distinct repertoire of social and political contention associated with migration and the presence of immigrants in the UK plays a large part in structuring responses to ostensibly ‘new’ migration challenges such as people smuggling and human trafficking. This repertoire includes the elision and confusion of migration categories (particularly in this instance between irregular migration and asylum); the impact of state policies on the creation of ‘unwanted’ migration flows; fears of floods and invasions by ‘unwanted’ migrants; concerns that the state is losing control of migration; the depiction of migration and migrants as causes of increased support for the extreme right; the existence of labour market pull factors that provide economic spaces for both regular and irregular migrants; the symbolic power but limited effect of an international human rights regime and discourse; and problems of policy implementation. The contemporary twist is provided by the links made between irregular migration and the ‘war on terror’ and the ways in which migration has become a component of bilateral relations between the UK and other states, particularly those structured by EU competencies.
This article uses the Global Commodity Chain (GCC) framework to investigate labour regimes in export grape production in the São Francisco (SF) valley, North East Brazil. A combination of strict northern retailer requirements and producers’ ability to target export windows leads to an increasingly complex labour process. Whilst much GCC literature focusing on export agriculture concludes that labour is relatively powerless, this article presents a rather different case. The need to upgrade production continually in response to retailers’ demands gives workers strategic leverage which, together with a strong and continuing tradition of rural trade union organization, means that they have been able to extract significant concessions from exporting farms.
The ILO is presently attempting to spearhead a ‘global alliance against forced labour’. This article surveys the ILO approach to forced labour, recent theoretical debates regarding forced labour and recent empirical work on bonded labour in India. It argues that the ILO ‘ghettoizes’ forced labour, and that existing theories do not provide an alternative to this, as they focus on high-level ahistorical models. There is a need to develop specific analyses of the processes underlying both free and unfree labour relations in the present context, and their relation to neo-liberal globalization as well as country-specific conditions. The review of Indian case studies and of aspects of neo-liberal globalization points towards such an analytical approach.
Here we seek to build on our earlier research (Poe and Tate, 1994) by re-testing similar models on a data set covering a much longer time span; the period from 1976 to 1993. Several of our findings differ from those of our earlier work. Here we find statistical evidence that military regimes lead to somewhat greater human rights abuse, defined in terms of violations of personal integrity, once democracy and a host of other factors are controlled. Further, we find that countries that have experienced British colonial influence tend to have relatively fewer abuses of personal integrity rights than others. Finally, our results suggest that leftist countries are actually less repressive of these basic human rights than non-leftist countries. Consistent with the Poe and Tate (1994) study, however, we find that past levels of repression, democracy, population size, economic development, and international and civil wars exercise statistically significant and substantively important impacts on personal integrity abuse.
Nine years after the passage of federal anti-trafficking legislation in the United States, fewer incidents of trafficking have been identified than original estimates of the problem predicted. Some scholars and commentators suggest that changes in the public framing of the trafficking problem aimed at advancing particular agendas are to blame. Yet no studies to date had measured such a reframing process and its attendant consequences. Using a natural history of social problems model (Spector & Kitsuse, 1973) as the theoretical framework to examine the framing of trafficking, this study analyzed text from U.S. newspaper articles about human trafficking from 1990 to 2006. Findings suggest the public framing of human trafficking has changed over time corresponding with the adoption of policies focused on national security and the identification, apprehension, and criminal prosecution of trafficking perpetrators. Challenges following such definitional shifts are discussed.
This book presents the first-ever comprehensive and in-depth analysis of the international law of human trafficking. Anne T. Gallagher calls on her direct experience working within the United Nations to chart the development of new international laws on this issue. She links these rules to the international law of State responsibility , as well as key norms of international human rights law, transnational criminal law, refugee law and international criminal law, in the process identifying and explaining the major legal obligations of States with respect to preventing trafficking, protecting and supporting victims, and prosecuting perpetrators.
Historically, worker movements have played a crucial role in making workplaces safer. Firms traditionally oppose better health standards. According to our interpretation, workplace safety is costly for .firms but increases average health of workers and thereby aggregate labour supply. A laissez-faire approach in which firms set safety standards is suboptimal as workers are not fully informed of health risks associated with jobs. Safety standards set by better-informed trade unions are output and welfare increasing.