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Ghana Social Science Journal, Volume 8, Number 1&2, 2011, pp.128-149
THE COPING STRATEGIES OF SINGLE
FEMALE PARENTS IN ACCRA
1
ALBERT KPOOR
ABSTRACT
This article examines the coping strategies of single female parents in Accra. Single female parents
within Maamobi, New Dansoman and Roman Ridge areas in Accra were interviewed through in-
depth interviews and a survey. Specifically, the study sought to find out the socio-economic factors
that account for single female parenthood and how single female parents economically and socially
support their households. The major findings are that divorce is principally responsible for single
female parenthood mainly due to the infidelity of husbands. In the absence of men (husbands),
single female parents although earning incomes which are low, bear the bulk of responsibility in the
maintenance of children and the household. The fathers of the children of single female parents
mostly do not assist the women in the maintenance of children. Kin of single female parents on the
other hand mostly assist the women with housing and household chores. The study concludes that
single female parents are to a great extent self-reliant in dealing with their responsibilities as
parents.
Keywords:
single motherhood, coping strategies, child maintenance, household
maintenance, Accra
INTRODUCTION
he picture that comes to mind when we hear the term 'family' in recent times
is typically that of father, mother and children living together in a
household. This representation contradicts the reality of what has pertained in
recent decades, particularly the surge in the percentage of families living in
single female parent households the world over. Nine out of ten single parents in
the world are women (Boyden and Unesco 1993). The reason for this trend is that
men move more freely in and out of parenting relationships than women. In
many cultures male partners are often transient members of the household
(Boyden and Unesco 1993).
1
Department of Sociology, University of Ghana, P. O. Box LG 65. Email:
akpoor@ug.edu.gh; albertkpoor@yahoo.co.uk
129
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
According to the Ghana Living Standards Survey Report of the Fifth Round
(GSS, 2008), almost a quarter of households in Ghana contain children living with
only their mothers while about 3% of households comprise children living with
only their fathers. Though in Ghana the majority of households (65.1%) contain
both male and female parents living with their children (GSS, 2008), single
female parent households are of significance and attract serious concern, as with
the absence of a partner they are usually responsible for ensuring the wellbeing
of their households. They are furthermore of grave importance as in Ghana
women relative to men are disadvantaged in accessing society's economic
resources and opportunities such as employment and education (GSS, 2005). It is
thus not surprising that studies in Ghana have focused on the plight of mother-
headed households (Ardayfio–Schandorf, 1994; Lloyd and Brandon, 1991). Yet,
few studies (Oware-Gyekye, Arthur and Dankwa, 1996) have concentrated
specifically on how single mothers cope in Ghana. The extant literature on how
females in single parent households manage as parents is largely based on the
experiences of single mothers in Europe and America (Kanji, 2011, Taylor, 2011;
Golombok and Badger, 2010; Evans, 2007; Hertz, 2006; Fortuijn and Ostendorf,
2004; Cairney, Boyle, Offord and Racine, 2003). Thus, the purpose of this article is
to address this gap in the literature by examining the coping strategies of single
female parents in Accra from a Ghanaian viewpoint.
FACTORS THAT LEAD TO SINGLE FEMALE PARENTHOOD
Single female parenthood is often the consequence of the dissolution of marriage
through separation and divorce (Gonzalez, Bretones, Navarro-Galera and
Sanchez-Fernandez, 2011). In Ghana, divorce and separation have been rising
over a period of 40 years. Between 1960 and 2000, divorce and separation among
women rose from 17% to 22% (GSS, 2010). Matriliny, the diminished influence of
traditional norms and values governing marriage and the rather increasing
influence of Western norms and values of individualism have been noted to be
responsible for marriage instability in Ghana (Takyi and Gyimah, 2007;
Nukunya, 2003; Takyi, 2001). Research also indicates that marital break-up
through divorce is the consequence of a number of social factors including
engagement in extra marital relationships by spouses (Diefenbach and Opp,
2007; Amato and Previti, 2003; Amato and Rogers, 1997), male violence
(Lawrence and Bradbury, 2001; DeMaris, 2000), HIV infection of a spouse
(Porter, Hao, Bishai, Serwadda, Wawer, Lutalo, Gray, and the Rakai Project
Team, 2004), alcoholism (Amato and Previti, 2003), unhappiness of husbands
(Gager and Sanchez, 2003), urbanization (Cvrcek, 2011), internal and
international migration (Boyle, Kulu, Cooke, Gayle, Mulder, 2008; Frank and
Wildsmith, 2005) and the implementation of unilateral divorce laws (Kneip and
Bauer, 2009; Gruber, 2004). Economic factors also account for divorce. Some of
these factors include long term declining male employment opportunities (Roy,
2011), unemployment of both male and female spouses (Jalovaara, 2003),
130
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
household income shocks (Nunley and Seals, 2010), and the increase in female
employment and income (Bremmer and Kesselring, 2004; Phillips and Griffiths,
2004).
Consensual and visiting unions or cohabitation also leads to single female
parenthood. In Ghana, 13.1% of women are in visiting and consensual unions
(GSS, GHS and ICF, 2009). The consequence of this type of sexual union is that it is
highly dissoluble (Ermisch, 2006; Oware-Gyekye, Arthur and Dankwa, 1996) and
leaves women to cater for children all by themselves (Lichter and Qian, 2008;
McLanahan, 2005). Cohabitation endures due to the low income of young men
and their reluctance to begin a family (Sim, 2003). However, cohabiters who have
intentions to get married are often able to do so (Guzzo, 2009) even though there is
a greater risk of their marriage ending in a divorce (Liefbroer and Dourleijn, 2006).
Widowhood is also a key factor responsible for single parenthood. The
demise of husbands often leaves women as single parents (Glazer, Clark,
Thomasand and Haxton, 2010). According to the 2000 Population and Housing
Census, 8% of women in Ghana are widowed (GSS, 2010). Widowhood increases
with age and is highest (36%) among women aged 55 years and beyond (GSS,
2010). The odds of widowhood as a route to single parenthood among women
increase in Ghana as women live almost three years (62.25 years) longer than men
(59.78 years) (CIA, 2011).
Desertion of wives by husbands also contributes to single female
parenthood (Igra, 2007). Usually, men desert their wives if they find it an uphill
task to meet their economic responsibilities to their families (Fayorsey, 1995).
Desertion is increasingly becoming the cause of marital disruptions and
especially a preferred option to divorce among the poor because they do not want
to lose property or pay alimony (Cvrcek, 2011).
Some women also consciously choose to become single parents (Bock, 2000).
These are often women who are in the main middle class, well educated,
employed and mature enough to take on the responsibilities of motherhood
(Bock, 2000; Mannis, 1999). They become mothers through adoption, artificial
insemination and through intercourse with a willing or unsuspecting male
partner (Hertz, 2006).
STRENGTHS, CHALLENGES AND COPING MECHANISMS OF
SINGLE FEMALE PARENTS
A limited number of studies highlight the strengths of single mother families.
These studies reveal that single mothers exhibit self dependence, personal
growth, optimism, determination, confidence and strong networking skills as a
result of their status (Ford-Gilboe, 2000, Morrison, 1995; Anderson, 1994; Sharma,
1993). Furthermore, the relationship between single mothers and their children
has been found to be very close, cordial, friendly, honest, and devoid of conflict
(Arditti, 1999; Richards and Schmiege, 1993
)
, while their children have also been
131
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
found to exhibit high self-esteem, lower levels of anxiety, depression, hostility
and problematic alcohol use than their counterparts from traditional families
(Golombok and Badger, 2010). The strengths of single female parent families
revealed by these studies are in direct contrast to the pathologized view of single
female parent families in the literature.
Yet, a plethora of studies on single female parenthood show that these
families experience numerous challenges. These studies suggest that they
experience various types of economic disadvantage including low employable
skills (Evans, 2007), poverty and economic hardships (Barnes and Millar, 2008;
Correll, Benard, and Paik, 2007; Pulkingham, 2006), income instability
(Morrissette and Ostrovsky, 2006) and food insecurity (McIntyre, 2004). The
economic challenges of lone mothers have been found to contribute to deepening
income inequality (McLanahan, 2004).
Apart from their economic challenges, lone female parents also experience
role strain as child care givers, homemakers and breadwinners (Voss, Josephson,
Stark, Vaez, Alexanderson, Alfredsson and Vingard, 2008; Oware-Gyekye,
Arthur and Dankwa, 1996). The cumulative effect of these challenges contributes
to health problems (Burstrom, Whitehead, Clayton, Fritzell ,Vannoni and Costa,
2010). Thus, single female parents have been found to face various health
problems such as depression and other mental disorders (Zeiders, Roosa and
Tein, 2011; Barret and Turner, 2006; Gould, 2006). The economic challenges of lone
mothers also lead to the problems that have been found to be associated with their
children (Brandon and Fisher, 2001) such as child morbidity (Lipman, Michael,
Boyle, Dooley and Offord, 2002). However, studies that examine differences in
academic achievement among single mother families and two-parent families
show mixed results. Some studies show that the academic attainments of children
from single mother families are approximately the same as those from two-
biological-parent families (Biblarz and Gottainer, 2000), whereas others
demonstrate that they are substantially lower than those of children from two-
parent families (Zeiders et al, 2011).
Lone female parents provide for their children by earning income through
employment (Esping-Andersen, 2002). For instance, in the United Kingdom, the
need for lone female parents to take care of their households has generated an
increase in their participation in the labour force in the face of reduced state
support (Gregg, Harkness and McMillan, 2006). In addition to their reliance on
personal income, single female parents also receive assistance from extended
family members in the form of childcare, housing and financial aid (Burstrom et
al, 2011; Millar and Gardiner, 2004; Lokshin, Harris and Popkin, 2000; Oware-
Gyekye, Arthur and Dankwa, 1996). Single female parents further cope with their
responsibilities with the support of their children who take on additional
household responsibilities and tolerate difficult circumstances (Millar, 2008).
Single female parents also cope as parents by receiving state assistance by way of
financial aid, educational grants for their children, housing and tax relief,
especially in the advanced countries of the West (González-González, Bretones,
Navarro-Galera and Sanchez-Fernandez, 2011; Irvin, 2010).
132
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
Though lone female parents cope as parents through earning an income and
relying on social support, they still find it difficult to satisfy their everyday
expenses (Evans, 2007; Walker, 2000) and also experience social isolation
(Cairney, Boyle, Offord and Racine, 2003; Wallerstein and Kelly 1980). Thus, this
study examines the various social and economic strategies such women adopt
for their everyday survival and that of their households in Accra, especially in
the absence of any form of state support.
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: HOUSEHOLD COPING
The coping strategies of single mothers are viewed within the conceptual
framework of household coping (Adams, Cekan and Sauerborn, 1998). Coping is
any strategy aimed at managing stressful events or circumstances (Lazarus and
Folkman, 1984). According to the framework, catalysts such as the death of a
husband or separation or divorce create stressful conditions for households,
especially in terms of loss of income for the household. Households try to
weather these crises by engaging in income generating activities and investing in
exchange relationships. The framework further explains that the ability of
households to cope is contingent on exogenous and endogenous factors. The
exogenous factors are macro-economic forces such as inflation, taxation, local
culture, institutions and networks, while the endogenous factors constitute
characteristics of households such as size and access to education, income, social
claims and transfers by means of kinship and membership to community
organizations. Similarly, as already mentioned, the death of a husband,
separation or divorce, the desertion of a husband and the unplanned pregnancy
of an unwed mother result in single mother families, a situation which is
especially stressful in the initial stages, often due to financial challenges (Sharma,
1993). The coping strategies of single mothers are mediated by exogenous and
endogenous factors. Exogenous factors such as job availability, child care
benefits, free education and free school feeding programmes enable single
mothers to provide the needs of their household members (Gonzalez et al, 2011;
Kanji, 2011, Ampratwum and Armah-attoh, 2010; Witter and Garshong
,
2009;
Fortuijn and Ostendorf, 2004; Phipps, 1999), while endogenous factors such as
single mothers' access to assets, education, income, kinship and friendship
networks enable them to cope with their role as single mothers (Ochien, 2011;
Taylor, 2011; Heard, 2007; Zhan and Sherraden, 2003). Through the systematic
assessment of exogenous and endogenous factors, the framework offers a
conceptual guide to examine the coping strategies of single mothers. Thus, in this
study, the presence of these exogenous and endogenous variables may
determine to a large extent the coping strategies (Aldwin, 2007) of single mothers
such as earning an income, combining resources with other household members
and, relying on friends and kin among others to maintain their households.
133
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
METHODOLOGY
Study Area
Accra was selected for this study because as an urban area it offers a blend of
people from different backgrounds in terms of education, occupation, ethnicity
and cultural backgrounds due to in-migration. To ensure an unbiased
representation of respondents of different backgrounds, it was imperative that
the study be undertaken in a rapidly growing urban area like Accra. The specific
areas of study selected in the Accra Metropolitan Area were Maamobi, New
Dansoman and Roman Ridge. These areas were chosen for this study because
they represent low, middle and high-income areas of Accra respectively. The
rationale for choosing these three survey areas is not to make a comparative
analysis of the areas but rather to ensure the representation of people of different
socio-economic backgrounds in the study
Data Collection
The data for this study was collected between February and May, 2002. A mixed
methods approach to data collection was employed: a survey was carried out
involving 270 single female parents while an in-depth interview was conducted
with 30 of these parents. The main tool in the collection of the quantitative data
was the use of questionnaires. A self-administered questionnaire was adopted
where the literacy and educational level of the respondents was judged to be
relatively high and the respondent could complete the questionnaire herself
without help from any person other than the researcher. A personal interview
questionnaire was adopted where a respondent's formal literacy and educational
level was relatively low and he/she could not read or write. Questions on the
questionnaire were translated into the vernacular and put to the respondents and
answers given were also translated into English on the questionnaire. The
questionnaire was structured to cover the main themes of the research which
included the socio-economic factors responsible for single female parenthood,
maintenance of children, and other coping strategies.
The in-depth interview took the form of a personal face-to-face structured
interview. A tape recorder was used to record the interview based on the consent
of the interviewees. The names of interviewees indicated in this study are
pseudonyms and not the actual names of the women as they were told that their
actual names would not be used in the study. The qualitative data gathered
provided detailed information that enhanced the explanation of the quantitative
data.
Sampling
The purposive and snowball sampling techniques were used to contact
respondents as the phenomenon of single female parenthood is not distributed
randomly in the population of Accra. Thus, a house-to-house enquiry of single
female parents was done in the selected study areas. The respondents who were
identified in the early stages were each asked to nominate others for the study.
134
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
These nominees were added to the number of respondents for the study and
were in turn asked for further nominations. Through this procedure, 270
respondents were contacted: 148, 92 and 30 respectively from Maamobi, New
Dansoman and Roman Ridge. The explanation for having comparatively more
respondents from Maamobi than in New Dansoman and Roman Ridge is that the
people in Maamobi exhibited relatively closer social ties and thus willingly
suggested others for the study.
For the in-depth interview, 30 women were also purposively selected. They
were chosen based on age, the duration of single parenthood, and vulnerability
to hardships so as to represent the various groupings that were identified during
the survey. Another significant factor that influenced the selection of
respondents for the in-depth interview was their willingness to participate in it
due to the extensive nature of the discussions. The lengthy discussions also
determined the selection of few respondents (30) for the in-depth interview so as
to cut down on time and cost.
DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF SINGLE FEMALE PARENTS IN THE
STUDY
A demographic profile of respondents is given in Table 1. They were between the
ages of 16-51 years and beyond, with most of them (20.7%) aged 51 years and
above. Respondents were from diverse ethnic origins and more than half (56%)
are Akans, Ewes and Ga-Adangmes made up 25% and 12% of respondents
respectively. The religious group that has the largest proportion of following
among respondents is the Pentecostal
/
Charismatic denomination which takes
up 37%, followed by Catholics (31%), Protestants (21%), Muslims (5%) and
others (6%) which include traditional religion and, Hinduism. Most of the
respondents (25.6%) have a Middle
/
Junior Secondary level education, 5% have
university education, while 12.5 % have no education. Most of the respondents
(47%) had fewer children of up to two as compared to only 4.8% of them who had
seven children and more.
ROUTES INTO SINGLE FEMALE PARENTHOOD AND COPING
MECHANISMS OF SINGLE FEMALE PARENTS
Socio-economic factors that account for single female parenthood
The status of single parenthood among respondents (44.2%) mostly resulted
from divorce due to the infidelity husbands. As observed in Table 2 below, 30.6 %
o f re s po nde nts i ndi c ate d wi do who o d, 2 3 . 4 % i ndi c ate d ne ve r
married/childbearing out-side marriage while only 1.8% indicated desertion as
a factor.
135
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
Ghana Social Science Journal, Volume 8, Numbers 1&2, 2011, pp.128-149
TABLE 1: Demographic Profile of Respondents
Demographic Characteristic No %
135
Age
16 – 20
14
5.2
21 – 25
22
7.8
26 – 30
26
9.6
31 – 35
30
11.1
36 – 40
31
11.9
41 – 45
44
16.3
46 – 50
46
17.4
51 years and above
57
20.7
Total
Ethnicity
270
100
Ga Adabgme
32
12
Akans
151
56
Ewes
68
25
Mole-Dagbani
11
4
Guan
4
1.5
Grusi
3
1
Other
1
0.5
Total
270
100
Religion
Pentecostal/Charismatic
100
37
Catholic
84
31
Protestants
57
21
Islam
13
5
Other
16
6
Total
Educational Attainment
270
100
None
35
13
Primary
30
11
Middle/JSS
69
25.6
Secondary/SSS
62
23
Vocational/Commercial
36
13.4
Polytechnic/Nursing
24
9
University
14
5
Total
270
100
136
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
Table 1 (cont'd)
Demographic Characteristic
No
%
Number of Children
1 – 2
127
47
3 – 4
90
33.4
5 – 6
40
14.8
7 and above
13
4.8
Total
270
100
TABLE 2: Responses on Factors that account for Single Parenthood
and Reasons Given by Respondents
Reasons
Factors Responsible for Single Parenthood
Widowhood Divorce Never Married Desertion
Total
Given
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
Death of Spouse
81
100
-
-
-
-
-
-
81
30.6
Infidelity
-
-
88
75.2
-
-
3
60
91
34.3
Wife Battery
-
-
11
9.4
-
-
-
-
11
4.2
Wilful Neglect
of Maintenance
-
-
12
10.3
-
-
1
20
13
4.9
by ex-
husband
Children’s fa ther
not fi
nancially
-
-
-
-
60
96.8
-
-
60
22.6
ready for
marriage
Other
-
-
6
5.1
2
3.2
1
20
9
3.4
Total
81
30.6
117
44.2
62
23.4
5
1.8
265
100
In the study as observed from Table 2 above, 75.2% of respondents who indicated
divorce as a factor responsible for their status cited infidelity on the part of their
husbands as having led to their divorce. This is captured in the words of one
divorced respondent in an in-depth interview who remarked:
My husband and I used to have a good and understanding marriage
until I found out he was cheating on me. Despite repeated demands
that he should stop, he did not. The emotional pain was so much for me
such that I could not bring myself to continue with the marriage (Rita,
Roman Ridge, 2
nd
March, 2002).
137
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
It is significant to note that from Table 2 above, 10.3% and 20% of divorced and
deserted respondents respectively indicated wilful neglect on the part of their ex-
husbands to maintain them as a reason for their divorce. The implication for
these women in the study is that they may not receive any form of assistance from
their ex-husbands in the maintenance of their children since according to the
women prior to their divorce their ex-husbands had neglected to provide their
needs and those of their children.
It is further significant to note from Table 2 above that 9.4% of respondents
attributed their divorce to wife battery. In an in-depth interview with one
respondent she declared that:
My husband drinks very heavily at times and does not give me “chop
money”. When I protest he subjects me to severe beatings. In one
instance he kicked me in the stomach and I fell unconscious. After that
incident my family dissolved the marriage (Abena, Mamobi, 9
th
March,
2002).
Yet another factor responsible for single female parenthood is childbearing out-
side of marriage. These never-married yet single mothers constitute 23.4% (62) of
respondents in the study. According to them, the reason for their status as single
parents is that their children's fathers told them they were not financially well
placed to deal with the responsibilities associated with marriage and therefore
they could not marry them. Thus, the major factor that accounts for the status of
single parenthood among respondents is divorce which the women attributed to
the infidelity of men in marital unions.
The Economic means through which single female parents support their households
The majority of respondents (68.9%) indicated that they were employed in the
informal sector while 19.3% indicated that they were employed in the formal
sector. Of those employed in the informal sector, the majority (66.7%) were
traders. Also, 11.8% of the women said they were unemployed. Most of the
women (53%) earned low incomes of between GH¢1 and GH¢40, with very few
(10%) earning high incomes of between GH¢ 80 and above as at the time of this
study. The low incomes of respondents mean that there must of necessity be
other means of economic support which are crucial for their survival. On a
brighter note, however, many of the respondents indicated in the in-depth
interview that they found it relatively easy within the informal sector to care for
their children and perform domestic chores. In the words of one respondent in an
in-depth interview:
My income is not enough for my three children and me as a trader but
my job allows me ample time to do my household chores before going
to work at around 9 am and also to pick up my children from school in
the afternoon. I do not think I could have done this if I was working in
an office (Akwele, Mamobi, 23
rd
April, 2002).
138
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
Very few unemployed single female parents said that they are compelled to rely
on their boyfriends as their major source of income in order to cater for their
children. This is captured in an interview with one respondent who indicated:
I am unemployed and I have three children to cater for. I am not proud
to say it but I have a boyfriend who gives me money that enables me to
put food on the table (Afua, New Dansoman, 6
th
April, 2002).
Provision of children's needs and sources of social support
Single parents in the study shoulder the bulk of responsibility in the maintenance
of their children. Most of the women provided the nutritional, clothing and
health needs of their children, though with regard to the payment of school fees
their child/children's fathers (75.9%) bore the bulk, as observed in Table 3 below.
TABLE 3: Responses on Who Provides Children's Needs
Responses of Respondents
Childre n’s
Children’s afther
Total
needs
No.
Self
%
No.
%
Family
No.
%
In-laws
No. %
Friends
No. %
No.
%
Food
258
92.8
6
2.2
14
5
- -
- -
278
100
Clothing
258
91.8
9
3.2
13
4.6
1 0.4
- -
281
100
Education
(School fees)
41
19.3
161
75.9
7
3.3
1 0.4
2 0.9
212
100
Health
215
79.9
20
7.4
27
10
3 1.1
4 1.5
269
100
It is important to note from the above table that respondents also received
assistance, though not significant, from kin, in-laws and friends in children's
maintenance.
In addition to bearing the bulk of responsibilities for children's needs, single
female parents bear most of the responsibility for the payment of household rent
and utilities. This is shown in respondents' responses on who pays the
household's rent and utilities in Table 4 below.
139
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
TABLE 4: Responses on Who Pays Household Rent and Utilities
Household
Responses of respondents
Self Children’s father Family Shared Total
Needs
Pa
yment
No.
%
No.
%
No
%
No.
%
No.
%
96
73.3
2
1.5
13
9.9
20
15.3
131
100
Rent
Electricity
146
56.2
8
3.1
50
19.2
56
21.5
260
100
Water
164
63.3
8
3.1
51
19.7
36
13.9
259
100
An interesting observation from the table above is the adoption of a strategy of
shared payment or cost sharing with other adults in the household, which
recorded 15.3%, 21.5% and 13.9% respectively in settling payments on rent,
electricity and water by respondents. This strategy to cope with these payments
is captured in the words of one respondent who declared that:
You know, I am burdened with providing my children's needs and to
pay for rent, electricity and water all by myself will be too much for me
to bear. So I insist that I share the payment with my younger sister and
brother, who live with me in the house (Mabel, New Dansoman, 31
st
March, 2002).
Kin assisted respondents more with the payment of rent and utilities when
compared to the earlier analysis of the provision of children's needs. According
to most respondents in the in-depth interview this is because their family
members considered the provision of their children's needs as more of an
individual responsibility on the part of respondents.
An interesting observation from Tables 3 and 4 above show that children's
fathers do not seem to contribute much generally to the up-keep of respondent's
children. A further probe into the issue indicated that most respondents (59.4%)
did not receive any form of support from their children's fathers whereas 40.6%
indicated otherwise. Of the respondents who received assistance from children's
fathers, a more probing revealed that the majority (55.1%) received occasional
assistance whereas 39.1% and 5.8% obtained assistance on a regular and a very
regular basis respectively. On the issue of how sufficient the assistance received
was, the majority of respondents (77.6%) indicated that it was not sufficient, 3%
said it was manageable while 19.4% said it was sufficient.
A further analysis of the provision of children's educational and health
needs as well as the payment of rent and utilities revealed that the occupational
income of respondents tends to influence how they cope with these
responsibilities. To a large extent, where respondents earn a higher income they
140
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
tend to rely more on themselves for the provision of children's needs and the
payment of rent and utilities than on others. This is depicted in Tables 5, 6 and 7
below.
TABLE 5: Income and Who Provides Children's Educational Needs
Who Provides Children’s Educational Needs
Total
Income
Self
No
%
Father
No
%
Family
No
%
In-laws
No
%
No
%
Low (GH¢1 - 40) 13
13
85
85
1
1
1
1
100
100
Middle (GH 18
22.3
62
76.5
1
12
-
-
81
100
¢41-80)
High (GH¢81 & 9 56.2 7 43.8 - - - - 16 100
above)
In Table 5 above, 56.2 % of high income parents tend to be more self reliant in the
provision of children's educational needs as compared to 13% of low income
parents. On the other hand, the majority of low income parents (85%) tend to
cope with the provision of children's educational needs by relying on their
children's fathers for support as compared to high income parents (43.8%)
TABLE 6: Income and Who Provides Children's Health Needs
Income Who Provides Children’s Health Needs Total
Self father Family In-laws Friends
¢41-80)
In Table 6, it is similarly observed that 95.5% of high income parents are more
self-reliant in the provision of children's health needs than low income parents
(84.6%). It is also significant to note that low income parents mostly cope with the
provision of children's health needs by relying on the support of children's
fathers and family members than respondents who earn high incomes..
No %
No
%
No
%
No
%
No
%
No
%
Low
(GH
¢-140) 99 84
10
8.5
6
5.1
1
0.9
1
0.9
117
100
Middle (GH 83 95.4
1
1.1
2
2.3
-
-
1
1.1
87
100
High (GH¢81 &
above)
21 95.5
-
-
-
-
1
4.5
-
-
22
100
141
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
In the payment of rent, high income parents (88.9%) are more self reliant than
low income parents (51.5%). Low income parents (30.3%), on the other hand,
mostly manage with the payment of rent through a strategy of shared payment.
TABLE 7: Income and Who Pays Rent and Utilities
Who Pays Rent
Total
Income
Self Father Family Share payment
40)
& above)
Who Pays Electricity Bills
Self Father Family Share Payment Total
No
%
No
%
No
%
No
%
No
%
Low (GH¢1-
34
29.8
8
7
19
16.7
53
46.5
114
100
40)
Middle (GH
80
95.2
-
-
4
4.8
-
-
84
100
¢41-80)
High (GH¢81
21
100
-
-
-
-
-
-
21
100
& above)
Self Father Family Share Payment Total
No
%
No
%
No
%
No
%
No
%
Low (GH¢1-
40)
53
46.6
8
7
19
16.7
34
29.8
114
100
Middle (GH
¢41-80)
78
94
-
-
5
6
-
-
83
100
High (GH¢81
21
100
-
-
-
-
-
-
21
100
& above)
Similarly, in the payment of utilities, all high income parents (100%) are more
self reliant than low income parents (29.8%). Low income parents (46.5%), on the
contrary, manage with the payment of utilities through a strategy of shared
payment. Also, a few low income parents (16.7%) tend to rely more on family
members to effect this payment.
No
%
No
%
No
%
No
%
No
%
Low (GH¢1 -
34
51.5
1
1.5
11
16.7
20
30.3
66
100
Middle (GH
¢41-80)
43
97.7
-
-
1
2.3
-
-
44
100
High (GH¢81
8
88.9
-
-
1
11.1
-
-
9
100
142
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
Child fostering as a coping strategy
Some single female parents (41.4%) did not live with some of their children. Of
the respondents who did not live with some of their children, 41.3% did not live
with as many as three children. Further, 22%, 33% and 2.7% of respondents did
not live with one, two and four children respectively. These children lived with
relatives (33.3%), fathers (17.6%), in-laws (12.3%) and friends (3.6%) while the
rest (33.3%) lived on their own. The implication of some children not living with
respondents is that respondents will at least be absolved of the responsibility of
providing the day to day needs of their children. In the words of one respondent
in an in-depth interview:
I sent two of my children to my mother in Kumasi. In Accra the cost of living is
so high. Though I remit some money to them occasionally for their up-keep, it
has to a large extent relieved me of some of my burdens, since I now have two
children living with me (Akua, Mamobi, 27
th
April, 2002).
Some respondents also intimated in the in-depth interview that they had sent
some of their children to live with others so that they would be well disciplined.
This is captured by one respondent who remarked:
I have sent my son to live with my strict uncle so that he will be well
disciplined. I think because I am a female he does not seem to take my
instructions seriously (Esi, New Dansoman, 4
th
May, 2002).
Another respondent similarly indicated in the interview that:
My oldest son, who is sixteen years old, started misbehaving, so my elder
brother came to take him away to discipline him (Ayesha, Mamobi, 13
th
April,
2002).
Thus, having some of their children, living with others or living elsewhere is also
a means by which respondents may cope as single parents.
Residential Arrangements
Single female parents (40.8%) mostly live in a kin's house while others live in a
rented house (37%), their own house (10%), an employer's house (9%) and their
in-laws' house (5%). This suggests that kin assist respondents generally with
accommodation. Some respondents further revealed in the in-depth interview
that because they were living in their kin's house they were absolved of the
payment of rent and even where they were required to pay rent it was relatively
less expensive. This is shown in the words of respondents in the in-depth
interview. One respondent intimated that:
My brother has two houses in Accra. He has given me one of them to live in
with my children and therefore I do not pay rent (Awura Ama, 20
th
April, 2002).
143
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
Another respondent declared that:
I live in my auntie's house which has been rented out. However, because it is my
auntie's house, the rent I pay is relatively less expensive when compared to the
rent the other tenants pay (Ayele, 28
th
April, 2002).
The above statements by respondents thus further echo the support respondents
receive from kin as regards accommodation which is noted to be a problem
especially in Accra.
Household Activities and Assistance Received
Single female parents besides engaging in economic activities to provide the
needs of their children also bear other responsibilities in the household to ensure
the welfare of their dependants. Some of these responsibilities include cleaning
(88.1%), washing (81.9%), shopping (90%), cooking (92.2%) and infant care
(38.5%). Respondents are in the main assisted with these activities by kin (75%),
house helps (12%) and older children (11%). Most respondents who relied on the
assistance of house helps further revealed in the in-depth interview that due to
their busy work schedule, it became necessary for them to secure the services of
house helps in order to cope with household tasks. In the words of one
respondent:
I leave home very early in the morning to the market and I return in the
evening. So I have employed the services of a house help whom I pay
monthly to cook for my three children as well as to tidy the house (Naa
Ode, 5
th
May, 2002).
Challenges experienced by single female parents
The major challenge that single female parents (60.3%) cited was being over
burdened with too many responsibilities. Others (14.3%) indicated the challenge
of finance while 13.2% and 12.1% of respondents indicated loneliness and child-
upbringing respectively as their major challenges. The negative consequence of
role overload is a probable strain on the physical and mental health of the
women, which can jeopardize their ability to properly provide care for their
children and the household (Sharma, 1993).
CONCLUSION: SELF RELIANCE OF SINGLE FEMALE
PARENTS
This study employed a mixed methods approach to find out the factors that
account for single female parenthood and the social and economic strategies lone
mothers employ in providing the needs of their households. The results of the
study indicate that divorce due to the infidelity of men (husbands) is the main
factor that accounts for single female parenthood. Although most single
144
The Coping Strategies of Single Female Parents in Accra
female parents earn low incomes, this leaves them to shoulder the bulk of
responsibility in the maintenance of children and the household. Single female
parents who earn relatively higher income cope with children and household
maintenance by relying mostly on themselves whereas those who earn relatively
lower incomes cope by relying additionally on relations and friends, among
others, as well as by adopting a strategy of shared payment. The fathers of
children of single female parents mostly do not assist the women in the
maintenance of children, and where they do, they do not provide enough to meet
the needs of the women and their children. On the other hand, kin support the
women with housing, household chores, food and clothing, among others,
which was considered as sufficient by the women. The major challenge that the
women face as single female parents is the overload of responsibilities. Finally, in
view of most of the women bearing the bulk of responsibility in the maintenance
of children and the household, it is the position of this study that single female
parents are to a large extent self reliant in coping with their responsibilities as
single parents.
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