Human Security, Political Parties and Democratic Sustainability in Nigeria"s Fourth Republic

Abstract

This paper examines the concepts of human security, political parties and democratic sustainability in Nigeria"s fourth republic. In doing this the nexus between human security, which is a departure from the state centric notion of security (survival of the state), to human centric security (survival and welfare of the people), was interrogated. The paramount place of the political parties were x-rayed, detailing most of the functions that are expected of political parties as critical institutions of democratic governance. The paper recommends that programmes and policies of political parties are to revolve around human security, since the welfare and development of the people is very key to the survival of any democratic experiment.

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International Digital Organization for Scientific Research ISSN: 2579-0781
IDOSR JOURNAL OF EXPERIMENTAL SCIENCES 2(2):12-44, 2017.
Human Security, Political Parties and Democratic Sustainability in Nigeria‟s Fourth
Republic
1Aduku Akubo A. and 2Yakubu Umoru Adejo
1Centre for Inter-African and Human Development Studies (CIDES) Jos, Plateau State,
Nigeria.
2School of General Studies Federal Polytechnic, Kaura Namoda. Zamfara State, Nigeria.
ABSTRACT
This paper examines the concepts of human security, political parties and democratic
sustainability in Nigeria‟s fourth republic. In doing this the nexus between human
security, which is a departure from the state centric notion of security (survival of the
state), to human centric security (survival and welfare of the people), was interrogated. The
paramount place of the political parties were x-rayed, detailing most of the functions
that are expected of political parties as critical institutions of democratic governance.
The paper recommends that programmes and policies of political parties are to revolve
around human security, since the welfare and development of the people is very key to the
survival of any democratic experiment.
Keywords: Human security, political parties, democracy and Nigeria.
INTRODUCTION
A society without security threat is a dead society since security crisis is a reality
of human existence and therefore a means of understanding social behaviour (Egbefo
and Salihu, 2014: 177)[1]. Since the end of the Cold War, security studies have
broadened to take into account a wide range of non-military threats ranging from
poverty to environmental concerns rather than just national defence. Security scholars,
backed by international organizations and a growing number of national governments, have
developed the concept of „human security‟, focusing on the welfare of ordinary people
against a broad range of threats[2].
The issues of human security and peace are indispensable in the life of every
nation. For far too long, in many parts of the world, especially in our continent (Africa),
governments had placed much emphasis on the security of the state, and our very
scarce resources were committed to military and regime security, at the expense of
human security (Jonathan, 2014)[3]. National security (of which human security is a
component) is the podium of democracy and if democracy loses security imperatives, it
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has lost its core essence (Audu, ND). National security Attah (2006:14 cited in Audu, ND)
observed will be endangered when the economy slumps, when the citizens can no
longer maintain their accustomed standard of living, when employment opportunities are
no longer available, and when the country is corrupt. The concept of national security
must be expanded to include protection against all major threats to human survival and
well-being, including threats posed by severe environmental degradation and massive
human suffering. The change from national security to human security can be seen as
security in an “extended” sense[4].
In May 1999 Nigeria‟s return to civil rule was accompanied with fresh hopes and
latent optimism. This optimism is predicated on the fact that democracy would
guarantee freedom, liberty, and equity and enhances security of lives and property,
which would indeed reposition development trajectories to sustainability. Regrettably
this optimism seems to be a mirage. Nigeria is presently rated as one of the poorest
Nations in the world with debilitating youth‟s unemployment. Majority of the
population seem to lack access to pipe borne water, health care facilities, electricity and
affordable quality education (Nwanegbo and Odigbo, 2013)[5]. Nigeria‟s democracy
(even though it is evolving) remains nascent and its unity challenged by intractable
threats to lives and property (Fayeye, 2012: 190)[6]. Nigeria had continued to struggle with
the delivery of democratic governance and democracy dividend - social welfare, justice,
equity, and equal access to resources and power. Often times, it seem as if the transition
from military to civilian rule has been simply cosmetic due to the not too impressive
scorecard of civil governance thus prompting scholars to aver that Nigeria is yet to attain the
status of a democracy[7].
Political parties play very critical roles in democratization of any nation. Central
to the successes and failures of electoral politics is the cardinal and strategic functions
of this all important and an integral organ of democratization which is core to its
development. The dawn of the Nigerian fourth republic which has witnessed renewed
and sustained activities of political parties which is the most complex and critical
institutions of democracy but undoubtedly has either shapened or stagnated the
sustenance, deepening and consolidation of democracy (Akubo and Yakubu, 2014:
79)[8]. A review of Nigeria‟s experience with party democracy since 1999 when the
military handed over power shows that the electoral system is riddled with defects
while political parties are a parody of themselves. The cumulative effect is a democratic
system that leaves a lot to be desired (Tyoden, 2013: 1)[9]. A return to democratic rule
after several years under the yoke of military (mis)rule which was marked by much
suffering, infrastructure decay, and institutionalized corruption. The hope of the
common man for a just and an egalitarian society became rekindled with the institution
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of a democratic government. Nigerians greeted the return to democratic rule with
widespread jubilation and optimism as they looked forward to a new era of stability,
peace, and prosperity. However, seventeen (17) years after, Nigerians are still anxious to see
and enjoy “democracy dividends” - social welfare, justice, equity, and equal access to
resources and power (Olu-Adeyemi, 2013: 167)[7]. If the truth will be told, our
experience with democracy has been unenviable to say the least[9].
In this democratic dispensation, the issue of security has remained topical and
indeed constituted a serious course for concern not only to the private but also to
public individuals in the country. Succinctly put, the security question has, in recent
times, emerged as a key concept in Nigeria‟s struggle for good governance, sustainable
democracy and development (Nkwede, 2011)[10]. Despite successive attempts by
Nigerian government to address the cankerworm through public policy alternatives such as
regional and state mechanisms, federal character principle, inter alia, the security
problem still remains a thorny issue in the country and has taken a staggering
dimension (Nwekede, 2013)[10]. Our development must be people-centred,
peopledriven and anchored on human security[3].
Nwekede (2013)[10] amplifying Claude Adejumobi and Kehinde (2007)[11] views
said he identified four characters of the Nigerian state that have disabled it from
effective response to the security issues. These are the coercive nature of the state
because it has been an exploitative state. Secondly, the Nigerian state is quite
indifferent to social welfare, thirdly, the state has an image of a hostile coercive force,
as a result of its colonial origin as exacerbated by its post-colonial abuses; and fourthly,
it lack of autonomy. Consequent upon the above, the state was not seen as a protector
of public interest and as such deserves no respect and loyalty. Apart from th e above
reasons, it can safely be argued that the efforts to build a virile democracy in a
heterogeneous culture with fear of political domination and perceived insecurity, social
injustice and absolute neglect to the principles of rule of law have resulted to several
unrests, frustrations, deep seated hatred, insinuations and killings which indeed
culminated to the current security challenges Nwekede (2013)[10]. We recognize human
security as encompassing firm guarantees for human rights and good governance, that
translate into expanded opportunities for economic security, food security, health and
education security, environmental security, and personal and community security. A
firm commitment to human security holds the promise of an end to persistent conflicts,
insecurity, poverty, disease, terrorism and other scourges that undermine the
attainment of our dreams (Jonathan, 2014)[3]. Hence, the focus of this work is on
Human Security, Political Parties and democratic sustainability in the present political
dispensation (The Fourth Republic). To this we turn for a critical analysis.
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CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATION
HUMAN SECURITY
Human security is the latest in a long line of neologisms-including common
security, global security, cooperative security, and comprehensive security- that
encourage policymakers and scholars to think about international security as something
more than the military defence of state interests and territory. Although definitions of
human security vary, most formulations emphasize the welfare of ordinary people
(Paris, 2001: 87). The idea of „human security‟ continues to stir debate among scholars in
international relations and development studies. One reason for the popularity of this
concept lies in the attempt to understand the changing functions of security forces in
recent decades, in which the international community has expanded peacekeeping
operations following both intrastate and civil wars[2].
The concept of security has for too long been interpreted narrowly: as security of
territory from external aggression, or as protection of national interests in foreign
policy or as global security from the threat of nuclear holocaust. . . . Forgotten were the
legitimate concerns of ordinary people who sought security in their daily lives (UNDP
1994: 22)[12]. The original notion of human security emphasized that a distinctive
aspect of the concept was that it was „people-centric‟ rather than state-centric (Inglehart
and Norris, 2012: 76)[2]. Interventions have broadened in scope well beyond the
provision of blue-helmet security to cover challenges of overcoming human suffering,
economic destruction, social reconstruction and securing agreement for new
constitutional settlements. The expansion has been fuelled by widespread concern that
societies deeply divided by conflict and violence, where longstanding autocracies have
collapsed, are breeding grounds for terrorism, organized crime, weapons proliferation,
humanitarian emergencies, environmental degradation, genocide and political
extremism[13].
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Human security views the security of individual human beings to warrant higher
priority than the security of states. It is guided by the four freedoms formulated by
Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1944 when he was President of the United States: freedom of
expression, freedom of religion, freedom from want and freedom from fear. The
governments of all states have assumed responsibility for the security of human beings - in
their own state and globally - since they signed the UN Charter and conventions on human
rights (Anonymous).
According to Ogata (1998)[14] (former) United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees he affirms that:
“Several key elements make up human security. A first essential element is
the possibility for all citizens to live in peace and security within their own
borders. This implies the capacity of states and citizens to prevent and
resolve conflicts through peaceful and nonviolent means and, after the
conflict is over, the ability to effectively carry out reconciliation efforts. A
second element is that people should enjoy without discrimination all rights
and obligations - including human, political, social, economic and cultural
rights - that belonging to a State implies. A third element is social inclusion
- or having equal access to the political, social and economic policy making
processes, as well as to draw equal benefits from them. A fourth element is
that of the establishment of rule of law and the independence of the justice
system. Each individual in a society should have the same rights and
obligations and be subject to the same set of rules. These basic elements
which are predicated on the equality of all before the law, effectively
remove any risk of arbitrariness which so often manifests itself in
discrimination, abuse or oppression.”
Fayeye (2012: 190) citing Akintunde, (1967) and Ademola, Azeez
(2011)[6],[15],[16] argued that: Broadly, security is seen as freedom from danger
or threats to a nation‟s ability to protect or defend itself, promote its cherished
values and legitimate interest and enhance the well-being of its people
(Akintunde, 1969)[15]. However, Ademola, Azeez (2011)[16] shows that in
modernising society, security means development. It is not military force,
though it may involve it. Security is not traditional military activities, though it
may encompass it, neither is it military hardware, though it may include it.
Security is development and without development, there can be no security. This
perspective emphasises human security. It implies the maturation of the
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structures and processes that can engender and guarantee political space and
sufficient conditions for the realisation of personal, group and/or national
aspirations [6].
Human security is a movement away from traditional and state-centric
definition. It encompasses the personal and communal state of being secured from a
wide range of critical and pervasive threats, including but not limited to all forms of
violence, injustice and violation of human rights[6].[17].
Espiell (cited in IDEA, 2006)[18] likewise explicitly draws connections between the idea of
security as a human right and democracy.
He underscores the importance of reasserting what he calls „the absolutely
essential relationship between human rights, democracy and the rule of
law
‟
. Human rights, he affirms, can have no real existence without
democracy, and there is no democracy without human rights. The present
concept of the rule of law, a law-based state, implies not only a state where
there is law, but a state that acknowledges the existence of human rights
and is limited by all the consequences of accepting democracy. That very
clear and very precise view of security as a human right and the basis of
democracy, he recalls, is forgotten in antidemocratic and totalitarian
regimes, where the notion of security of person ceases to exist and concepts
of „national security
‟
become synonymous with the security of the state
against individuals, viz. not a human right, but a right of the state, and a
non-democratic state
Annan (1998)[19] posits that security means far more than absence of conflict
but that lasting peace requires a broader vision encompassing areas such as education,
health, democracy and human rights, protection against environmental degradation and
proliferation of deadly weapons. Annan (1998)[19] noted that there is no security amidst
starvation, peace building without poverty alleviation and no true freedom built on the
foundation of injustice. These pillars that form the concept of human security are said
to be interrelated and naturally reinforcing. The former prime minister of Great Britain,
Tony Blair (ND) asserted, security requires much more than hard power and
sophisticated weapons. It also requires an appreciation for the complex ways in which
our political, economic, and social institutions help make us feel secured. More -so, an
individual who has not satisfied his or her basic needs lik e food, clothing, health care,
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housing, education and work can hardly be called secure-no matter how much weaponry the
individual may have at his disposal.
Mostly, two contending perspectives tend to provide the basis for the
conceptualization of human security. One is a neo-realist theoretical framework, which
is predicated on the primacy and centrality of state in conceptualizing security. It tends
to explain security from the standpoint of state primary responsibility. Within this
context, Buzan (1991)[20] argued that the „straitjacket‟ militaristic approach to security
that dominated the discourse during the Cold War was “simple-minded‟ and
subsequently led to the underdevelopment of the concept. For him, human security
includes political, economic, social and environmental threats including those that are
militaristic. Thus, Buzan (1991)[20] illustrated a tripartite concept analysis of security based
on international system, state level and individual level but submitted that sovereign
states should remain the most effective security provider.
The second approach is a postmodernist or pluralist view that seeks to displace
the state(s) as a major provider of security but rather places greater emphasis on non-
state actors. Advocates of this approach tend to argue that the concept of security goes
beyond a military determination of threats. According to Booth (1994)[21] states and
implicitly governments must no longer be the primary referents of security because
governments which are supposed to be the “guardians of their peoples‟ security‟ have
instead become the primary source of insecurity for the many people who live under
their sovereignty. As a result, Booth (1994)[21] further argued that human security is
ultimately more important than state security. While concurring with Both, Nwabueze
(1989:2)[22] posited that economic security of the individual is or should be of far
greater concern to the government and society than the security of the state. Human
security includes not only protection against criminality but also the peoples‟ right to
basic social services (basic education, primary health care, water and sanitation,
nutrition and reproductive health) and to preventive as well as relief and rehabilitation
measures with respect to disasters.
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“Human security, in its broadest sense, embraces far more than the absence of
violent conflict. It encompasses human rights, good governance, access to education
and health care and ensuring that each individual has opportunities and choices to fulfil
his or her potential. Freedom from want, freedom from fear, and the freedom of future
generations to inherit a healthy natural environment -- these are the interrelated
building blocks of human - and therefore national - security[19].
“Human security refers to the quality of life of the people of a society or polity.
Anything which degrades their quality of life - demographic pressures, diminished
access to or stock or resources, and so on - is a security threat. Conversely, anything
which can upgrade their quality of life - economic growth, improved access to
resources, social and political empowerment, and so on - is an enhancement of human
security (Ogata, 1999)[23]. “Human security can be said to have two main aspects. It
means, first, safety from such chronic threats as hunger, disease and repression. And
second, it means protection from sudden and hurtful disruptions in the patterns of
daily life - whether in homes, in jobs or in communities. Such threats can exist at all
levels of national income and development”[12].
UNDP (1994)[12] report proposed seven major components of human security:
economic security; food security; health security; environmental security; personal
security (safety from such things as torture, war, criminal attacks, domestic violence,
drug use, suicide and traffic accidents); community security (the survival of traditional
cultures and ethnic groups); and political security (the enjoyment of civil and political
rights, and freedom from political oppression). Human security was also envisaged in
the report as universal (applying to all people and societies), interdependent (where
diverse types of threats are linked together), preventative (where the primary concern is
to ameliorate and reduce the causes of insecurity) and people-centred (focusing upon
individuals, not just relationships among nation-states).The report also introduced the
important notion of subjective security - what makes people feel safe - referring to
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„human security as people see it‟, in contrast to objective indicators of income inequality or
armed violence[2].
Human security means in its most simple expression, all those things that men
and women anywhere in the world cherish most: enough food for the family; adequate
shelter; good health; schooling for the children; protection from violence whether
inflicted by man or by nature; and a State which does not oppress its citizens but rules
with their consent (Frechette, 1999)[24].” In policy terms, human security is an
integrated, sustainable, comprehensive security from fear, conflict, ignorance, poverty,
social and cultural deprivation, and hunger, resting upon positive and negative
freedoms (Ginkel and Newman, 2000: 79)[25]. The term human security…focuses on the
concept of security on human survival, wellbeing and freedom.” “…we conceptualize
human security as the objective - the ultimate ends - of all security concerns. In this sch
ema, other forms of security, such as military security, are not ultimate goals. Rather,
these other forms of security are simply means for achieving the ultimate objectives of
human security[26].
Jennifer et al (2000: 37)[27] sum up the concept of human security thus:
“Human security is an underlying condition for sustainable human
development. It results from the social, psychological, economic, and
political aspects of human life that in times of acute crisis or chronic
deprivation protect the survival of individuals, support individual and
group capacities to attain minimally adequate standards of living, and
promote constructive group attachment and continuity through time. Its
key measurable components can be summarized as: a sustainable sense of
home; constructive social and family networks; and an acceptance of the
past and a positive grasp of the future. It is suggested that these
components can be best measured by trends in their inverse indicators
(social dislocation, dynamic inequality, and discount rate)
For MacLean (ND) “In broad terms, human security shifts our focus from
traditional territorial security to that of the person. Human security recognizes that an
individual‟s personal protection and preservation comes not just from the safeguarding
of the state as a political unit, but also from access to individual welfare and quality of
life. But human security does not merely "envelope" matters of individual benefit (such
as education, health care, protection from crime, and the like); this is because these
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matters could be thought of as part of the objectives of sovereign states. Rather, human
security also denotes protection from the unstructured violence that often accompanies
many aspects of non-territorial security, such as violence emanating from
environmental scarcity, or mass migration. Therefore, just as traditional notions of
territorial security involve the structured violence manifest in state warfare, human
security also attends to the issue of unstructured violence. Arowolo and Aluko
(2012)[28] argue that human security is potentially open to operationalization, within
the limits of the available data, by focusing upon the most severe threshold of a range
of life-threatening risks. They offer a definition that is intended to include only
essential elements that are „important enough for human beings to fight over or to put
their lives or property at great risk‟ Arowolo and Aluko (2012)[28]. They identify five
key indicators of human security: poverty, health, education, political freedom and
democracy.
We must emphasize that human security and peace are intertwined. Peace is not
just the absence of violence or war. Peace encompasses every aspect of social
tranquillity and wellbeing. The peace we strive for is a state marked by the absence of
severe human want and avoidable fear. In our lifetime, this peace is attainabl e, in our
nations and our continent[3].
POLITICAL PARTIES
Political parties are critical institutions of democratic governance and indeed,
important pillars of democracy (Simbine, 2002, 2006 cited in Simbine 2014: 130)[29].
Political parties are key institutions in the political process of any democracy
(Muhammed- Bande, 2014: 60)[30]. They are traditionally the most significant
intermediary organization in democratic societies. Students of political parties have
commonly associated them with democracy itself (Orji, 2014: 1)[31]. They are the main
vehicles for organizing political representation, political competition, and democratic
accountability. They engage in political recruitment, structure electoral choices, link the
state and civil society, influence the executive, formulate public policy and facilitate
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coalitions (Muhammed- Bande, 2014: 60)[30]. Political parties, as “makers” of
democracy, have been so romanticized that scholars claim that neither democracies nor
democratic societies are thinkable without them (Omotola, 2009)[32]. Indeed,
democracy is unthinkable in the absence of viable political parties.
Parties are expected to participate in the political socialization of electorate,
contribute to the accumulation of political power, facilitate recruitment of political
leadership and serve as a unifying force in a divided polity (Omotola, 2010: 125)[33].
Political parties remain important, if not essential instruments for representing political
constituencies and interests, aggregating demands and preferences, recruiting and
socializing new candidates for office, organizing the electoral competition for power,
crafting policy alternatives, setting the policy maki ng agenda, forming effective
governments, and integrating groups and individuals into the democratic process
(Diamond, 1997: xxiii). Parties help aggregate citizen interests. They connect individuals
with common interests with political leadership and governments. Without parties, it is
difficult to see how individual citizen interests can come together to nominate
candidates, elect leaders and determine public policy[34].
In the view of Galadima (2014: 100)[35] he was critical and detailed in his
explanation of political parties: he maintained that:
Political parties are very essential to democracy, especially as they
are the compelling forces of any representative democracy. Political
parties perform functions which are necessary for the democratic process.
Parties mediate or arbitrate between a pluralistic society and its political
institutions of government as well as organized political campaigns in
order to mobilize voters to participate in an election. Parties also recruit
political personnel by selecting and nominating candidates who stand for
public office in an election. They aggregate a plurality of interests into a
reasonable number of political alternatives or policy options, and thus
channel conflicts between government and opposition. Parties enable
people to generate a plurality of opinions in public debate, elaborate
projects or proposals for society and governments and give the people the
opportunity to ventilate their grievances as well as convey their aspirations
and support. A political party relay on manifestoes and programmes to
present their official positions on issues of importance and identify those
issues they acknowledge as salient. The goal of a political party is to win
election.
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DEMOCRATIC SUSTAINABILITY
Originally, the concept of democratic consolidation or put differently democratic
sustainability (these two concepts are intertwined and sometimes used interchangeably
and will equally be used in this work to mean the same thing) was to mean an
identifiable phase in the process of transition from authoritarian to democratic systems
that are critical to the establishment of a stable, institutional and lasting democracy
(Ademola, 2011: 308)[16]. Democratic sustainability is a product of a combination of
factors or conditions operating together. An accumulation of these facilitating
conditions therefore offers the prospects of democratic survival and deepening to be
enhanced[36].
According to Nwolise (2006 cited in Nwolise 1985)[37],[38] sustainable democracy
requires that:
 Elections are conducted peacefully, freely, fairly and regularly.
 An incumbent democratic government defeated in office through a free and fair
electoral process should accept the results.
 The society enjoys longevity of regular democratic elections and government. 
The society progressively develops its capacity to nurture and consolidate
democratic culture and democratic governance.
 There should be no threats to abort or actual abortion of democratic governance
and culture.
Sustaining any democracy requires renewal and continual review. A democratic
system can be incomplete or partial and open to manipulation by political elites.
Moreover, democracy is not only about elections. It is also about distributive and social
justice. If democracy fails to provide for justly distributed socio-economic
development, human security is likely to be threatened (International IDEA, 2006: 13).
Democracy in Nigeria is not only growing at a very slow trend but also oscillates
between stagnancy and backwardness, thus degenerating into a crisis level where
democratic ideals become threatened and governance becomes privatised, if not
personalised, by the powerful. This, indeed, impairs the pace of political stability,
deepens the root of political gerontocracy and strengthens sectional political hegemony.
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Present democracy in Nigeria is crisis-ridden and suffers from several problems which
include but not limited to the following: democracy is being practised within inefficient
and non-viable rules (Arowolo and Aluko, 2012: 804)[28]. Security is the probability that
a
system can be sustained, a human system, a social system, a state system, a world
system and a democratic rule[39].
LITERATURE REVIEW
Since the end of the Cold War, security studies have broadened to take into
account non-military threats, such as environmental scarcity and degradation, the
spread of disease, overpopulation, refugee movements, nationalism, terrorism and
nuclear catastrophe, rather than focusing narrowly on external threats to states. Valid
measures of perceptions of human security have become essential, both to understand
the determinants of human security among ordinary people and to analyze their
consequences (Inglehart and Norris, 2012: 92)[2]. Seven billion people have been living
on earth since October 2011. Around one billion people are hungry. This scandalously
skewed distribution is further exacerbated by armed conflicts, but also especially by the
impact of global warming. Human security and sustainable development for billions of
people are thus being violated. Around one billion people do not have enough water,
while two billion are suffering from insufficiently treated water. Lack of knowledge,
insufficient investment and armed conflicts are the underlying reason. Overcoming
hunger and shortage of water is a daily task and will remain a task for the next few
decades. Hunger and water shortage outweigh all other global problems and challenges
(Anonymous).
Protests ignited throughout the world - in the Middle East, Africa, Latin America,
Spain and Russia. These protests unite desires for freedom and for social justice.
Freedom of expression and freedom from want are inseparable. The Occupy movement
expresses the protest of the many against the economic power of the few throughout
the world. The protests are directed at non-democratic rule, but they also pose a
challenge to democratic parties. Social democratic governments and opposition parties
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are often unable to meet and fulfil legitimate demands and hopes. Protest movements
are calling for the legitimisation of political rule through free elections, especially in
states in the Middle East as well as in Russia. The democratic legitimisation of political
processes forms the linkage between societal movements and democratic parties
(Anonymous).
The health of any democratic system depends on the institutions sustaining it.
The subsisting electoral system and the nature of political parties in any given society are
the pillars of democracy in that society (Tyoden, 2013: 2)[9]. This is so because of the role
the two plays in not only defining the nature of democracy in the society, but also its
sustenance and consolidation[9].
Audu (ND, citing Briggs,1990:313, Cletus2004:206, Murray and Viotti(1994) contends
that:
The crudest expression between security and the socio-economic and
political structure is expressed by the cliché about the choice between the
guns and butter. More butter for the populace rather than guns to defend
their peace. No matter how much we spend for arms, there is no safety in
arms alone. Our security is the total product of our economic, intellectual,
moral and military strength. The emphasis here is that too much emphasis
on military hardware does not necessarily determine national security. In
Nigeria, the long years of military rule naturally concentrated on the
military imperative and thereby neglecting the non- military option
(Human Security) and this created a volatile atmosphere to peace and
security. Cletus alluded that the concern of security in its military -
strategic dimensions, particularly in terms of defending political
independence and sovereignty, has pushed most third world countries,
including Nigeria, towards military buildup. He further added that the
failure to resolve their social, economic and political problems is one of the
single factors that have led to their present security dilemma. The term
security goes well beyond military consideration; security can be
understood both as a defence against external or internal threats as well as
the overall socio-economic well-being of society and the individuals who
comprise it.
HUMAN SECURITY, POLITICAL PARTIES AND DEMOCRATIC SUSTAINABILITY: THE
NEXUS
Probably the nexus between national security (of which human security cannot
be divorced) and democratic rule is like addressing the fundamental question-National
security, whose security? If democracy is centred on the people and the people is said
to mean the poor, disadvantaged, or the many, it therefore implies that national
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security must be people-oriented. Synergy between … security and democratic rule, the
linkage between … security and democratic rule is that of mutual transmissibility of
impacts and repercussions[1].
Furthermore, it is expedient to note that one of the fundamentals of a democratic
rule is constitution and constitutionalism; and of the three key obligatory
responsibilities the Nigerian constitution outlines for its government in terms of
relationship with the Nigerian people, the issue of security is most conspicuous. Thus,
section 14:2b of the 1999 constitution states that “the security and welfare (Human
security) of the people shall be the primary purpose of government” (Bamgbose et al.,
2012)[39]. If we agree that security connotes freedom from danger or anxiety, it is
within this context that it must be viewed as the inalienable right of human beings that
must be guaranteed under democratic rule. The above implies that there is an organic
relationship between (democracy) security and welfare (Audu, ND). Democracy is
threatened whenever there is woeful lack of socioeconomic services to the people and
that sustainable and people-oriented reforms- education, health etc. make, it possible,
in theory and practice, for democratization process to thrive and obtain popular
support and participation, hence the political parties are always using undemocratic
strategies to win election (Anonymous, ND: 1). If democracy is centred on the people
and the people is said to mean the poor, disadvantaged, or the many, it therefore
implies that for national security to be achieved to avoid crises, it must be people-
oriented[1].
Democracy is in crisis worldwide at the very time when there needs to be a
renewed emphasis on democratic practice as the key to the attainment of 21st century
human security aims. Democracy matters for human security because well-designed and
inclusive political institutions and processes are the key to both preventing violence
and managing conflict constructively, and because respect for human rights and public
participation are essential for meeting human development objectives (International
IDEA, 2006: 4)[18]. The organic unity of democratic rule and security (Especially human
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security) is very imperative. What is often under emphasized hitherto is the place of
security in a democratic rule. Political parties are key players in a democracy and their
behavior, violent or otherwise have huge consequences for democratic stability and
consolidation. Understanding the nature and dynamics of the political party - violence
nexus is central to the management of the politics of violence and violence in politics in
Nigeria (Charles Soludo (2005)[40]. No democracy can be built on violence -ridden
environment. Democracy loses its essence without security friendly environment
because it is the pillar of democracy (Audu, ND: 14). The suffusion of violent conflicts
in competitive politics and party political behavior is ordinarily aberrant. Political
parties should be the institutional platform for mediating and reconciling differences
and managing conflicts. Democratic values and procedures underscore civility, peaceful
association, participation, accountability, consensus - building and non- violent
protests in the management of societal and political difference and conflict[41].
The security of the citizens is the primary duty of any government. National
security is the podium of democracy and its values for the people. As such, there is no
factor that provides meaning and legitimacy to democratic rule than security (Most
especially human security). It is the protective umbrella of all other sectors of the
democratic system. It is also the pillar of political order, stability and development in all
segments of societal values and aspirations. In strategic context, democracy and security
(by extension human security) are correlates because both are people- centred. The chief
end of every democratic government is to provide an assured welfare and security of its
people. The survival of democracy is therefore dependent, among other things, on the
dynamics of national security. It is expedient to note that the synergy between security
and democracy is inseparable to the extent that if democracy loses its security essence, it
has lost its core values (Audu, ND).
Sources of insecurity lie in exclusion and lack of access to power and resources.
The concept of human security emphasizes the protection of people from grave threats
to their lives, safety from harm and violent conflict, and empowerment against such
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social threats as disease or crime. Democracy enables the protection of peoples through
institutional safeguards, equality before the law, and the advancement of human rights.
Democratic practice links the empowerment of people to critical developmental
outcomes such as education, health care, and opportunities for livelihood. There is a
certain imbalance in international efforts to build democracy today (International IDEA,
2006: 6)[18]. The current emphasis on democratic elections (Which has at its core,
political parties) may strengthen certain kinds of political regime and the competition
between political parties, but it does not guarantee state responses to collective needs,
the participation of civil society in decision-making processes, or the social and political
accountability of the ruling classes in developing and transitional societies
(International IDEA, 2006: 6)[18]. The question of how democratization may contribute
to the realization of human security is key: the reduction of inequality, the furthering of
rights, free expression and mobility [18].
Human security can no longer solely have a military meaning, that it is also a
matter of human rights, of good governance and must encompass economic
development, social justice, environmental protection, democratization, disarmament,
and respect for human rights and the rule of law (Annan, 2001)[17]. Democracy depends
on parties to survive, since the structure of elections right from citizens participation to
candidates‟ selection and presentation of competing political programmes is done by
political parties. It is on this note that political parties occupy a special place in the
democratic equation. All parties are engaged in intra party conflict rather tha n
embarked on programmes that would benefit the masses (Isigwe, Paulinus Obinna
(2012)[42]. Modern democracy is party democracy; the political institutions and
practices that are the essence of democratic government in the Western view were the
creations of political parties and would be unthinkable without them[43].
The Nigeria‟s fourth republic began with the reintroduction of democracy in May
1999. This came about with ambivalent feelings of hope and disdain as if democracy
has truly come to stay or a mere flash in the pan. At the initial stage, the old brigade
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still took over the mantle of leadership and they never seemed to have learnt from their
past mistakes, hence, the nascent democracy was first injected with the old virus of
theft, corrupt practices and cliché of business as usual which eventually sowed the
embers of challenges that the fourth republic has to fan till the present time (Bamgbose,
Moshood and Shamsideen, 2012: 68)[39]. In systems that have very high levels of
resource rents available, such as Nigeria, politics is dominated by issues concerning the
distribution of resource rents, not ideology. Voters select parties on the basis of
credible promises to deliver natural resource rents to regions, localities, and groups of
individuals; parties attempt to maximize political power. In political systems with
opposition parties, incumbents make offers on resource rents in a Darwinian fashion,
attempting to gain a minimum winning coalition to maintain power[44].
The security of a country does not depend solely or primarily on the country‟s
military capacities but on the strength and reliability of the various interrelated linkages
which could ensure and sustain democratic rule. Socio-economic development and
human security forms the bedrock of national security because it is the security of the
ordinary man and woman in a society especially in a democratic rule that translates into
the security of the nation (Audu, ND: 15). Democracy cannot thrive in an atmosphere of
instability and insecurity. It is only in a genuine democracy can citizens control or
influence government decisions and actions. It is therefore, truism to say that “good
democratic government is the only guarantee for stability” (Audu, ND: 15).
Socioeconomic programs are core in democratization processes; education, health etc
constitute the starting point in the foundation of sustainable democratic strategy.
Broad-based economic prosperity sustains democracy, whereas widespread poverty and
ignorance undermine it [45].
The current democratic effort in Nigeria is taking place within the context of
massive economic decline and erosion of living standards of most Nigerians by the
economic policies of self centred leaders (Bamgbose, Moshood and Shamsideen, 2012:
75)[39]. Socio-economic paraphernalia of people's lives and other activities are better
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organized in a democratic way (Kukah, 2003:214-242)[46]. People must therefore come
first in democratization process. The prevailing socio-economic issues that dominate
Nigerians and democratization have been the condition of health care, education and other
essential services. In the first place, health and education determine, to a large extent,
all other services and the condition of the democratization processes. In other words,
without sound and meaningful education, without adequate health care facilities for the
people, democratization process is bound to fail and sustainable democracy and
democratic tenets would be a mirage (Bamgbose, Moshood and Shamsideen, 2012:
75)[39]. The poverty level of the people could engender social unrest and insecurity in
the state, promote economic decline necessitated by the egocentric and self focused
economic reform packages of several leaders. Even, it has the capacity of tainting or
blindfolding peoples„electoral behaviour (including formulation, composition,
membership and selection of candidates in the political parties) and thereby makes
people easily susceptible to bribe and unhealthy electoral practices thus throw the
society to legitimacy crisis. It is the rampant amorality and corrupt practices which
stand in the way of Nigeria democratic process[39].
The primary sources of national security are not centred on external defences but
on internal cohesion based on the provision of satisfactory socio-economic services by
government. Put differently, it is not the amount of defence budgets on military hardware
that determines the security of a nation but more crucially on socio-economic budgets
directed at the people's well-being. Unfortunately, Nigeria has been spending large sums
on orthodox sector security without taking cognizance of people's socio-economic
condition which invariably threatens any government, especially democratic
government.
HUMAN SECURITY, POLITICAL PARTIES: IMPLICATION FOR DEMOCRATIC
SUSTAINABILITY
African countries in most cases do not face major threats: with respect to their
external security. Most of the security challenges they face are internal, and these are of
two kinds: threats to personal or human security as a condition of decent livelihood;
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and those having to do with public order. The current state of human security, peace
and
development in our dear continent presents a picture of hope as well as challenges. For over
a decade, Africa has consolidated on its democracy, and many countries have exited
military dictatorship. There is now a heightened commitment to the tenets of good
governance, and the rule of law[3].
Nigeria has always sought security, peace and development. We are steadily
developing a strong and vibrant democracy. There is enthusiastic participation across
the Nation, with a purposeful government and active opposition parties (Jonathan,
2014). There can be no doubt that, in a new democracy like Nigeria, Political Parties are
central to democratic consolidation and sustainability. To play this role, effective
regulation is key. This is because their role in democratic consolidation and
sustainability is sometimes undermined by their determination to capture and hold
power. Indeed, their quest for power could sometimes become patently dysfunctional
[34].
A major concern is the high level of unemployment among the youth, especially
those that are educated and skilled. No priority for human security is more important for
African countries than a sharp focus on creating jobs for this teeming youth
population. Skills acquisition, entrepreneurship development, encouraging the youth to go
into agriculture as a business, and providing them with access to cheaper financing to fulfil
their dreams, are all needed to harness and unleash the power of our youth to secure our
collective future[3].
If we improve governance and accountability systems, we must reduce the cost
of governance and increase more of the national resources on the governed (Jonathan,
2014)[3]. The starting point is the requirement for a new political and legal culture,
which anchors politics on the demands and dictates of liberal morality. Ethic,
accountability, transparency, tolerance, participation, inclusiveness, separation of
powers, and the rule of law, under constitutional or limited government, doing this will
involve viewing the triadic relationship between politics, law and morality as a seamless
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web (Lumumba-Kasongo, 2005)[47]. In particular, we need to reduce the cost of elections
(of which political parties is the nucleus) and electioneering and shift greater focus on
ensuring that the dividends of democracy are delivered to our peoples (Human security)
[3].
Good governance popularized by democrats is measured using four criteria.
These are accountability, transparency, participation and respect for the rule of law.
Nigeria adopted the World Bank/ IMF development theory of downsizing the state so as
to allow her play a minimal role in economic activities. The state goal is to “release the
economic potential of the people” and “liberate market forces”. Nigeria is ranked among
the low income countries in the world (MacEwan,1999)[48]. Countries in this category are
characterized by high percentage of population who live in extreme conditions that
include extreme poverty and hunger, a large number of children who remain out of
school, gender inequality, and high incidence of child mortality. It is estimated that 121
deaths occur per 1000 live birth as a result of common disease such as acute respiratory
infections, diarrhoea, measles, and malaria. There is also high incidence of maternal
mortality which can be as high as 1000 per 100,000 live births[49].
According to the statistics drawn from the (Revised National Health Policy, 2004:2
cited in MacEwan,1999)[48] it reveals that:
Nigeria ranks low in these indices when compared with other low
income countries and some countries in the Sub Saharan Africa. For
example the 2003 world development report indicated that, the percentage
of the population which had access to improve source in 2000 was 62 in
Nigeria, as compared to 73 in Ghana, 81 in the Cote D
‟
ivore, and 63 in
Benin. In 2007 the figure for Nigeria dropped to 53%. The report also
indicated that Nigeria ranked low in the percentage of her population with
access to improved sanitation facilities. 72% of Ghana
‟
s population and 79%
of population of Cameroon had access to improved sanitation facilities as
compared to Nigeria
‟
s
54. In
2000, Nigeria
‟
s Overall health system
performance was ranked 187 among the 191 member States by the World
Health Organization
(WHO). The cumulative implication of the above
statistics is that the socio-economic determinants of health i.e. poverty,
Hunger, Gender inequality, lack of education, access to clear and
environmental degradation had not been decisively addressed and
required urgent intervention
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In the execution of its mandate, the security sector has to contend with the
following pathogens of insecurity identified by Nwolise (2006 quoted in Fayeye, 2012:
193)[37],[6] as being capable of aborting the democratic process. They include
 Military coups and rule of force which overthrow the democratic orders and can
spiral violence or war
 Electoral fraud which can generate violence and lead to war
 Intra-party and inter-party conflicts which generate political intolerance and
political assassinations; armed politics including thuggery and activities of
ethnic militias
 Inability of political gladiators to play the political game according to the rule
 Unwillingness of political leaders and gladiators defeated in free and fair
elections to accept their defeat
 Manipulations of ethnic, regional or religious cleavages by politicians
 Terrorism engendered by electoral injustices; and rebellions, insurrections,
revolution or civil war generated by unbearable socio-economic hardships facing
the people, unjust sharing of national resources including political positions etc.
Nwolise (2006)[37] aptly proposed that the Nigerian government and people must
work hard against six basic elements that threaten sustainable democracy and national
security.
 Armed politics especially thuggery, assassination and personal militia which
frighten opponents and intimidate voters.
 Armed trafficking fuelled by cross-border crimes
 Inability or refusal of politicians to play the political game according to the rules. 
Mass illiteracy and political ignorance
 Economic, Ethnic-cum religious manipulation by politicians
Poverty of politics and politics of poverty is another factor. The rich political actors
in Nigeria target the already feeble and disenchanted mind of the poor to secure their
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election victory. Politics has been so monetised to the extent that an average, credible
Nigerian cannot afford its exorbitance (Arowolo and Aluko, 2012: 805)[28]. Politics,
therefore, becomes avenue to create and sustain poverty through looting of funds
meant for developmental purposes. Leadership ineptitude and promotion of personal
aggrandisement at the expense of national interests grievously affect democracy in
Nigeria and makes the dream of attaining good governance impossible [28].
Democratic institutions in Nigeria are very fragile and are often unable to protect
and promote sustainable democracy. Interregnum misrule of the military weakened the
democratic institutions like judiciary and legislature. Flagrant disrespect for and
disobedience to the constitution has become a feature that is conspicuous in Nigerian
democratic experience, coupled with weak or lack of political will and capacity to
punish electoral offenders. Other crises facing democracy and good governance in
Nigeria include: dependent and weak judicial system; poverty and ignorance;
corruption; citizenship, settlers/strangers crisis; absence of internal democracy in
political parties; political intolerance and winner-takes-all syndrome; inexistent deep-
rooted ideology in political parties; self-serving legislature and so on [28].
Even in democratic systems with legitimate political competition, natural
resources dependence translates into authoritarian government by making democratic
sustainability and consolidation difficult. When state capacity is weak and the state
cannot enforce the law, incumbent politicians have a large amount of discretion in the
allocation of resource rents, which is allocated to voters in return for political support
(Jensen and Wantchekon, ND: 8). If the opposition is unable to break this incumbency
advantage, resource rents will translate into one-party dominance, such as it is in
Nigeria. Opposition parties are often forced to reso rt to non constitutional means to
combat the incumbency advantage. Opposition parties might use riots and other means
to vie for political power, causing political unrest in resource-dependent countries
(Jensen and Wantchekon, ND: 8).
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The key mechanism linking authoritarian rule and resource dependence (with
adverse implication for human security), both in democratic transition and democratic
sustainability and consolidation, is the incumbent's discretion over the distribution of
natural resource rents. This mechanism is clear in most sub-Saharan Africa countries (and
its core in Nigeria), where weak political institutions allow incumbent politicians to
distribute resource rents for political gain. Odedokun (1990 quoted in Jensen and
Wantchekon, ND: 8)[44] finds that the budgetary procedures of Nigerian states from
1980-1983 (a trend which has extended into the current dispensation) show a pattern of
utilization of federal allocation changes during election years in favour of consumption
expenditures and against capital expenditures.
In Nigeria where resource abundance is pertinent it leads to democratic
authoritarianism for one of the following reasons: (1) it could allow an already dominant
or authoritarian party or a coalition of parties to extend its level of popular support and
consolidate its hold on political power making both democratic transition, sustainability
and consolidation more difficult (2) it could generate incumbency advantage and
political instability, which could incite the incumbent to adopt repressive policies
towards the opposition and the masses
If election is the most crucial harbinger of the democratic process in a modern
society, have we yet witnessed the rudiments of democracy when election, which is
already a formal feature of democracy elsewhere in the world, is but a sham in Nigeria?
When political parties cannot respect their own constitution regarding primary election
(they Hire thugs to intimidate and eliminate opponents and equally pay delegates to win
primaries) and membership when government organizations cannot obey court orders,
etc?
Regular, free and fair elections (with which political parties is the fulcrum),
rights to organize, civil liberty organizations are essential in the foundations and
sustenance of democracy. But beyond these essential political and democratic forms,
there are other substantial issues bordering on and related to the socio-economic
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conditions of the people. Since a democratic socio-economic development strategy
puts people in a position to effectively partake in decisions of political power over
their socio-economic lives, it certainly suggests that whenever people discover that
their lives are in jeopardy, either through the role of the state or the direction of
market forces, they will respond to the situation in a democratic fashion (Anonymous,
ND: 4). As such, a society founded on democratic tenets will respond and deliver
dividends of democracy and development to the citizens and thus enhance their
dignity and power, Socio-economic foundations of democratization of course involve
overall growth within the economy and concomitant increases in the quality and
quantity of goods and services available to the people (MacEwan, 1999:2)[48].
Furthermore, it also involves continuous improvement in the basic standards of
living of the great majority of people, propelled and accomplished through equitable
or equal distributions of income, "the preservation and repair, of the physical
environment, the maintenance and strengthening of social community, and broad
participation in the decision-making about political, social and economic affairs" [48].
Socio-economic issues (that is the basis of Human Security) as relate to health and
education statistics certainly betray a woeful lack of adequate social services in Nigeria's
democratization processes. If placed against other measures of social well-being like
housing, power, energy, environmental degradations, public transport and social security,
it would reveal similar scenario or even worse. For democracy to survive, therefore,
there is the need for a range of social services, provided continuously to people, to
constitute a starting point for the formation and sustenance of a democratic strategy
(Anonymous, : 6). More than anything else, the greatest obstacle to the nascent democracy
is the pervasive insecurity of lives and property, as evidenced by the spate of armed
robbery attacks, assassinations, ethnic and religious conflicts, coupled with the seeming
helplessness of security agencies to handle criminal acts. The situation is worsened by the
increasing number of unemployed Nigerians some of whom are ready recruits for criminal
activities (Nigerian Tribune, 2002).
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Political parties play very critical roles in democratization of any nation. Central
to the successes and failures of electoral politics is the cardinal and strategic functions
of this all important and an integral organ of democratization which is core to its
development (Akubo and Yakubu, 2014:)[8]. To consolidate democracy or ensure
Democratic sustainability, Omolara Akinyemi (2013)[49] suggested that political parties
are expected to exhibit the following features: they must be composed of likeminded
people whose world views are similar, they must promote a set of programmes
embodying the version, mission and manifestoes of the party and designed to meet the
needs of the public; they must be mass based, which helps to legitimise them; they
must evolved gradually and systematically over time, with identifiable leaders who
constitute their rallying points; they must exhibit characteristics of internal democracy
in their operations. Once political parties exhibited these features for a considerable
time the democratic process can be characterized as consolidated or sustaining.
Democracy is a basis for a socio-economic development strategy. The situation
in Nigeria since 1999 has ironically left a large proportion of Nigerians in material poverty
and degradation. Democratization process can only survive or thrive if people have social
consciousness and responsibility about their socioeconomic setting with an objective to
continuously produce positive social, economic and political benefits to fellow human
beings and society at large. These aspects may be absent in Nigeria as socioeconomic
wellbeing of the people; core to democratization and democracy, would require
redefinition in terms of quality, quantity and standard (Anonymous: 13).
It is difficult for democracy to succeed in current social and economic conditions.
Access to basic resources is needed to promote active participation in the political process
and belief in the political system. Africans (Nigerian by extension) must firmly establish
the systems of checks and balances which will limit the chances of personalization and
individualization of power, corruptions, military ambitions, political charlatanism and
opportunistic politics. Political participation should guarantee the protection and
collective security of citizens. One thing to be carefully observed and examined is
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whether Africa's multi-partism contributes to opening the wounds of political
intolerance and to the exaggeration of ethnic and religious differences. African
democracies should be guided by principles of cultural diversity, social equity and
equitable access to resources. It is only through a strong social state that alternative
democratic practices can be fully articulated[47].
Nwolise (1985)[37] postulates that a country may have the best armed forces in
terms of training and equipment, the efficient custom men, the most active secret
services agents and the best quality prisons, but yet be the most insecure nation in the
world as a result of defence security problems with bad government, alienated and
suffering masses, ignorance, hunger, unemployment or even activities of foreign
residents or companies. Also, Paris, Roland (2001 cited in Omolara, 2013: 3)[49],[50],
posits that any society that seeks to achieve adequate military security against the
backdrop of acute food shortages, population explosion, low level productivity and per
capita income, low technological development, inadequate and inefficient public
utilities and chronic problems of unemployment has a false sense of security.
Quantitative cross-national research on the economic determinants of democracy
and democratization generally consistently reveals that a country's level of economic
development is associated positively and strongly with the extent to which the political
systems (Including political parties) manifest properties of democracy. There is,
therefore, a two-way causal relationship between the economy and sustainable
democracy; the state of the economy is the determinant of enduring democracy, but
democracy is a key pre-requisite for sustainable economic transformation. The message
is: 'broad-based economic prosperity sustains democracy, whereas widespread poverty
and ignorance undermine it (Ojo and Adebayo, 2009: 2)[45]. Democracy and indeed any
form of government must deliver tangible economic benefits to the generality of the
citizenry to be credible and sustainable (Whitehead, 1989)[51]. A democracy which is
not founded upon a secure economic base is not likely to succeed because it lacks an
essential condition of efficiency[51].
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In a seminal article on 'What Makes Democracy Endure', Prezeworski (quoted in Ojo
and Adebayo, 2009: 3) found the empirical evidence that:
Once a country has a democratic regime; its level of economic development has a
very strong effect on the probability that democracy will survive ... democracy can be
expected to last an average of about 8.5 years in a country with per capita income
under $2,000; 33 years between $2,000-$4,000 and 100 years between $4,000-$6,000 ...
Above $6,000 democracies are to live forever. No democratic system has fallen in a
country where per capita income exceeds $6,033. Democracy is endangered in Nigeria
more than ever before. Poverty, want, and squalor are anti-democratic forces in the
polity (Ojo and Adebayo, 2009: 6)[45]. Perhaps, the greatest manifestation of a weak
state vis-àvis sustainable democracy is that it cannot successfully administer a true and
fair credible election which is the kernel of democracy. State capacity is one of the
major prerequisites for democratic nurturing, sustenance, and consolidation [45].
In a nutshell the stronger the state in all ramifications, the better for deepening and
sustainable democratic values in Nigeria. This can be achieved via the
entrenchment of state institutions cum congruent political behaviour by the political elite
(Ojo and Adebayo, 2009: 8)[45]. A choked system where human, religious and groups‟
rights are glaringly truncated is inimical to sustainable democracy (Ojo and Adebayo,
2009: 8)[45]. Democracy has not been endured in Nigeria simply because the economic
numbers did not add up; whereas, democracy and indeed any form of government
must deliver tangible economic benefits to the generality of the citizenry to be credible and
sustainable [51].
Larry Diamond cited in Ojo and Adebayo (2009: 5)[45] argued that:
…Many new democracies in Latin America, Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa will probably
breakdown in the medium to long run unless they can reduce their often appalling
levels of poverty, inequality, and social injustice, and through market oriented reforms
lay the basis for sustainable growth. Democratic theory holds that poverty, widespread
illiteracy, and a deeply hierarchical social structure are inhospitable conditions for the
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functioning of democracy. Democracy can best be said to be sustained or consolidated
only when we have good to believe that it is capable of withstanding pressure or shocks
without abandoning the electoral process or the political freedom on which it depends,
including those of the dissent and the opposition [51]
CONCLUSION
Human security, Political parties and democratic sustainability in the fourth
republic which is the focus of this work are basic concepts that are occupying the front
burner in this dispensation. They are core to the democratic experiment. We have in this
work juxtaposed or weld them together as concepts that are now intertwined. Human
security which is a paradigm shift from the traditional concept of security which is
"state centric” (revolves around the state) has as its emphasis the survival of the state and
the territoriality but has now shifted to people centric (the clamour and agitation for
people‟s welfare and development) is a concept that has people as core to its
development. Political parties are equally concept that is people based and a basic
component in any democratic engagement in any nation.
We have in this work observed that there is an interlocking relationship between
human security, political parties and the sustainability of the current democratic
experiment. The welfare and the improvement in the socio economic level of the people is
far more potent in confronting the security threats than all the sophisticated weapons and
well trained armies put together. If the democratic experiment must survive and be
sustaining, all hands must be on deck to ensure that people‟s welfare and development is
paramount on the agenda, most especially of the political parties.
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