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News Sentiment Analysis: The Case of Chinese Vessels in the EEZs of Latin American Countries
Abstract
This study analyzes how recent fishing disputes involving China and Latin American countries have been reported by local and global media. We conducted content and sentiment analysis of media articles, coding articles according to the sentiment (“positive,” “negative,” or “neutral”) they express toward China and the actions of its fishing fleet, based on the words used to describe the same. We also examined what topics are discussed in different media – issues that are more specific and “local” in nature or broader issues that go beyond specific incidents. According to our findings, Latin American media can be as negative in their reporting on China and Chinese actions as Anglo‐Saxon Western media but tend to focus more on local issues and specific incidents, whereas Anglo‐Saxon Western media are more likely to connect incidents to broader geopolitical issues. Deepening of China‐LAC economic relations have not reduced Latin American media's critical approach toward China. At the same time, the local media remain independent; they do not necessarily reproduce the same frames as global news platforms in their coverage of China. These findings reinforce the idea that LAC broadly does not want to choose sides in the China‐US rivalry.
When China invited the Latin American countries to participate in the Belt and Road Initiative, it fuelled expectations of a much closer and more productive relationship with the region. In practice, however, there is little evidence that this was happening even before the coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic. The article shows that neither the policy statements by China nor the trends in economic relations indicate a substantive change in Sino–Latin American relations and that the Belt and Road Initiative represents a repackaging of existing relations and the continuation of trends that have been underway since the global financial crisis.
This study investigates a novel dataset comprised of a universe of 537 donations in 33 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, between 11 February and 20 June 2020, which provides a high level of detail on China’s and Taiwan’s mask diplomacy. We describe who the main donors were, who the main recipients were, what was donated to each country, and which variables explain why some countries received more aid than others. Drawing on previous literature, the article advances understanding about the political determinants of these donations. Our findings revealed that, although seemingly uncoordinated, donations made by China’s central government, Chinese companies, cities, and foundations were strongly affected by two political determinants, namely the recipient’s partnership status with China and the One China Policy. Furthermore, aid provided by China’s Central Government was larger in autocracies than in democracies.
This article focuses on international news channels in the Global South and the perceptions by audiences in Latin America. Designed with the intention of reshaping global narratives, international broadcasting is considered instrumental to public diplomacy and improving the image of particular countries. While many studies focus on global media policies of specific countries or the messages broadcast by international media outlets, less attention has been paid to the impact on audiences. Based on a series of focus groups conducted in Mexico
Purpose
The purpose of this article is to discuss the characteristics of China’s strategic partners in Latin America, emphasizing the foreign policy orientations of these nations towards China.
Design/methodology/approach
The first part is a theoretical analysis of the foreign economic policy orientations of the Chinese strategic partners in South America. In the second part, attention is paid to the empirical regularities of economic cooperation between China and its South American strategic partners.
Findings
China seeks to diversify the profile of its strategic partnerships, as long as they increase Chinas complexity in the orientation of cooperation, using a multidimensional approach, based on three strategic cooperation networks (partners based on ideological affinities, geo-economic partners and trade partners).
Originality/value
This article increases the understanding of how new strategic partnerships take a more active position in the new great geo-economic game in which China is involved. China increases its facilitation role in Latin American Pacific rim countries, as well as its influence in countries historically close to the USA.
After being a neutral actor for decades in the complex South China Sea (SCS) territorial disputes, Indonesia has seen itself compelled by China’s assertiveness to become firmer about protecting its territorial sovereignty around the Natuna Islands (NI). Jakarta is alarmed by China’s claims that it has undeniable historical fishing rights in the NI territorial waters because they undermine Indonesia’s territorial sovereignty. Our analysis loosely adopts the securitization conceptual framework proposed by the Copenhagen School to reveal that Jakarta swiftly securitized the NI issue between 2014 and 2016. Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, this paper unpacks how the Indonesian printed mainstream media discussed the NI in recent years. By the end of 2016, the Indonesian media portrayed China’s claims that it has historical fishing rights in the NI territorial waters as the most urgent national security threat to Indonesia, i.e. the NI issue was securitized. This analysis shows that the Indonesian people accepted Jakarta’s security discourse, i.e. Jakarta had successfully securitized China’s claims over the NI territorial waters. This paper makes a new contribution to the securitization literature by simultaneously analysing the Indonesian news and social media outlets.
Winston Churchill once said, ‘it is better to jaw-jaw than to war-war.’ However, negotiations are particularly difficult when they are enmeshed in public opinion precommitments. The sharpest crisis between China and Vietnam in the last 30 years concerned the placement of a Chinese oil rig into contested waters in 2014. This study analyses the Chinese and Vietnamese propaganda efforts surrounding the crisis as examples of the instrumental use of propaganda in managing domestic public opinion on diplomatic crises. The article argues that despite very different approaches to public diplomacy during the crisis, both states were primarily concerned with avoiding escalation and ending the confrontation. The authors show how propaganda function as a pacifying device in dealing with rising domestic nationalism when executing a moderate foreign policy.
The keywords extraction of bilingual news events in China and Vietnam has a very important role in understanding bilingual news events. It can quickly locate and briefly compare the news of the same events reported by the two countries. Chinese–Vietnam news texts are typically unstructured big data. How to extract the keywords that characterize the news in these unstructured data is the difficult problem of unstructured big data analysis. Bilingual documents are difficult to understand because bilingual Chinese and Vietnamese are not in the same language space. However, the hypergraph of the hypergraph model can better express the multiple relations of the vocabulary association and the entity association for bilingual news. Therefore, a method based on hypergraph for bilingual news keywords extraction is proposed. In this method, bilingual news words are extracted to construct a bilingual word set, and the words are taken as vertices. Chinese–Vietnamese sentences and bilingual words with the same semantic meaning as different types of hyperedges and the bilingual word frequency are used as the attribute to construct a bilingual news item word hypergraph model. Then, the directional diffusion algorithm in the wireless sensor network is used to iteratively calculate the weights of the vertices so as to realize the extraction of keywords in the Chinese–Vietnam bilingual news. The experimental results show that the proposed hypergraph method is better than the single-document extraction method, which can better obtain the keywords of the bilingual unstructured text data.
This study examines the image of China in Latin America and intends to determine the audience perception toward it based on a content analysis approach. Informed by media framing theory, linguistics, and functionalist sociology, the study of five Latin American Media outlets in countries holding diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) or Taiwan displayed a common pattern in the growth of number of articles about the PRC. This analysis exposes a dynamic and multifaceted image of the PRC. Although under economic and investment categories, China is portrayed as a favorable partner, still there are highly negative sentiments related to environment, copyrights, democracy, and military development. A content analysis reveals that the main source of articles related to China in Latin media are written by American or European news agencies. Framing techniques in Latin America have been influenced by foreign stereotypes as the contact between South America and Asia has been mediated by international media outlets. The results of this study suggest implications for diplomacy and media research and may contribute to deep understanding diplomacy between China and Latin American countries.
This study seeks to explain the profound discord currently observable in elite political discourse on Chinese investments in many host countries. Using Argentina as a case study, a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative discourse analysis was employed to analyze parliamentary speeches on a controversial space-monitoring station built there by China in 2015. The study finds that the competing discourses about China in Argentinean politics draw primarily on locally embedded contexts and the region’s particular historical experiences and geopolitical position. These local narratives are used in different ways by both sides of the debate to support contradicting positions on relevant issues. Questions of regional hegemony, center-periphery relations, national autonomy as well as Peronist and anti-Peronist ideologies are being drawn on by elite politicians in an attempt to cope with the deep uncertainty about what China’s increased engagement means for the country and to compensate for the lack of predictability about China’s behavior in its future role as a major global power. Ultimately, however, Argentina’s elite politicians end up in a dilemma in which these narratives and historical memories can be spun in both ways to either support or reject a controversial investment project to go ahead on domestic soil that is, at the same time, a symbolic test for the potential depth of the future relationship with China.
The problem of illegal Chinese fishing and Chinese fishermen's violent resistance to Korean law enforcement in the Yellow Sea have been a long-standing point at issue between Korea and China. It is not merely a problem of illegal fishing in Korean waters; this conflict could disrupt the integrity of the Exclusive Economic Zone and even undermine the friendly relations between the two countries. This article is to analyze the current status of the illegal Chinese fishing in the Yellow Sea and to provide a perspective on legal questions concerning the Korea-China Fishery Agreement to govern the fishery issue. This article suggests challenges ahead to solve the illegal fishing problem by examining factors causing the problem. It also provides a political perspective on the illegal fishing problem, which has become a highly newsworthy issue between Korea and China.
The emergence of China as a significant economic force in Latin America has sparked both optimism and alarm. With titles such as 'The Coming China Wars' and 'The Dragon in the Backyard,' recent books and articles depict China as a rising imperial power scouring the globe for natural resources and as a competitive threat to Latin America. Other studies applaud China’s pragmatic, unorthodox development strategies and portray China as a successful model for developing countries. The competing narratives about China’s rise do agree on one thing: China has become a formidable force in the developing world whose influence merits careful evaluation. Will China's engagement with Latin America produce alternative paradigms of economic development that improve the quality of life while respecting ecological limits? Or will China replicate the trade and investment regimes that reinforced the economic and political subordination of developing countries, facilitated the exploitation of their natural resources, and brought the planet's ecosystems to the brink of collapse? This chapter attempts to bridge the contentious debate over China’s role in Latin America by interrogating the dominant narratives that portray China as either a menace to Latin America’s development or as a model worthy of emulation. The chapter proceeds in five parts. Part I places China’s engagement with Latin America in historical context by providing an introduction to the economic history of Latin America. Part II examines the claim that China’s economic rise should be regarded as a model for Latin America. Part III evaluates the claim that China poses a threat to Latin America’s development. Parts IV and V discuss the implications of China’s rise for international economic law and for sustainable development, including China's role in the World Trade Organization, China's bilateral trade and investment agreements with Latin American nations, and China's potential contributions to sustainable development law.
In 2020, during his state visit to Latin America and the Caribbean, US secretary of state Mike Pompeo underlined the importance of keeping the People’s Republic of China out of the LAC region, which is (still) regarded as the US’s “strategic backyard”. Earlier already, US politicians had stressed the need for close cooperation between the US and the Organization of American States in countering the rise of autocratic regimes (and the expansion of Beijing’s sphere of influence) in Latin America. The essays compiled on this volume examine the PRC’s role on the ground in Latin America and the Caribbean by assessing the regional level as well as select bilateral relationships. With contributions by Mateo Arbeiter, Pamela Aróstica Fernández, Bruna Bosi Moreira, Benjamin Creutzfeldt, Jefferson dos Santos Estevo, Evan Ellis, Victor Jeifets, Víctor M. Mijares, Haibin Niu, Nele Noesselt, Detlef Nolte, Ana Soliz de Stange, Laís Forti Thomaz and Eduardo Velosa.
Strategic alignments have evolved in a dynamic international context, where cooperation has become more sophisticated and multidimensional. Deriving a conceptual definition is difficult as strategic relations have taken different forms. This research article attempts to complement the conceptual understanding by using a multinomial logistic model to analyse factors influencing China's choice of instrument with its strategic partners. At the level of strategic alignment, China uses three types of networks: strategic partnerships, trade strategic partnerships and comprehensive strategic partnerships. These orientations are not mutually exclusive, but each has its own logic that varies according to the levels of formality, linkage, scope and ideological proximity. Those economies with closer political orientation with China are likely to forge strategic partnerships. Trade strategic partnerships are significantly correlated with a regulatory quality index and are highly likely to be signed with countries within the Asia-Pacific region. Comprehensive strategic partnerships, on the other hand, are established with countries more highly integrated into the globalisation process. In this regard, China has built its strategic network by combining its Soviet legacy with notions of Western institutionalised cooperation.
China wants to replace the United States as the world’s leading superpower. But what does the world want from China? In a new era of strategic competition between China and the United States, Luke Patey explores how the rest of the world is responding to China’s rise. Many fear that China’s economic power, tech innovations, and growing military might will allow it to remake the world in its own authoritarian image. But despite all its strengths, a future with China in charge is far from certain. China will rule the twenty-first century only if the world lets it. How China Loses tells the story of China’s struggles to overcome new risks and endure the global backlash against its assertive reach. Combining on-the-ground reportage with incisive analysis, Patey argues that China’s predatory economic agenda, headstrong diplomacy, and military expansion undermine its global ambitions. In travels to Africa, Latin America, East Asia, and Europe, his encounters with activists, business managers, diplomats, and thinkers show the challenges threatening China’s rising power. China’s relations with the outside world are reaching a critical juncture. Political differences and security tensions have risen, and many countries are now recognizing that economic engagement produces new strategic vulnerabilities to their competitiveness and autonomy. At a time when views from Washington and Beijing dominate the discussion, Patey’s work shows how perspectives from around the world will shape the global economy and world affairs.
After being a neutral actor for decades in the complex South China Sea (SCS) territorial disputes, Indonesia has seen itself compelled by China’s assertiveness to become firmer about protecting its territorial sovereignty around the Natuna Islands (NI). Jakarta is alarmed by China’s claims that it has undeniable historical fishing rights in the NI territorial waters because they undermine Indonesia’s territorial sovereignty. Our analysis loosely adopts the securitization conceptual framework proposed by the Copenhagen School to reveal that Jakarta swiftly securitized the NI issue between 2014 and 2016. Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, this paper unpacks how the Indonesian printed mainstream media discussed the NI in recent years. By the end of 2016, the Indonesian media portrayed China’s claims that it has historical fishing rights in the NI territorial waters as the most urgent national security threat to Indonesia, i.e. the NI issue was securitized. This analysis shows that the Indonesian people accepted Jakarta’s security discourse, i.e. Jakarta had successfully securitized China’s claims over the NI territorial waters. This paper makes a new contribution to the securitization literature by simultaneously analysing the Indonesian news and social media outlets.
KEYWORDS: Security, Securitization, Social media, Natuna Islands, South China Sea, Indonesia, China
There are three positions about the impact of outward foreign direct investment (FDI) from China on the policies of Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries: the “Wealth is Power” camp, which associates political power with Chinese economic lures; the “Conditionalist” camp, which contends the international and domestic economic and political context determines the specific political effect of Chinese outward FDI (OFDI); and the “Politics is Power” camp, which believes no dramatic political changes have resulted from the economic stimuli of Chinese OFDI (COFDI) and associated economic lures. Case studies herein on Brazil and China, Argentina and China, Ecuador and China, and the Caribbean and China support the Conditionalist camp, albeit to differing degrees and for different reasons. Case studies herein on COFDI in Argentina and in Colombia also deepen our knowledge about the drivers of COFDI. They challenge those asserting that COFDI in LAC is driven purely by political motives. This piece also reviews and critiques the state of the literature on COFDI in LAC and suggests a pathway for moving to the next level. It specifically recommends researchers work to cumulate knowledge by asking similar kinds of questions across cases, exploit theory, and work on variable conceptualization and operationalization.
This article explores the political economy of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (FDI) in Argentina during the reign of Nestor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez. Among other things, it contemplates possible links between Chinese outward FDI (OFDI) volumes and Argentina’s domestic and foreign policies. It also analyses a mixture of successful and unsuccessful Chinese investment cases in the agricultural, chemical, and banking sectors in order to engage the debate about the drivers of Chinese OFDI (COFDI), with some stressing business and economic factors and others emphasizing the primacy of political factors. In regards to the former, my study shows that Argentine policymakers did not offer special accommodations to Chinese investors despite the pro-China proclivities of Argentine leaders and their country’s economic and political need for China. Moreover, at the local level, Argentine politics actually proved to be an obstacle to successful Chinese deals. As for the latter issue, Chinese companies were not inclined to invest in Argentina because of the China stance of the Argentine government, but rather because they saw opportunities to exploit fertile agricultural soil, special tax regimes for investors, and opportunities to integrate into global value chain. My findings have a number of important theoretical and policy implications.
Two burning academic and policy questions in the study of Latin American and Caribbean- China ties relate to the effects of China’s rising trade, investment and financial presence on Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) country foreign and domestic policies. In this article, we study the case of Ecuador, focusing on Rafael Correa’s administration (2007–2016), as a way to delve into these issues. As conventional wisdom about the power of economics suggests, we find that Ecuador’s foreign and domestic policies have inclined towards China and Chinese companies. However, this was not solely because of China’s economic allure. Ecuador’s stance also has something to do with the fact that better ties with China and receptivity to Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) flows fit the government’s international economic and political agenda. Moreover, they also conformed to the social agenda of Ecuadorian leaders, which made it even more logical to pursue warm ties with Beijing and create an open door for Chinese outward FDI (OFDI). As for Correa specifically, his regime sought to bring in Chinese OFDI as a means to promote a new growth model as well as his development philosophy Buen Vivir.
In the past two decades, China has substantially increased its economic presence in Latin America. The impressive rate of economic growth in China has resulted in a voracious appetite for Latin American commodities and energy sources. China has also become a major investor in the region, and has loaned billions of dollars to Latin American countries. This paper evaluates how aware Latin American citizens are of this increased economic presence of China, and also studies citizens’ attitudes toward the rising influence of China in Latin America. Public attitudes toward the Chinese economic and political model, and evaluations of the Chinese popular culture are also presented and discussed. The evidence suggests that the image of China is improving in Latin America as a result of its new economic role in the region. However, Chinese soft power faces several limitations in the region. The Chinese political and economic models, and the Chinese popular culture are still not very attractive in Latin America.
The Role of the Media in International Relations: From the CNN Effect to the Al –Jazeere Effect
Filiz Coban
Abstract
International networks foster solidarity within an information audience by creating virtual communities. Namely CNN, BBC and Al-Jazeera are increasing people’s awareness in their religion, culture and place in the world. In addition, faster and easily accessible information within global media had triggered the information wars among the states which have changed power politics. This article argues that the involvement of the media in international relations signifies interdependence and mutual exploitation between the media and politics. In this context, with a specific emphasise on the concept of ‘the CNN effect’ and ‘the Al-Jazeere effect’, it shows how the media have become integral parts of the world politics, how they have transformed international power struggle and have enabled the rise of the rest against the Western hegemony
Full Text: PDF DOI: 10.15640/jirfp.v4n2a3
After a decade long surge in Sino-Latin American trade, the bilateral relationship has gained political and cultural complexity. Recent public opinion polls depict a mildly positive opinion of China in Latin America. Nonetheless, these polls are not well suited to unveiling the framing of anti-Chinese attitudes that are present among the Latin American public. This research draws on Facebook users’ comments on news articles about China found in eight major newspapers from Argentina, Colombia, Chile, Mexico, and Peru. Our main goal is to gain insights into the concepts that structure negative views on China and to reconstruct narratives of anti-Chinese sentiment in Latin America today. Opinions triggered by news about China reveal that “China’s rise” has generated anxieties due mainly to the perceived threats posed by environmental impacts, outward migration, and the demand for natural resources. In addition, these opinions elicit concern over Latin America’s own development. © 2015 Journal of Chinese Political Science/Association of Chinese Political Studies
The purpose of this article is to reflect on the role of media in contemporary international relations and the ecological aspects of international communication in the technological age through the life and work of Edgar Snow, an American pioneering writer on China-US relations and an exemplary internationalist. The article postulates that the battlefield of international politics has shifted from geographical and physical levels to cultural and communication levels with modern media playing a crucial role in perceptions and image-making. Consequently, we are increasingly removed from experience and becoming overly dependent on the representations of reality that come to us through media. We have often lost our place within an actual community and our touch with a particular natural landscape that had always grounded us. The article therefore posits that a new paradigm and an ethical way of communicating across cultures for mutual dialogue, respect, and dignity are required if we desire to move toward a more equitable and just global community. We must learn to seek out and intentionally create expectations of morality and conduct especially at the international level. As Snow understood long before it became clear to most anyone else, the Western concept of reductionist science and its linear and short-term communication approach to our environment also need to be augmented by the holistic and organic notion of communication and science emanating from the East.
The security community concept generally inhabits a rather small niche in the study of International Relations, as the logic of community fundamentally challenges the prevailing logic of anarchy. In this article, it is argued both on ontological and theoretical grounds that the concept’s intellectual heritage and depth transcends the boundaries of existing theories. In this sense, the concept of security community serves as a via media by linking different strands of International Relations theory together and by bridging various theoretical gaps. This argument will be developed in two steps. Firstly, it will be shown that the security community framework developed by Karl W Deutsch is deeply rooted in International Political Theory without belonging to one particular branch. By locating the concept in International Political Theory, an exercise that has been neglected by the security community literature; it will be secondly demonstrated that the concept of security community takes the middle ground between specific strands of International Relations theory, as these strands are ultimately based on concepts of moral philosophy.
The purpose of this study is to examine the influence of international public relations on a target country's news coverage and public perceptions toward other countries. This study proposed a public relations influence model of national image formation and tested its relationships based on 27 countries’ public relations effort targeting the U.S. news coverage and publics. This study found that (1) public relations of other countries in the U.S. had a direct impact on how significantly the U.S. public perceived those countries; (2) the more prominently and favorably foreign countries were covered by the U.S. news media, the more significantly and favorably the U.S. public perceived and felt toward those countries.
To explore the influence of international public relations on US news media and public perceptions of foreign nations, this study used a triangulation of methods by comparing public relations counsel for foreign nations, media content and public opinion data in 1998 and 2002. The results indicate that while the relationship between public relations counsel and media coverage was minimal at the level of object and substantive attribute salience, noteworthy linkages were observed with affective attribute salience. In general, public relations counsel was associated with a decrease in the amount of negative news coverage. At the level of individual news stories, it was connected to increased positive valence in media content. For the dimensions of news coverage associated with public relations, media salience was related to public salience and attitudes regarding foreign nations. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed.
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