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Shared constructions across the Danish-German border. A diasystematic view on areal convergence

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Shared constructions
across the Danish-German border
A diasystematic view on areal convergence
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
2
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
3
Border region | Former Duchy of Schleswig
4
Border region | Former Duchy of Schleswig
5
Border region | Former Duchy of Schleswig
6
Border region | Former Duchy of Schleswig
7
Denmark
Duchy of Schleswig
(Danish fief)
Duchy of Holstein
(German fief, Danish duke)
1864
proper
Border region | Former Duchy of Schleswig
8
Denmark
Germany
18661920
(Kingdom of Prussia)
Border region | Former Duchy of Schleswig
9
Denmark
Germany
1920
(federal state of
Schleswig-Holstein)
Border region | Contact zone
10
Border region | Contact zone
11
Danish
German
Frisian
Romani
Danish Sign Language
German Sign Language
migrant languages
Border region | Contact zone
12
Frisian
Danish
German
Border region | Contact zone
13
Frisian
Danish
German
German-Danish contact
same macro-scenario
for more than 1,000 years
same languages
different contact scenarios
language shifts,
emergence of national minorities,
2L1 or L2 acquisition,
multilingual practices, …
different varieties
dialects,
regiolects,
minority varieties, …
polyglossia
[Fredsted 2009, Höder 2019]
Border region | Language shifts
14
continuous language shift
from Danish dialects
to German varieties
everyday communication
(in rural areas)
but also (partial) shifts back
Danish minority
[Kühl 2015, Goll 2019, Höder 2019]
~1880 1850 1780
1600
today
Border region | Regional repertoire(s)
15
Frisian
Danish
German
Border region | Regional repertoire(s)
16
dialectal North Frisian
Frisian
standard Standard Danish
minority South Schleswig Danish
dialectal (local) South Jutlandic
Danish
German
standard Standard German
regional North High German
local local varieties of NHG
minority North Schleswig German
dialect Schleswig Low German
HG
LG
Arealisms | Areal expansion both ways
17
moin ‘hello’
DEM > 3SG.N
Arealisms | Areal expansion both ways
DEM
> 3SG.N
moin ‘hello’
Danish
Standard
Danish +
South Schleswig
Danish + +
South
Jutlandic + +
German
Schleswig Low German
+ +
local
varieties of NHG (+) +
North Schleswig German
(+) +
North High German
(+) +
Standard German
– –
North
Frisian (+) +
18
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
19
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
20
Arealisms | Cognitive dimension
Stable, intense, long-term contact typically increases (or inhibits a
decrease in) structural similarity between the varieties involved.
In contact areas, individual bi- or multilingualism is widespread or has
been widespread at some point in history.
21
In usage-based terms:
Speakers prefer, evolve, and retain structures that are applicable in
more than one language, i.e. structures that are shared by several
varieties.
Present-day arealisms reflect cognitive preferences of multililingual
communities in (different layers of) the past.
reconstruction of contact mechanisms
[cf. Hölzl 2018 on ‘constructionalization areas’]
Diasystematic Construction Grammar (DCxG)
22 Boas & Höder 2018, 2021
DCxG | Constructions
Cxn
form syntactic
morphological
material
function referential
grammatical
socio-pragmatic
properties
meaning
23
symbolic link
(conventional and) learned form-function pairings
[Goldberg 2013: 17; Höder, Prentice & Tingsell 2021: 316]
DCxG | Schematicity
Schematicity continuum (‘syntax-lexicon continuum’)
schematicity
‘lexicon’
[
kaffe ‘coffee’]
‘morphology’
[
V-e <infinitive>]
‘idioms’
[
BIDE i det sure æble] ‘grit one’s teeth’]
‘argument
structure’
[
V, SUBJ, OBJ] <transitivity>]
‘syntax’
[
Vfin¹ SUBJ² … <polar question>]
‘discourse’
“[I]t’s constructions all the way down.”
[Goldberg 2006: 18]
24
filled and schematic parts
DCxG | What for?
DCxG isn’t another theory, it’s plain usage-based CxG applied to
language contact. [Croft 2005, Goldberg 2013, Bybee 2010, Höder 2012, 2014, 2018]
domain-general cognitive abilities and mechanisms
input-based acquisition and organization of linguistic knowledge, based
on abstraction/generalization/… [Bybee 2010, 2013]
Socio-cognitive realism [Boas 2013, Höder 2014b, 2018]
human language as a communicative tool used in social interaction
gradual cognitive entrenchment and social conventionalization of
constructions
25
DCxG | Grammar is community-specific
26
“[D]escribing and analysing the grammar of ‘languages’ is rather
pointless, unless they coincide with the entire set of linguistic
structures used by a particular community. […]
[A] multilingual community’s grammar of a given language may
be essentially different from a monolingual community’s grammar
of the same language.”
[Höder 2018: 47]
DCxG | Multilingual constructicon
27
coexisting,
but separate
constructicons
AB
DCxG | Multilingual constructicon
28
diacxns idiocxns Bidiocxns A
[cf. ‘linguistic repertoire’, Matras 2020]
multilingual
constructicon
AB
DCxG | Multilingual constructicon
Cxn
form syntactic
morphological
material
function referential
grammatical
socio-pragmatic
properties
meaning
29
symbolic link
Idiocxns
mark the current context as belonging
to a specific set of communicative
settings: <Cwork>, <Chome>, <CA>, <CB>, …
Diacxns
do not
DCxG | Multilingual constructicon
30
Vfin¹ SBJ²
<polar question>
language-unspecific
schema
Standard Danish
Standard German
South Jutlandic
Kunne I høre mig?
Konntet ihr mich hören?
Ku I hye mæ?
Kunnen ji mi hören? Low German
language-specific
filling
diacxn
idiocxns
‘Could you hear me?’
DCxG | Multilingual constructicon
31
diacxns idiocxns Bidiocxns A
ABmultilingual
constructicon
DCxG | Multilingual constructicon
32
degree of diasystematicity
AB
DCxG | Multilingual constructicon
33
degree of diasystematicity
more diacxns = higher DoD
simpler multilingual constructicon
AB
DCxG | Multilingual constructicon
34
degree of diasystematicity
fewer diacxns = lower DoD
AB
DCxG | Areal conspiracy
35 [Höder forthc.]
DCxG | Areal conspiracy
36 [Höder forthc.]
DCxG | Areal conspiracy
37
1
genealogically related &
typologically similar
high initial DoD
BA
[Höder forthc.]
DCxG | Areal conspiracy
38
1
genealogically related &
typologically similar
high initial DoD
2
diasystematic
stability
BA
BA
[Höder forthc.]
DCxG | Areal conspiracy
39
1
genealogically related &
typologically similar
high initial DoD
2
diasystematic
stability
3
pro
-diasystematic change
BA
BA
BA
[Höder forthc.]
DCxG | Areal conspiracy
40
1
genealogically related &
typologically similar
high initial DoD
2
diasystematic
stability
3
pro
-diasystematic change
4
diaconstructionalization
BA
BA
BA
BA
[Höder forthc.]
DCxG | Areal conspiracy
41
1
genealogically related &
typologically similar
high initial DoD
2
diasystematic
stability
3
pro
-diasystematic change
4
diaconstructionalization
BA
BA
BA
BA
[Höder forthc.]
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
42
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
43
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
44
#1 | De-Obligational Future Cxn
45
Jeg
skal spise noget.
Jutlandic
Æ ska spis naue.
Ik
schall wat eten.
Ich
soll was essen.
Ik
will/mutt/… wat eten.
Ich will/muss/… was essen.
‘I‘m going to eat something.‘
#1 | De-Obligational Future Cxn
46
OBLIG.MODAL,Vinf
<future>
SHALL future’
Jeg
skal spise noget.
Jutlandic
Æ
ska spis naue.
Ik
schall wat eten.
Ich
soll was essen.
Ik
will/mutt/… wat eten.
Ich
will/muss/… was essen.
‘I‘m going to eat something.‘
#1 | De-Obligational Future Cxn
Well-known grammaticalization path OBLIGATION > FUTURE [Kuteva et al. 2019]
Similar cxns are known from most West Germanic languages and
Continental Scandinavian. [Dahl 2000]
Including Middle Low German. [Lasch 1914]
But not found in most varieties of present-day German, including North
Low German outside the contact zone.
47
#1 | De-Obligational Future Cxn
Could be diasystematic stability:
Genuine Low German feature retained
as a diacxn in a multilingual community.
Could also be pro-diasystematic change
Danish cxn > diacxn.
48
BA
BA
OBLIG.MODAL,Vinf
<future>
OBLIG.MODAL,Vinf
<future> <CDa>
OBLIG.MODAL,Vinf
<future> <CLG>
?
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
49
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
50
#2 | Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
manden
han
kvinden
hun
døren
den
huset
det
der Tisch
er
die Tür
sie
das Haus
es
51
agreement in gender
agreement in sex
#2 | Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
52
Animacy-based pronominalization split (singular):
Animate NPs are pronominalized according to sex.
Inanimate NPs are pronominalized according to gender.
NPanimacy:+,sex:α, PERS.PRONsex:α
<pronominalization>
NPanimacy:,gender:α, PERS.PRONgender:α
<pronominalization>
animacy
ANIMATE
INANIMATE
sex/
gender
MALE
FEMALE
UTER
NEUTER
Standard
Danish
han manden
hun kvinden
den døren
det huset
South
Jutlandic
hanj æ manj
hon
æ
kvinj
n
ɹ̇
æ
dør
æ hus
[Jul Nielsen & Nyberg 1995, Jørgensen 1950, ...]
#2 | Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
53
gender
MASCULINE
FEMININE
NEUTER
Low German
he de Mann
de Disch
se
de
Fru
de
Döör
dat
dat
Huus
Standard German
er der Mann
der Tisch
sie die Frau
die Tür
es das Haus
animacy
ANIMATE
INANIMATE
sex/
gender
MALE
FEMALE
UTER
NEUTER
Standard
Danish
han manden
hun kvinden
den døren
det huset
South
Jutlandic
hanj æ manj
hon
æ
kvinj
n
ɹ̇
æ
dør
æ hus
NPgender:α, PERS.PRONgender:α
<pronominalization>
[Jul Nielsen & Nyberg 1995, Jørgensen 1950, ...]
#2 | Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
54
gender
MASCULINE
FEMININE
NEUTER
Low German
he de Mann
de Disch
se
de
Fru
de
Döör
dat
dat
Huus
Standard
German
er der Mann
der Tisch
sie die Frau
die Tür
es das Haus
animacy
ANIMATE
INANIMATE
sex/
gender
MALE
FEMALE
UTER
NEUTER
Standard
Danish
han manden
hun kvinden
den døren
det huset
South
Jutlandic
hanj æ manj
hon
æ
kvinj
n
ɹ̇
æ
dør
æ hus
Local
Low
German
(Anglia)
de Mann
de Frau
en
n̥
dad
id
de Disch
de
Döör
dat
Huus
[Bock 1933, Höder 2016]
#2 | Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
55
gender
MASCULINE
FEMININE
NEUTER
Low German
he de Mann
de Disch
se
de
Fru
de
Döör
dat
dat
Huus
Standard
German
er der Mann
der Tisch
sie die Frau
die Tür
es das Haus
animacy
ANIMATE
INANIMATE
sex/
gender
MALE
FEMALE
UTER
NEUTER
Standard
Danish
han manden
hun kvinden
den døren
det huset
South
Jutlandic
hanj æ manj
hon
æ
kvinj
n
ɹ̇
æ
dør
æ hus
Local
Low
German
(Anglia)
de Mann
de Frau
en
n̥
dad
id
de Disch
de
Döör
dat
Huus
#2 | Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
Pro-diasystematic change
South Jutlandic cxn > diacxn.
56
BA
diacxns
NPanimacy:+,sex:α, PERS.PRONsex:α
<pronominalization> <CDa>
NPanimacy:,gender:α, PERS.PRONgender:α
<pronominalization> <CDa>
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
57
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
58
#3 | Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
59
Standard Danish
Vi
bor på mandens gård.
South
Jutlandic
Vi boe å æ manj sin gåe.
Low German
Wi wahnt op den Mann sienen Hoff.
North High German
Wir wohnen auf dem/n Mann seinem/n Hof.
Standard German
Wir wohnen auf dem Hof des Mannes/…
‘We live on the man’s farm.’
#3 | Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
60
Standard Danish
Vi
bor på mandens gård.
South
Jutlandic
Vi boe å æ manj sin gåe.
Low German
Wi wahnt op den Mann sienen Hoff.
North High German
Wir wohnen auf dem/n Mann seinem/n Hof.
Standard German
Wir wohnen auf dem Hof des Mannes/…
‘We live on the man’s farm.’
West
Jutlandic
æ manj hans go’r
Norwegian
mannen sin gard
#3 | Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
61
NPcase:obl,gender:α,number:β¹
POSSgender1:α,number1:β,gender2:γ,number2:δ,case:ε²
NPgender:γ,number:δ,case:ε³
<possession>
POSSESSUM
POSSESSORobl POSS
gender, number, case
gender, number
den Mann
M.SG.OBL
sienen
POSS.3SG.M-OBL.SG.M
Hoff
M.SG.OBL
‘We live on the man’s farm.’
#3 | Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
62
NPcase:obl,gender:α,number:β¹
POSSgender1:α,number1:β,gender2:γ,number2:δ,case:ε²
NPgender:γ,number:δ,case:ε³
<possession>
Standard Danish
Vi
bor på mandens gård.
South
Jutlandic
Vi boe å
æ manj sin gåe.
Low German
Wi wahnt op
den Mann sienen Hoff.
North High German
Wir wohnen auf
dem/n Mann seinem/n Hof.
Standard German
Wir wohnen auf
dem Hof des Mannes/…
#3 | Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
Found in most Continental West Germanic varieties.
Lacking from Standard German and most Nordic varieties.
But found in Low German and some Nordic varieties:
South Jutlandic
some West Jutlandic dialects
many Norwegian varieties
including the Nynorsk standard
(constructional variation: reflexive vs. non-reflexive forms)
Areal distribution and sociolinguistic history suggest Low German
origin.
[Höder 2016, Koptjevskaja-Tamm 2001, Harbert 2007,
Gunleifsen 2011, Jul Nielsen & Nyberg 1995, Jysk Ordbog]
63
#3 | Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
64
Pro-diasystematic change
Low German cxn > diacxn.
BA
NPcase:obl,gender:α,number:β¹
POSSgender1:α,number1:β,gender2:γ,number2:δ,case:ε²
NPgender:γ,number:δ,case:ε³
<possession> <CLG>
diacxn
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
65
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
66
#4 | De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
67
Det var
dumt at sige det.
Jutlandic
De va dumt a sej er.
Dat
weer dumm un seggen dat.
Das war
dumm und sagen das.
Dat weer dumm, dat to seggen.
Es war dumm, es zu sagen.
‘It was stupid to say it.’
#4 | De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
68
ADD.CONJ¹ Vinf²...
<infinitive>
Det var
dumt at sige det.
Jutlandic
De va dumt
a sej er.
Dat
weer dumm un seggen dat.
Das war
dumm und sagen das.
Dat weer dumm,
dat to seggen.
Es war dumm,
es zu sagen.
‘It was stupid to say it.’
AND infinitive’
#4 | De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
Highly unusual innovation, probably contact-induced.
Hardly attested grammaticalization path (AND > INFINITIVE MARKER).
Suspicious word order pattern (verb-initial infinitive phrase).
Also suspicious homophony:
South Jutlandic infinitive markers and additive conjunctions
dumt asej er ‘stupid to say it’
æ manj aæ pich ‘the man and the girl’
(as in many spoken varieties of Continental Scandinavian)
[Laur 1975, Hoekstra 2009, 2021, Höder 2016]
69
But: Think usage-based CxG!
(There are no pre-established categories …)
#4 | De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
70
X1 aX2
<conjunction><CSJ>
a¹Vinf² ...
<infinitive><CSJ>
#4 | De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
71
X1 aX2
<conjunction> <CSJ>
X1 un X2
<conjunction> <CLG>
X1ADD.CONJ X2
<conjunction>
diacxn
interlingual identification
a¹Vinf² ...
<infinitive> <CSJ>
#4 | De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
72
a¹Vinf² ...
<infinitive> <CSJ>
ADD.CONJ¹ Vinf² ...
<infinitive> <CSJ>
intralingual identification
ADD.CONJ¹ Vinf² ...
<infinitive>
diacxn
X1 aX2
<conjunction> <CSJ>
X1 un X2
<conjunction> <CLG>
X1ADD.CONJ X2
<conjunction>
diacxn
pro-diasystematic change
#4 | De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
73
diaconstructionalization
BABA
a¹Vinf² ...
<infinitive> <CSJ>
ADD.CONJ¹ Vinf² ...
<infinitive> <CSJ>
intralingual identification
ADD.CONJ¹ Vinf² ...
<infinitive>
diacxn
X1 aX2
<conjunction> <CSJ>
X1 un X2
<conjunction> <CLG>
X1ADD.CONJ X2
<conjunction>
diacxn
pro-diasystematic change
#4 | De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
74
diaconstructionalization pro-diasystematic change
reorganizational sequence
BABA
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
75
Structure
1 Background
Geography | History | Contact
2 Areal constructions
Diasystematic Construction Grammar
3 Selected features
#1 De-Obligational Future Cxn
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split Cxns
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive Cxn
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker Cxn
4 Conclusion
76
Summing up | Areal conspiracy
77
BA
BA
BA
BA
high initial DoD
diaconstructionalization
diasystematic stability
pro-diasystematic change
1
2
3
4
1
2
3
4
Summing up | Areal conspiracy
78
BA
BA
BA
BA
high initial DoD
#1 De-Obligational Future
#2 Animacy-Based Pronominalization Split
#3 Possessor-Initial Linking Possessive
#4 De-Additive Infinitive Marker
diasystematic stability
diaconstructionalization
pro-diasystematic change
Summing up | Areal conspiracy
#1 #2 #3 #4
D
Standard
Danish + + (+)
South Schleswig
Danish + + ? (+)
South
Jutlandic + + + (+)
G
Schleswig Low German
+ + + +
local
varieties of NHG + + +
North Schleswig German
– – + ?
North High German
++
Standard German
– – – –
NF
++ +
79
Summing up | Remember this
From a DCxG perspective, areal features in the contact zone can be
understood in terms of emerging diaconstructions in historical or
extant multilingual communities.
But of course:
Once established, contact-induced arealisms continue to exist even when
speakers no longer are multilingual, and areal patterns often reflect
historical contact situations rather than present-day multilingualism.
There is a kind of areal ‘conspiracy’ involving different mechanisms of
constructional change.
Even if the multilingual communities cannot be reconstructed in
sufficient detail, the simplification of the multilingual constructicon
can.
Yet, as with all types of linguistic reconstruction: Caution is advised!
80
81
Mange takk!
Tack så mycket!
Tusind tak!
Schönen Dank ok!
Vielen Dank!
Takk fyrir!
Takk fyri!
s.hoeder@isfas.uni-kiel.de
steffenhoeder.de
grammarnord.de
Thank you for your attention.
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