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Parliaments, Elections and Constitutions in Qing and Russian Imperial Transformations, 1860s-1920s, ed. by Ivan Sablin and Egas Moniz Bandeira (Special Issue, Parliaments, Estates and Representation 41, no. 1, 2022)
Abstract
This special issue explores concepts and practices related to parliamentarism in the imperial and post-imperial transformations of the Qing and Russian Empires, as well as their successor states. It demonstrates that representative institutions were a crucial factor in the establishment of modernized empires or post-imperial states. In particular, the issue explores how the ‘mining’ of own imperial past and present for concepts and practices was used in combination with the globally circulating forms of representation in the development of parliamentary institutions, how particular interest groups defined through ethnicity, region, religion, or class were represented, and, ultimately, how the parliamentary developments informed the formation of single-party regimes in the post-imperial settings.
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The political system of early socialist-era Mongolia, established by the first Constitution in 1924, can be interpreted as a vernacular version of the Soviet system, in which the formally supreme representative body, the State Great Khural (“assembly”), was sidelined by the standing Presidium of the Small Khural and the Cabinet and eclipsed by the extraconstitutional party authorities. The establishment of this sham and nominal parliamentary system was a consequence of the Bolshevik new imperialism, the inclusion of the Mongolian People’s Republic into the informal Soviet empire, which occurred through both military control and structural adjustments under the supervision of the Communist International. The 1924 Mongolian Constitution, however, was not a mere copy of its Soviet 1918 and 1924 counterparts but a transimperial document. In its text and especially in the history of its making, it reflected the entangled imperial transformations of the Russian and Qing empires and featured both indigenous (Khalkha and Buryad-Mongol) agency and vernacular political discourses. Khural existed as a nonrepresentative yet deliberative consultative assembly in 1914–1919, while Tsebeen Jamtsarano attempted to make a Mongolian khural one of the world’s many parliaments, even though his draft constitution was affected by the practices of revolutionary Russia.
The chapter analyzed the debates on parliamentarism in the late Russian Empire and revolutionary Russia and explored how the idea of parliament helped intellectuals locate Russia globally. The establishment of the legislative State Duma and the adoption of the Fundamental Laws of the Russian Empire during the Revolution of 1905–1907 seemed to make Russia a constitutional state. Few intellectuals, however, viewed the Duma as a parliament equal to its Western counterparts. Despite their criticism of the Duma, numerous liberal and moderate socialist and nationalist thinkers generally supported parliamentarism, seeing Russian transformations as part of the perceived parliamentary universalism. Right and left radicals, by contrast, questioned the very necessity of a parliament. The right argued that Russia was self-sufficient and did not need Western democracy; the left rejected parliaments, claiming them a part of class exploitation and oppressive state machinery, and called for direct rule of the toilers to represent an alternative democratic modernity. The Bolshevik–Left Socialist Revolutionary coup in October 1917 and the dissolution of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly in January 1918 marked a halt in Russia’s participation in global parliamentary developments, which institutionally encompassed, inter alia, Persia, the Ottoman Empire, and the Qing Empire (and the Republic of China) in the 1900s/1910s. Conceptually, it marked an end of the global parliamentary moment, as the Bolshevik–Left Socialist Revolutionary regime became the first practical take on non-parliamentary modernity.
The Qing Empire maintained a reciprocal relationship with Tibet for more than a century after acquiring it in the 1720s. The Manchu court granted Tibet a high degree of autonomy while Tibetan leaders obtained a strong ally to defend them from foreign invasion by compromising part of their authority. The mutually beneficial relationship, however, ended in the 1900s when the Manchu court adopted predatory policies to tighten its control over Tibet to resist British and Russian expansionism. This article explores the often-overlooked impact of Meiji Japan, and aims to reveal its role in setting the intellectual framework for the Qing Empire’s new Tibet policy. I argue that Japanese knowledge of imperialism and Tibet promoted an imperialist worldview, which conceptualised the Tibetan frontier as a colony that needed to be exploited, civilised and nationalised. Through an in-depth discussion of discourses on Tibet produced by Japanese elites, Chinese students in Meiji Japan, and Chinese elites in China, as well as policy proposals drafted by Chinese officials, I demonstrate that Japanese knowledge shaped Chinese perceptions of Tibet and was translated into the Qing Empire's new Tibet policy. Ultimately, the article aims to reveal a specific mechanism of imperialism, which attempted to convert China into its accomplice.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) granted Sinophone Muslims minzu 民族 (ethnicity/nationality) status, finally settling a debate on the nature of Chinese Muslim identity. This article argues that the CCP’s decision should be contextualized within Nationalist-era politics. Sinophone Muslim intellectuals strategically employed their historical, cultural, and political resources to negotiate with the Nationalist Party (GMD) to secure autonomous rights for all Muslims of China. The secular state, however, denied autonomy to religious groups. As such, a cohort of influential Sinophone Muslim intellectuals wrapped their demands in the minzu discourse. Negotiations with the GMD finally reached a compromise, which granted a representative quota in the National Assembly exclusively to Sinophone Muslims, recognizing their distinct status on the grounds of their “special ways of living and habits.” When the CCP confirmed Sinophone Muslims’ minzu identity, it also legalized their de facto status already recognized by the GMD.
The first full length treatment of ethnic and national identity in early Twentieth-century China, Leibold traces the political and cultural strategies employed by Han Chinese elites in the process of incorporating, both discursively and physically, the diverse inhabitants of the last Qing dynasty into a new, homogenous national community.
The 1876 constitution and its reinstitution in 1908 have been acknowledged as landmarks in the historiography of the late Ottoman Empire. The promulgation of a constitution signified a critical political transformation despite the brevity of the First Constitutional Period (1876–78). During the next three decades of Sultan Abdülhamid's autocratic rule, the ultimately successful struggle to restore the constitution against the Sultan's relentless resistance became central to the political life of the empire. In 1908, the Young Turk Revolution inaugurated a decade of social and political change, the Second Constitutional Period.
For standard accounts of the development of Chinese terminology for elections/voting, see
- P Y Chang
- L J Ye
For standard accounts of the development of Chinese terminology for elections/voting, see P.Y. Chang, Zhongguo
minzhu zhengzhi de kunjing 1909-1949: wan Qing yilai li jie yihui xuanju shulun (Taipei, 2007), pp. 1-49 and L.J. Ye,
Minguo Beijing zhengfu shiqi xuanju zhidu yanjiu (Changsha, 2007), pp. 16-44; a revisionist account can be found in
J. B. Hill, Voting as a Rite (Cambridge, MA, 2019), pp. 11-39.
juan 103; Xue Fucheng, Chushi Ying Fa Yi Bi siguo riji (1894-98; reprint
- Comp Ge Huangchao Jingshi Wen Xubian
- Shijun
Huangchao jingshi wen xubian, comp. Ge Shijun (1888; Reproduced in D. Sturgeon (ed.), Chinese Text Project, http://
ctext.org), juan 103; Xue Fucheng, Chushi Ying Fa Yi Bi siguo riji (1894-98; reprint, Changsha, 2008), pp. 802-3.
On the theory of the republic of five races during the Xinhai revolution
- K Kataoka
- 片岡一忠
- Shingai Kakumei Jiki No Gozoku Kyōwa Ron O Megutte' 辛亥革
- 命時期の五族共和論をめぐって
Kataoka K. 片岡一忠, 'Shingai kakumei jiki no gozoku kyōwa ron o megutte' 辛亥革
命時期の五族共和論をめぐって [On the theory of the republic of five races during the Xinhai revolution], in
Chūgoku kingendaishi no shomondai: Tanaka Masami sensei taikan kinen ronshū 中国近現代史の諸問題: 田中正
美先生退官記念論集 [Problems in modern and contemporary Chinese history: Festschrift on the occasion of Professor Tanaka Masami's retirement] (Tokyo, 1984);
The "political game" and "state-building": Outer Mongolia during the 1911 revolution
- J Feng
Feng J., 'The "political game" and "state-building": Outer Mongolia during the 1911 revolution,' in J. W. Esherick and
C. X. George Wei (eds), China: How the Empire Fell (London, 2013), pp. 249-67.
On Xinjiang as a 'colony' see E. Schluessel, Land of Strangers: The Civilizing Project in Qing Central Asia
- J Jacobs
On Xinjiang as a 'colony' see E. Schluessel, Land of Strangers: The Civilizing Project in Qing Central Asia (New York, 2020);
and J. Jacobs, Xinjiang and the Modern Chinese State (Seattle and London, 2016), pp. 17-48.
Qing Guangxu chao zhengfu guanyuan de Menggu choubian lunshu' 清光緒朝政府官員的蒙古籌 邊論述 [Exposition of the border planning for Mongolia by government officials of the Qing Guangxu court
- Chang C 張啟雄
Chang C. 張啟雄, 'Qing Guangxu chao zhengfu guanyuan de Menggu choubian lunshu' 清光緒朝政府官員的蒙古籌
邊論述 [Exposition of the border planning for Mongolia by government officials of the Qing Guangxu court], Mengzang
jikan 蒙藏季刊 23, (2014), p. 59.
Late Qing Parliamentarism and the Borderlands of the Qing Empire
- Moniz Bandeira
Moniz Bandeira, 'Late Qing Parliamentarism and the Borderlands of the Qing Empire,' p. 23; Chang, 'Qing Guangxu chao
zhengfu guanyuan de Menggu choubian lunshu,' pp. 60-2; J. Chappell, 'Developmentalism in Late Qing China, 1874-1911,' The Historical Journal 64, (2020), https://doi.org/10.1017/S0018246X19000669, pp. 98-120.
Memorial submitted by the Ministry for the Administration of the Borderlands about the implementation of selected important matters which should be arranged in order to prepare for constitutional government in the borderlands
- lifan Bu Zou Choubei Fanshu Xianzheng Ying Ban Shiyi Fenbie Jihuan Zeyao Tuixing Zhe' 理藩部奏籌備藩屬憲政應辦
- 事宜分別急緩擇要推行摺
'Lifan bu zou choubei fanshu xianzheng ying ban shiyi fenbie jihuan zeyao tuixing zhe' 理藩部奏籌備藩屬憲政應辦
事宜分別急緩擇要推行摺 [Memorial submitted by the Ministry for the Administration of the Borderlands about the
implementation of selected important matters which should be arranged in order to prepare for constitutional government in the borderlands, ordered by urgency], Yubei lixian gonghui bao 預備立憲憲公會報, 2 (1909), no. 10, p. 15.
26 'Lifan bu zou choubei fanshu xianzheng ying ban shiyi fenbie jihuan zeyao tuixing zhe,' p. 15.
Five Races, one Parliament
- Brophy
Brophy, 'Five Races, one Parliament,' p. 351.
Ot krusheniia tsarizma
- Bukharin
Bukharin, Ot krusheniia tsarizma, pp. 95-6.
Review -The Economic Principles of Confucius and his School
- J M Keynes
J. M. Keynes. 'Review -The Economic Principles of Confucius and his School. By Chen Huan-Chang. Columbia University
Studies. (New York: Longmans. 1911. 2 Vols. Pp. xv+756.)', The Economic Journal 22, (1912), pp. 584-8.
審查請諮政府對於歐戰和議列席時提出收回德國租借之膠州灣全部國土案報 告 (外交股委員會提出) [Motion (submitted by the Foreign Affairs Committee) suggesting that Government request the reclamation of all national territory in Kiaochow Bay conceded to Germany at the European Peace Conference
- Han Hua
- 韓華 Minchu Kongjiaohui Yu Guojiao Yundong Yanjiu
Han Hua 韓華. Minchu Kongjiaohui yu Guojiao Yundong yanjiu 民初孔教會與國教運動研究 [Research on the Confucianist Society and the Movement for a National Religion in the Early Republic] (Peking, 2007), pp. 63-4; 139-43.
25 'Shencha qing zi zhengfu duiyu Ouzhan Heyi liexi shit ichu shouhui Deguo zujie zhi Jiaozhouwan quanbu guotu an
(Waijiaogu Weiyuanhui tichu)' 審查請諮政府對於歐戰和議列席時提出收回德國租借之膠州灣全部國土案報
告 (外交股委員會提出) [Motion (submitted by the Foreign Affairs Committee) suggesting that Government
request the reclamation of all national territory in Kiaochow Bay conceded to Germany at the European Peace Conference], Canyiyuan Gongbao, 1st session, 4, pp. 102-3.
- Zhongyiyuan Gongbao
Zhongyiyuan
Gongbao, 2nd session, 4, pp. 87-92; 'Zhi Bali Hu Gongshi zhuan Gu Wang 2 Teshi dian' 致巴黎胡公使轉顧王二特
使電 (Telegram to Minister Hu in Paris for transfer to Envoys Koo and Wang), Zhongyiyuan Gongbao, 2nd session, 2,
p. 249.
28 'Zhuandian' 專電 [Telegram], Shen-pao 申報, 10 June 1919, p. 4.
Hunan Shengyihui danxian fachu zhi tongdian' 湖南省議會單銜發出之通電
- Shen-Pao 申報
Hepinghui qing jiesan Xinguohui dian' 和平會請解散新國會電 [Telegram requesting the dissolution of the New Parliament by the Peace Conference], Shen-pao 申報, 26 June 1919, p. 10; 'Hunan Shengyihui danxian fachu zhi tongdian'
湖南省議會單銜發出之通電 [Telegram independently issued by the Hunan Provincial Assembly], Changsha Ta-kung
Pao 長沙大公報, 6 July 1919, p. 7; 'Shiping' 時評 [Editorial], Shen-pao 申報, 21 June 1919, p. 3.
Zongzhang Cao Rulin maiguo xianji jiying mianzhi bing qing chaban an' 議員羅正緯等提出彈劾交通總長曹汝霖賣國嫌疑亟應免職並請查辦案 [Motion by MP Luo Zhengwei impeaching the Minister of Communications Cao Rulin for Quislingism requesting dismissal and a formal investigation
- Yiyuan Luo Zhengwei Deng Tihu Tanhe
Yiyuan Luo Zhengwei deng tihu tanhe Jiaotong Zongzhang Cao Rulin maiguo xianji jiying mianzhi bing qing chaban
an' 議員羅正緯等提出彈劾交通總長曹汝霖賣國嫌疑亟應免職並請查辦案 [Motion by MP Luo Zhengwei
impeaching the Minister of Communications Cao Rulin for Quislingism requesting dismissal and a formal investigation],
Zhongyiyuan Gongbao, 2nd session, 3, pp. 155-6.
Qian Nengxun weifa shizhi an' 議員李繼楨提出彈劾國務員錢能訓違法失 職案 [Motion by MP Li Jizhen to impeach State Councillor Qian Nengxun for contravening the law and negligence
- Yiyuan Li Jizhen Tichu Tanhe Guowuyuan
Yiyuan Li Jizhen tichu tanhe Guowuyuan Qian Nengxun weifa shizhi an' 議員李繼楨提出彈劾國務員錢能訓違法失
職案 [Motion by MP Li Jizhen to impeach State Councillor Qian Nengxun for contravening the law and negligence],
Zhongyiyuan Gongbao, 2nd session, 3, pp. 157-9頁。.
國會閉會式紀事 [An Account of the Parliamentary Closing Ceremony], Canyiyuan Gongbao, 1st session
- Guohui Bihuishi
Guohui Bihuishi jishi' 國會閉會式紀事 [An Account of the Parliamentary Closing Ceremony], Canyiyuan Gongbao, 1st
session, 6, (1919), pp. 149-50.
Jin Yunpeng zhi fenpei geyuan nan' 靳雲鵬之分配閣員難 [Jin Yunpeng's difficulties in distributing cabinet members
- Jin Neige Tongguo Xinzhongyuan
- 靳內閣通過新眾院
Jin Neige tongguo Xinzhongyuan' 靳內閣通過新眾院 [Jin Yunpeng's Cabinet has been passed by the New House of
Representatives], Shen-pao 3 November 1919, p. 3; 'Jin Yunpeng zhi fenpei geyuan nan' 靳雲鵬之分配閣員難 [Jin
Yunpeng's difficulties in distributing cabinet members], Shen-pao 5 November 1919, p. 6.
71 'Geyuan fenpei bozhe xuzhi' 閣員分配波折續志 [Account of the continued troubles with distributing cabinet positions
Anfu Pai bizou Jin Yunpeng zhi anmu' 安福派逼走靳雲鵬之暗幕 [Dark intricacies surrounding Anfu's attempt to
force Jin's departure], Social Welfare 益世報, 24 December 1919, p. 2.
71 'Geyuan fenpei bozhe xuzhi' 閣員分配波折續志 [Account of the continued troubles with distributing cabinet positions], Social Welfare 11 November 1919, p. 6.
72 'Geyuan zhipei reng zai xiangchi zhong' 閣員支配仍在相持中 [Stalemate continues over cabinet member appointments], Shen-pao 10 November 1919, p. 6.
Zuge wenti reng zai tingdun zhong' 組閣問題仍在停頓中 [Cabinet question still in stalemate
- Rangduo Zhong Zhi Zuge Wenti
- 攘奪中之組閣問題
Rangduo Zhong zhi zuge wenti' 攘奪中之組閣問題 [The cabinet question subject to contention], The Republican
Daily News 民國日報, 14 November 1919, p. 3.
77 'Anfu zhi daji' 安福之打擊 [The Anfu Blow], The Republican Daily News 16 November 1919, p. 3.
78 'Zuge wenti reng zai tingdun zhong' 組閣問題仍在停頓中 [Cabinet question still in stalemate], The Morning Post, 14
November 1919, p. 2; 'Geyuan wenti yu Anfu Pai', 閣員問題與安福派 [The Cabinet Member Question and the Anfu
Faction], Shen-pao 19 November 1919, p. 6.
79 'Jin Yunpeng zuge zhi bozhe', p. 6.
Jin Yunpeng zuori yi dao Yuan' 靳雲鵬昨日已到院
- gechao Zuijin Xingshi
- 閣潮最近形勢
'Gechao zuijin xingshi', 閣潮最近形勢 [Recent situation with the cabinet crisis], Shen-pao, 15 March 1920, p. 6.
88 'Jin Yunpeng zuori yi dao Yuan' 靳雲鵬昨日已到院 [Jin Yunpeng arrived at the State Council yesterday], Social
Welfare, 5 March 1920, p. 3.
Anfu pai Jin yundong shangwei xi' 安福排靳運動尚未息 [Anfu's anti-Jin movement is still not dead
- Jin Ge Anchao Zheng Lie
- 靳閣暗潮正烈
Jin Ge anchao zheng lie' 靳閣暗潮正烈 [Turbulent undercurrents in the Jin cabinet], Shen-pao, 13 March 1920, p. 6;
'Anfu pai Jin yundong shangwei xi' 安福排靳運動尚未息 [Anfu's anti-Jin movement is still not dead], Shen-pao 9
March 1920, p. 6.
91 'Effect of the Anfu members of the cabinet resigning crisis feared', The Shanghai Times
- qiluo Wuding Zhi Neige
- 起落無定之內閣
'Qiluo wuding zhi neige' 起落無定之內閣 [Cabinet in uncertainty], The Morning Post 15 March 1920, p. 2.
91 'Effect of the Anfu members of the cabinet resigning crisis feared', The Shanghai Times, 9 March 1920, p. 6.
92 The North-China Herald, 5 June 1920, p. 573.
Lu'an zhijie jiaoshe" chutan' 謠言與外交--華 盛頓會議前'魯案直接交涉'初探 [Lies and diplomacy: A first investigation into the 'direct negotiations about the Shantung question
- Ma Jianbiao
- Yaoyan Yu Waijiao -Huashengdun Huiyi Qian
Ma Jianbiao 馬建標, 'Yaoyan yu waijiao -Huashengdun Huiyi qian "Lu'an zhijie jiaoshe" chutan' 謠言與外交--華
盛頓會議前'魯案直接交涉'初探 [Lies and diplomacy: A first investigation into the 'direct negotiations about the
Shantung question'], Lishi yanjiu 歷史研究, 4 (2008), pp. 55-70.
98 'Beijing zuijin zhi zhengchao' 北京最近之政潮 [The recent Peking political crisis
- Zhongyang Guoshi Bianjishe
Zhongyang Guoshi Bianjishe (ed), Xu Shuzheng Zhengzhuan, p. 34.
98 'Beijing zuijin zhi zhengchao' 北京最近之政潮 [The recent Peking political crisis], Shen-pao 11 May 1920, p. 6.
99 'Jin Zongli jueji cizhi yi' 靳總理決計辭職矣 [Premier Jin has decided to resign], L'Impartial, 9 May 1920, p. 1.
2nd session, 2, p. 199. To this, the government made the pathetic excuse that since the treaties had already been concluded, resubmission to parliament was out of the question.
Intimate Enemies: Demonizing the Bolshevik Opposition
- I Halfin
I. Halfin, Intimate Enemies: Demonizing the Bolshevik Opposition, 1918-1929 (Pittsburgh, 2007).