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The Linguistic Landscape of Mosques in Indonesia: Materiality
and Identity Representation
Kamal Yusuf
1
a, Yulia Eka Putrie
2
b
Abstract
During its development, mosques in Indonesia have become
a potential place with friction and conflict over the struggle
for identity and the infiltration of various Islamic ideologies.
This article explores the linguistic landscape in connection
to the use of architectural materials in community mosques
in Malang, Indonesia. The community mosques of
Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Non-NU were selected to see
their strategies in contesting their identities representation.
The research findings demonstrate that the materiality in the
mosques indicates an attempt to designate the identity of
each subculture group. The use of languages displayed in
the mosques also delineates each community mosque’s
efforts to maintain their identity representation from
attempts to confiscate the mosque by a particular group or
ideology. This study points out that in Indonesia, materiality
and linguistic landscape in religious sites (mosques) need to
be considered as an effort to anticipate the sociopolitical
dynamics that develop in the society.
© 2022 IJSCL. All rights reserved.
Associate Professor, Email: kamalinev@gmail.com (Corresponding Author)
Tel: +62-858-52921233
Lecturer, Email: ekaputrie.yulia@arch.uin-malang.ac.id
a Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Ampel Surabaya, Indonesia
b Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim, Indonesia
http://dx.doi.org/10.22034/ijscl.2022.550006.2570
ARTICLE HISTORY:
Received December 2021
Received in Revised form February 2021
Accepted February 2022
Available online March 2022
KEYWORDS:
Identity representation
Linguistic landscape
Materiality
Mosque management
Religiouscape
2
The Linguistic Landscape of Mosques in Indonesia
1. Introduction
he context of the current study is Islamic
place of worship or mosque in
Indonesia. Mosques play a strategic role
in Indonesian society, the world's largest
Muslim population. In each Muslim community,
a mosque has a central role as a religious
institution and as a place that accommodates
social, cultural, and political activities (Ahmed,
2013; Hasan, 2009). These mosques, with their
broad functions, is in certain situations prone to
friction and conflict. A mosque can potentially
be an arena of controversy and an entry into the
community of various Islamic views and
ideologies. As a religious space, a mosque
represents a close relationship among
architecture, representation of religious
symbols, and the language of sociopolitical
dynamics in the society (Wiryomartono, 2009).
In the Indonesian setting, a mosque is not
merely a holy place as for the diversity of
Islamic teachings, views, and Islamic sub-
cultures of community. It also renders a
political space for certain Islamic groups to
assert their authority and show identities
(Feillard, 2013). Diverse patterns and strategies
of identity representation were raised to
demonstrate the characteristics of each
community group. This dynamic interaction of
various Islamic groups in community mosques
eventually led to conflicts of interest, namely
the raising issue of seizing the mosques (Baso,
2013; Berita Satu, 2013; Emka, 2011; NU-
Online, 2016; Republika, 2013). To prevent
possible conflicts in mosques, stakeholders
took various efforts to represent the group’s
identity more explicitly. However, identity
representations are pursued through identity
affirmation as well as employing identity
disaffirmation, which is manifested through
alteration, omission, or imitation of the
language and architectural elements used
(Putrie & Martokusumo, 2020).
From this point, the use of language in mosques
is an interesting issue to be further explored,
particularly within the linguistic landscape
approach. Linguistic landscape relates to
linguistic objects that characterize the public
space, investigates displayed language in a
given area, and generally analyses
advertisements, billboards, signage, and other
signs in public space. The standard definition
used in this field is the one set out in the 1997
canonical article by Landry and Bourhis (1997),
who stated “the language of public road signs,
advertising billboards, street names, place
names, commercial shop signs, and public signs
on government buildings combines to form the
linguistic landscape of a given territory, region
or urban agglomeration” (p. 25). They concern
the use in the public sphere of language in its
written form. A relation is made to language
visible in the specified place (Bourhis &
Landry, 2002).
The present study analyzes the use of language
in the linguistic landscape of mosques. This
study furthermore aims to examine how the
language is used to convey messages in
representing, negotiating, and affirming
communities’ identity. Seeing the facts
mentioned earlier, it would be a trigger to look
at the language used in mosques’ signs using
linguistic landscape perspective in the
Indonesian setting. We also consider the
materiality applied in the mosques. We assume
that the medium is applied to the language used
on display and the message reflected from the
display. The significance of medium in the
linguistic landscape, namely how the language
is represented in the material nature of the sign
itself, has attracted attention (Alsaif & Starks,
2019; Cook, 2015; Kasanga, 2014; Plessis,
2010; Stroud & Mpendukana, 2009). The
medium, such as “blackboards and chalks,
monitor screens and pixels, paper and printer’s
ink, and all the diversity of writing techniques”
(Cook, 2015, p. 83), were included in this
analysis. In addition, medium types such as
“electronic flat-panel displays, LED neon
lights, foam boards, electronic message centers,
interactive touch screens, inflatable signage,
and scrolling banners” (Gorter, 2013, p. 19)
have also been incorporated into this study.
Therefore, this research is expected to
contribute to the growing knowledge on the
linguistic landscape of religious places in
different settings and contexts.
2. Theoretical Framework
2.1. Linguistic Landscape and Religiouscape
The study of the linguistic landscape has
attracted many scholars with a great deal of
attention (e.g., Adetunji, 2015; Coluzzi, 2016;
Harbon & Halimi, 2019; Kasanga, 2014; Lanza
& Woldemariam, 2013; Lee, 2019; Nikolaou,
T
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2017). Among them, scholars focus their
analysis on the religiouscape and worship, such
as what has been done by Woldemariam and
Lanza (2012), Coluzzi and Kitade (2015),
Kochav (2018), Inya (2019), and Esteron (2021).
Observing the languages displayed in places of
worship may be the most accurate indicator of
the level of the prestige enjoyed by the various
languages found in a multilingual country. An
article that discusses linguistic landscape
focuses on a particular religion was about signs
placed in the Christian church in Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia. The linguistic landscape of Addis
Abeba is a crossroads for numerous discourses
that touch on politics, national identity,
modernity, and, of course, power. This study
captured a wide range of banners, posters,
stickers, and, by extension, other mediated
discourses. In this regard, Woldemariam and
Lanza (2012) argued that the language
landscape serves as a platform for evangelizing,
contestation and debate, commodification, and
globalization. Coluzzi and Kitade (2015)
investigated seven places of worship in
Malaysia. Their study found that English, like
many other languages, serves as a neutral
language that can be used for interethnic
communication and offers cultural and
occupational opportunities. In the Philippines,
English is the dominant language of
communication and tourism in the churchscape,
while indigenous languages such as Filipino
and Pangasinan play a supporting role (Esteron,
2021). Meanwhile, in Israel, signs, posters,
stickers, flags, and graffiti are common, where
much of everyday life is defined by religious
settings. The linguistic landscape of Safed in
Israel's Upper Galilee was investigated by
Kochav (2018) to determine the features,
properties, and boundaries that represent the
spectrum of belief in the Orthodox Jewish
world. In Nigeria, Inya (2019) focuses her study
on the linguistic landscape of religious
signboards in Ado Ekiti. It aims to establish the
relationship between the languages used on
these signboards and the implication for
identity, globalization, and culture. The results
indicate that English is more prevalent and
ubiquitous in the public space than other
languages.
Until recently, however, literature explicitly
examines the linguistic landscape of mosques
has rarely been done. Alsaif and Starks (2019),
for example, explored the use of language
displayed in the Holy Grand Mosque of Mecca.
The study demonstrates how this religious site
comprises multiple domains, each with its own
linguistic landscape and preferred display
medium. The findings highlight the significance
of religious sites as a linguistic landscape, as
well as the relevance of considering language
and medium. In a contemporary discussion of
this matter, Alsaif and Starks (2021) expand
their research to examine the language used in
the Grand Mosque of Mecca. Their findings
illustrate the importance of domains in the
study of religious language and semiotic
assemblages found in the linguistic landscape.
2.2. Linguistic Landscape, Culture, and
Identity
Identity issues have long dominated
sociolinguistic study (Rezaei & Bahrami, 2019),
and some linguistic landscape studies have
looked into how individual and community
identities manifest and are contested in the
linguistic landscape of contemporary urban
areas. The study of identities from the
standpoint of the linguistic landscape in a
religious space context is intriguing. We
consider identity to be performed and so
dynamic rather than fixed. Identity is culturally
and historically situated, and it is negotiated in
contact with other people, groups, and
institutional systems (Edu-Buandoh, 2016).
Identity is constantly negotiated in and through
the linguistic landscape due to its dynamic
character. Because all social actors have many
identities, researching distinct identities in the
linguistic landscape and how they interact and
perhaps conflict is an essential focus for
understanding the role of language in the
linguistic landscape.
In the study of the linguistic landscape of a
specific space, language, culture, and identity
are inextricably linked. Extending this notion,
Schecter (2015) proposes three epistemological
approaches that apply in studying language,
culture, and identity. They are a social
anthropology perspective, focuses on how
group boundaries are maintained; a sociocultural
perspective studies how individuals and groups
maintain their identity and thrive; and a
participatory/relational perspective tradition
that is “interested in culturally situating
4
The Linguistic Landscape of Mosques in Indonesia
individuals' authentic selves in what they say
and do and with whom” (p. 242).
The linguistic landscape of a given public space
may change due to people moving into different
spaces and forming new identities as a result.
Social mobility happens as well, and prestige
languages may be used in the linguistic
landscape to garner political and socioeconomic
benefits. Identity is negotiated in and via
semiotic activities, as well as in and through the
linguistic landscape.
3. Methodology
This explorative study aims to examine the
materiality and identity representations in
various aspects manifested in the linguistic
landscape of mosques. Displayed languages in
mosques’ exterior and interior spaces were
investigated to describe how and why they are
presented in a certain sociopolitical context.
The existence of various Islamic organizations
or groups within the context of Islamic culture
plays a vital role in developing mosques in the
country with the immense Muslim majority.
Islamic organizations of a more traditional
perspective, such as NU, have an active role in
various efforts and strategies of Islamic
missionaries in Indonesia, as do Islamic
organizations of more contemporary
perspectives, including Muhammadiyah. One of
their missionary activities is to build mosques
to form the foundation of Islamic development
and education in various areas. Looking at those
realities, it is not excessive to understand that
the presence of mosques has not only a religious
function but also a socially significant role for
the Islamic subculture group.
3.1. Materials
Malang Raya, East Java, Indonesia, was chosen
as the location of this study. Thirty-one
mosques were chosen as research sites in this
region. The mosques are situated in three
administrative regions of Malang Raya: Kota
Malang (https://malangkota.go.id/), Kabupaten
Malang (http://malangkab.go.id/mlg/), and Kota
Batu (https://batukota.go.id/). Most of these
mosques are community mosques built and
maintained mainly by the local communities.
Community mosques were chosen as the object
of this study because they are comparatively
more vulnerable to various sociopolitical
changes and challenges due to the diverse
interaction of different Islamic groups emerging
in society. Hence, a further consideration in
determining the object of this study is the
factual occurrences of social tensions resulting
from the attempt to take over the community
mosques by an Islamic group considered a
hardliner (Rijal, 2016).
The mosques surveyed in this study are
affiliated with Muslim mass organizations,
namely NU and Muhammadiyah, since these
organizations throughout the time have built
many community mosques. We then consider
categorizing the mosques into NU and non-NU
mosques. The NU mosques are managed and
funded by the NU community. Those
administered and prospered by other than NU
are classified the non-NU mosques. Table 1
outlines the affiliated mosques with the number
of images taken.
We collected pictures of signs in a total of 151
from 31 mosques sites, where some pictures
contain more than one sign due to their adjacent
placements. The photos were taken from
outside and inside the mosques. In this regard,
our study is different from Coluzzi and Kitade
(2015), who only take pictures outside the
mosque. We consider it very important to take
every single image or sign applied in and
outside the mosques for this research. We
believe that linguistic elements outside the
mosque area (such as the main gate or entrance,
the parking area, the toilet) and inside the
mosque (the main hall and the mihrab area)
could help provide a comprehensive description
of the mosque's language use and identity
representation. In terms of consent, all images
taken were given permission by the
management authority of the mosques.
Table 1
Distribution of Signs in Mosque Sites in Malang Raya
Affiliation
Mosque
Photographed Items
NU
22
125
Non-NU
9
26
Total
31
151
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3.2. Data Analysis
We follow Backhaus (2007) in defining the unit
of analysis for this study, i.e., any written text
within a spatially definable frame. Therefore,
signage such as banners, posters, inscriptions,
and plates, regardless of their size and material,
were considered (Landry & Bourhis, 1997;
Leeman & Modan, 2009; Scollon & Scollon,
2003; Shohamy & Waksman, 2009). We use
digital cameras to collect information about the
use of language in the surveyed mosques. The
photos have been taken from a smartphone
using a digital camera. Smartphone cameras are
widely used in linguistic landscape research
(Siricharoen, 2016). Gorter (2006) pointed out
that using digital cameras with sufficient
memory enables researchers to take a limitless
number of signs. Although using a smartphone
camera is considered handy and
straightforward.
The change of medium as one of the strategies
used in taking and expropriating the mosque is
also investigated in this study. Alsaif & Starks
(2019) emphasize the importance of the
medium used in mosque linguistic landscape
research. The medium referred to any materials
attached to and used to frame the language
used. The medium can be of two types
depending on its material durability: permanent
and temporary (Alsaif & Starks, 2019; Cook,
2015). We found materials such as wood, stone,
metal, paper, electronic board, and plastic used,
attached with languages as shown on the data
(Table 2). In addition, we added semi-
permanent into the classification.
Table 2
Medium Display of Linguistic Landscape of Mosques in Malang Raya
Sign medium
Permanent
Semi-permanent
Temporary
writings inscribed on the walls,
attached Arabic inscriptions,
signboard, stone, metal, bedhug
(drum), aluminum, marble
printed paper framed by wood and
covered by transparent glass, mass
signboard nailed to the wall, fence,
or pole
plastic, paper, electronic
boards, poster, banner, leaflet
The last step is the categorization of the signs.
This step includes elements in mosques such as
the location of the sign, the appearance of the
sign language, the font size, the colors, the
order of mono/bilingual sign languages, the
number of sign languages. The characteristics
were thus coded and then analyzed.
Monolingual and bilingual signs were found in
the surveyed mosques. None of the mosques
examined display any multilingual signs. The
results indicated that the selected mosques were
assumed visited mainly by local Muslim
prayers and their neighboring areas. The only
foreign language that appeared residing
Indonesian signs used in the mosques is Arabic.
This is primarily because Arabic in Islam is
considered the sacred language of Islam
(Bennet, 2018; Jaspal & Coyle, 2010; Shah,
2011; Spolsky, 2003; Versteegh, 2014; Yusuf,
2017). In detail, Table 3 depicts the information
figure of monolingual and bilingual signs
across the mosques. Monolingual signs
distributed are mostly in NU affiliated mosques
(64), while NU and non-NU mosques shared
the same number in bilingual signs with a total
of 27.54%. The monolingual signs were
displayed in Indonesian. Bilingual signs were
displayed in a combination of Indonesian-
Arabic or Arabic-Indonesian.
Table 3
Sign Patterns Distribution and their Occurrences
Mosque
Monolingual
Bilingual
Multilingual
Total
NU
64
19
n/a
83
Non-NU
36
19
n/a
55
Total
100 (72.46%)
38 (27.54%)
-
138 (100%)
6
The Linguistic Landscape of Mosques in Indonesia
4. Results
4.1. Materiality: Permanence and Sign-
Functional
The materials used to make signs also
contribute to their meaning. Therefore, the
choice of material has implications for the
meaning-making of the sign. As a point of
reference for investigating the materiality of the
mosque and its representation of identity, this
paper takes account of three types of meaning
about material signs (Scollon & Scollon, 2003).
(1) Permanence. A high-quality sign made of
long-lasting materials permanently added
to a building indicates that the texts so
created would last the lifetime of the
building itself. Texts written in a set and
invariable forms are more effective than
the incredibly original spray-painted
graffiti on the walls. In addition, these
materials can indicate that the signs are
durable, long-lasting, or sturdy—for
example, iron and aluminum.
(2) Temporality/newness. Extensions, signs,
or notes on more permanent or
superimposed signs can often imply
temporality. This material is usually
attached to a permanent sign to show its
dynamic nature and mutability over time,
such as plastic, paper, and glass.
(3) Quality. This material is a sign with the
highest durability and production level,
which is intended to demonstrate a certain
degree of quality of the signs—for
example, stone and marble. The
application of signs such as stone or
marble reflects the consistency of
manufacturing, often construed as a more
extended planning period and higher
production costs.
Types of the medium used in the linguistic
landscapes of mosques in Malang Raya are
shown in Table 4 as follows.
Table 4
Types of Medium
Affiliation
Banner
Arabic
inscription
Electronic
board
Information
board
Leaflet
Poster
Signboard
Etc.
NU
6
14
3
6
6
2
40
10
Non-NU
4
10
1
4
5
4
23
2
Total
10
(7.14%)
24
(17.14%)
4
(2.86%)
10
(7.14%)
11
(7.86%)
6
(4.28%)
63
(45%)
12
(8.57%)
Arabic inscription is the second most
commonly used (17.14 %). In addition, leaflets
containing less dominant messages or
information appear in both NU and non-NU
mosques. Finally, the signboard is the most
commonly used medium in mosques. The
function of the signboard displays information
about the name and address of the mosque. The
use of language in the mosques is also reflected
on the electronic screen, which usually provides
details about prayer times or other relevant
information.
Table 5
Medium Display of Linguistic Landscape of Mosques in Malang Raya
Identities displayed in mosques
NU
Organization name and logo, calender, prayer schedules, the genealogy of scholars, Ahlus-
sunnah wal-Jama’ah (Aswaja), Arabic inscription, prayer
Non-NU
Organization name and logo, poster on prayer manual according to the Prophet's tradition,
poster on the invitation of Islamic studies
There are four types of sign-functional systems
(Cook, 2013) that emerged from the mosques
we surveyed, namely:
Locating, sign used to indicate the location;
Informing, sign to supply information;
Controlling movement and behavior, sign is
used to provide behavioral boundaries;
Service sign, sign used to show services
available.
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4.1.1. Locating Sign
The signboards of NU and Muhammadiyah
mosques are shown in Figure 1. Green is the
color foundation that dominates the board on
the nameplate of the NU mosque (Figure 1A).
At the top part is the Arabic script of NU and its
logo. In the middle is the mosque's name, the
Jami mosque of Darussalam, written in
Indonesian. The information on the mosque
location is presented at the bottom line. Figure
1B shows the signboard of a Muhammadiyah
mosque dominated by blue. The address and the
site of the mosque are written on the bottom.
There are no Arabic words on the signboard.
However, it is found the name of the mosque is
written in Arabic-Indonesian (
MASJID NURUL HUDA) but is placed on a
separated board away behind, dominated by the
blue background. The signboards of the two
mosques are made of aluminum painted with a
strong color, which is embedded in the ground.
Figure 1
NU Mosque, Jami mosque Darussalam and Muhammadiyah mosque, Masjid Nurul Huda
4.1.2. Informing Sign
Informing signs in mosques can be categorized
into three sign-functional systems.
Informing sign that shows information of
mosques managerial, such as mosques
management (Figure 2A), financial report
(Figure 2B), and a commemorative plaque
of mosque establishment (Figure 10B).
Informing sign that indicates information
about worship guidance, including how to
do prayer and zikr (Figure 3A), ablution, and
information on prayer time.
Informing sign that shows information
related to the Aswaja ideology, such as a
picture of the genealogy of Aswaja Islamic
scholars chain (Figure 3B) and the
genealogy of the Prophet descendent.
Figure 2
Informing Signs in NU and Muhammadiyah Mosques
B
A
A
B
8
The Linguistic Landscape of Mosques in Indonesia
Semi-permanent materials, in the form of
printed paper framed by wood and covered by
transparent glass, are generally used for the
informing-signs. Similar to locating signs, there
is a noteworthy distinction in the use of
dominant colors in the medium of the informing
signs between NU and Non-NU mosques. A
more prominent green is consistently used by
the NU mosques, while Muhammadiyah
mosques tend to be blue to identify their
uniqueness.
Figure 3
Informing Signs of Mosque Management and Prayer Manual
4.1.3. Controlling Behaviour
Controlling behavior in mosques can be
classified into four types.
Prohibition,
Suggestion,
Warning,
Reminder
\
Figure 4
Prohibition Signs in Mosques
A
B
A
B
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Figure 4A shows a prohibition sign. This text
says not to sleep in the mosque (DILARANG
TIDUR DI DALAM MASJID) “sleeping in the
mosque is prohibited”. The assertion of the
prohibitions is shown in the red printed font on
the word “sleep” in the imperative structure.
The prohibition is written on a transparent
plastic material attached to the mosque wall,
dominated by green fonts. The aim is to attract
worshipers’ eyes to read.
Figure 4B shows a bilingual controlling
behavior sign. This sign is made of transparent
plastic material with the Indonesian expression
“LANTAI SUCI AWAS LICIN” and literally
translated into English below that, “HOLY
FLOOR SLIPPERY”. Although the translation
in English is not quite accurate, the message the
sign wants to suggest is that the congregation
should be careful when walking on the mosque
floor.
Figure 5
"Be aware" Signs
Figure 5A is a warning-controlling behavior
sign made of plywood placed in the front of the
mosque entrance. The fonts are surrounded by
a dominated green background. It says "HATI-
HATI DENGAN BARANG BAWAAN
ANDA," which means "watch your belonging!"
This signboard is in one of the NU mosques.
Figure 5B shows another example of a warning
sign which says, "PENCURI JANGAN COBA-
COBA MASUK!" means "Thieves do not try to
enter the mosque!" that is placed on a security
post in a non-NU mosque. This placard is made
of a sheet of iron with black color background
around the white fonts.
Figure 6
Religious Text Reminder
Figure 6 is a bilingual reminder as a controlling
behavior sign, it consists of Indonesian-Arabic
languages. On the top, it is written: Niat I’tikaf
(intention to perform i'tikaaf)”, then its Arabic
part is in the middle presenting the Arabic
words:
. Its translation in Indonesian is given
on the bottom: Saya Niat I’tikaf Didalam
Masjid ini Untuk Mendekatkan Diri Pada Alloh
Sunnat Karena Alloh Ta’aalaa “I hereby intent
to perform i'tikaf in this mosque for the sake of
Allah and following his messenger." This sign
is placed above the entrance to the mosque,
where people pass over into the mosque. This
intention text sign is one of the characteristics
of NU mosques, because mostly, the Modernist
A
B
10
The Linguistic Landscape of Mosques in Indonesia
mosques prefer not to recite the intention in
certain manner.
4.1.4. Service Sign
Another sign function that is always present in
mosques is the service sign. Figure 7 confirms
the example of a service sign for ablution in
Masjid Jami’ Daarussalam. Ablution is a must
ritual of washing a certain part of the body
before performing prayer. The word “TEMPAT
WUDLU” (place for ablution) is painted on the
wall with a big font size above the mosque
name, making it very easy for visitors to read
and find the place.
Figure 7
Sign of Place for Ablution
4.2. Identity Representation
The surveyed community mosques in Malang
Raya asserted their particular attachment to NU
or Muhammadiyah. The distinction lies in the
overt or covert nature of the strategy for
affirming their identity. The overt identity signs
are intended to be recognized by the groups’
members and other groups’ supporters, as can
be defined by their basic features, iconic and
general characteristics. In the meantime, the
covert identity signs are meant to be identified
to a more restricted circle of people or more
limited needs. The NU mosques with overt
identity affirmations display large-sized
organizational symbols written in Arabic
(literally, “The Awakening of Islamic
Scholars”) on the main exterior façade, fences,
minaret walls, or main gates. This is shown, for
example, in the Mosque of Noor where the
symbol of NU is placed on its minaret wall
(Figure 8). However, some mosques place the
organization's name in a not overtly exposed
position. For example, that is in the Great
Mosque of An-Nuur (Figure 12), which puts the
organization’s name in a far less open space
under the dome of terrace with a smaller size
than the others mosques that display identity
affirmation patterns overtly. Organizational
symbols are often also placed as architectonic
adornments. This placement pattern of iconic
ornaments shows the firm authority of the
organization or group in the mosques. On the
other side, a covert identity affirmation in the
NU mosques with some organization signs is
also often arranged inside the mosque. On the
main exterior building, the ornaments are
occasionally disclosed.
Figure 8
Overt Sign Initiated by an NU Mosque
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4.2.1. Overt Affirmation
Many NU mosques with overt identity
affirmations display large-sized organizational
symbols on the main exterior facade, fences,
minaret walls, or main gates. This placement
pattern of iconographic ornaments shows the
firm authority of the organization or group in
the mosques. Diverse shapes and scales indicate
that individuals or communities initiated these
elements. On the contrary, the officially created
signs appear identical regardless of their
placement in the mosques (Figure 9). Another
difference between individual and official signs
lies in their permanence of medium. While the
individually initiated signs are primarily
permanent, the officially formed signs are semi-
permanent. Permanent elements are intended
for long-term purposes and are not easily
dismantled, although there has been a shift in
mosque management in the next few
generations. Meanwhile, the use of semi-
permanent elements appears to be more based
on pragmatic considerations of mass signboard
manufacturing, such as practicality,
convenience, and availability of funds.
Figure 9
Overt Sign Initiated by the NU and Muhammadiyah Mosques
Similar patterns of identity affirmation were
also found in Muhammadiyah mosques.
However, in the Muhammadiyah mosques with
individually initiated signs, small-sized
organizational symbols are used outside and
inside the buildings, such as on windows, doors,
and minbar (podium). No large-scaled signs
were found in the studied mosques of
Muhammadiyah. Moreover, both individual
and officially initiated signs in Muhammadiyah
mosques are mostly semi-permanent elements.
Figure 10
Overt Signs Affirming the NU’s School of Thought the Ahlussunnah Wal Jamaah and the Use of Permanent
Materials
A
B
12
The Linguistic Landscape of Mosques in Indonesia
Another identity representation strategy can
also be seen in the NU mosques, i.e., the Darul
Abror Mosque (Figure 10A). The mosque does
not overtly mention NU as an organization in its
identity sign. Instead, it mentions Ahlussunnah
wal Jama'ah (Aswaja), the NU's school of
thought, to inform the mosque’s affiliation.
Apart from being written in Latin script,
"Ahlussunnah wal Jama'ah" is also written in
Arabic script under the mosque’s name. This is
to emphasize the status of this mosque as an
NU-based, even though it does not specifically
exhibit its NU-ness. However, the predominant
use of green, yellow, and white colors on the
identity board strongly indicates the close
cultural relationship of the mosque with NU.
There are also numerous overt signs in prayer
schedules, mosques' organizational structures,
Aswaja's chains of knowledge transmission,
the zikr ritual after prayer, and even the
mosques' list of donors. Some of the media are
permanent (Figure 10B), such as the
information listing the names of NU leaders and
their roles in the organization. However, most
of these signs are semi-permanent and purposely
put inside and outside the mosques. Signs in the
semi-permanent form are usually made of paper
and pieces of wood mounted on a wall or a
frame covered with clear glass (Figure 11).
Figure 11
Overt Signs in Various Forms of Semi-Permanent Materials
4.2.2. Covert Affirmation
Some mosques place organizations' names in a
not overtly visible position, such as at the Great
Mosque of An-Nuur (Figure 12). The symbol of
organization is placed in somewhat wide-open
available seen under the dome with a smaller
size than the other mosques that display overt
identity affirmation patterns. In contrast, in NU
mosques with a covert identity affirmation, a
particular share of the organization's signs is
often positioned in the mosque's interior facade.
Conversely, the ornaments in the main exterior
facade are rarely exposed. The use of covert
signs is reckoned to be recognized by the more
limited community, such as the need to
demonstrate the legitimacy of mosques’
ownership when direct conflict occurs. Despite
their covertness, these signs were made as
permanent elements of mosques. The durability
of the medium is another indication of its
significance in conflict prevention.
13
K. Yusuf & Y. E. Putrie/ International Journal of Society, Culture & Language, 2022 ISSN 2329-2210
Figure 12
A Covert Sign of an NU Mosque
Figure 13
Selected Arabic Inscription from NU Mosque Show Aswaja’s Appreciation for Certain Aspects in Traditional
Islamic Teaching
Another form of the covert sign of identity
affirmation is the massive use of Arabic
inscriptions as a cultural strategy to state Sunni
specific attitudes towards essential aspects of
traditional Islamic teachings. For example, one
of the Arabic texts is “O my God, You are my
purpose and Your pleasure I beg” (
) which is part of the
mysticism teaching in Sunni tradition. This
expression is placed in front of mihrab (the
prayer niche in a mosque's qibla wall facing
Mecca). The text is commonly recited before
the performance of the daily prayers (Figure
13). The same applies to the Arabic inscription
of Khulafaur Rashidin (the four caliphates),
Asmaul Husna (the God names), and the four
prominent Islamic schools of thought, i.e.,
Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi’i, and Hanbali. This deed
represents a traditionalist view of things
rejected by other sects in Islam. However, these
elements have become cultural elements that
are unique to NU mosques. Moreover, the
placement of expressions of Islamic
poetry, zikr (chanting), and the intention to
seclusion (Figure 14) are also part of the
uniqueness of the teachings of Islam
traditionalists that are not found in modernist-
mosques.
14
The Linguistic Landscape of Mosques in Indonesia
Figure 14
Some Islamic Poetry and Prayer Texts in NU Mosques Show the Religious Culture of Aswaja
In non-NU mosques, a different phenomenon
can be observed. The use of Quranic
inscriptions in calligraphy is rarely used to
represent their Islamic group/subculture view
and identity. Otherwise, the group's teachings,
opinions, and beliefs have mainly been
expressed by posters, worship instructions,
advices, and information that includes
prohibitions (Figure 15). The very little
utilization of Quranic writing in modernist
mosques as an instrument for representing
views and identity is linked to the idea that
Arabic inscription ornament in mosques can
reduce the quality of solemn prayers. Therefore,
there is a tendency to appear clean from diverse
ornamentation and calligraphy, although not
completely prohibited.
Figure 15
A Poster on Manual of Ablution According to the Prophet’s Tradition in a Non-NU Mosque
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5. Discussion
The background of language and material
attachment at the NU mosques cannot be
separated from various underlying aspects. The
following aspects bring about the basis for
selecting certain elements that are used to
display the identity to the NU. According to NU
people, the green color is considered attractive.
The color also has something to do with
aesthetic preferences among NU supporters.
One of the reasons this color is used in many
NU mosques refers to the green dome in The
Nabawi Mosque, Medina, as a marker for the
location of the Prophet's tomb. In addition,
through a cultural approach, the choice of green
color is carried out to attract attention so that
people like to worship at the mosque.
According to the Javanese tradition, green
means coolness, calmness, pleasantness, and
beautiful. In the view of most Muslims, green
philosophically is interpreted as peace.
Accordingly, applying the green color is a
strategy of blending religion and culture, which
is used to differentiate the NU mosques from
other places of worship.
The use of Arabic inscriptions in mosques has
specific concerns. Traditionally, Arabic
inscriptions, whether in writing verses of the
Quran or otherwise words in the form of
prayers, are used to distinguish between places
of worship of other religions. The attachment of
the NU name in Arabic writing and its logo at
mosques also to prevent them from takeovers
by a group of people deemed radical. In
addition, the attachments of the names of
Khulafaur Rashidin, Asmaul Husna, and
Islamic scholars are a form of their affirmation
of the Aswaja’s teachings as well as to
differentiate themselves from other ideologies
that rejected the Prophet’s companions or the
attributes of Allah.
Meanwhile, the aspects underlying the
emergence of linguistic elements in modernist
mosques (Muhammadiyah) are for specific
reasons. Ideologically, Muhammadiyah tends
not to decorate their mosques with Arabic
inscriptions. They prefer their mosques to
appear clean with fewer Arabic inscriptions or
less decoration and ornamentation. It is feared
that the inscriptions will cause misunderstanding
since ordinary people can hardly read the
intricate writing, which is prone to
misinterpretation by irresponsible parties.
Besides, calligraphy is avoided to maintain the
solemnity of the congregational prayers without
any distraction from the mosques’ spatial
ambiance. Another consideration is that the
attachment of extensive Arabic inscriptions or
calligraphy to the mosque could lead to the
misperception that the mosque belongs to NU.
Different perspectives and considerations
influenced the signs and language used in both
mosques. The differences in this pattern are at
least caused by two aspects, namely ideological
and local sociopolitical dynamics. Ideologically,
they are related to the different characteristics
of the two Islamic sub-cultures, where NU and
Muhammadiyah have different approaches in
looking at some issues related to Islamic
jurisprudence or fiqh. Sociopolitically, identity
representation is needed at a certain point to
give clear signs for each organization’s
supporters to choose their preferred mosques.
These differences were then developed into
materiality and other elements of identity
representation that made NU mosques look
different from Muhammadiyah mosques.
Identity representation is also used by both NU
and Muhammadiyah to protect their
organizational assets.
Along with time, these characteristics become a
marker for identity representation of a specific
affiliation to the mosques. However, the
differences at the level of material and language
selection due to differences at the level of
thought, view, and approach in certain
situations can lead to both open and closed
conflict. Conflicts derived from the attempts to
represent identity explicitly by one group can
occur, especially in the context of community
mosques built together or mosques with no
historical and legal clarity. In this context,
negotiation efforts were taken through covert
identity affirmation attempts. Even though the
authority of the mosque is held by one group,
other groups can still use the mosque
comfortably without feeling like outsiders.
On the other hand, in the community mosques
with apparent authority, both NU and Non-NU
communities show similarity in the tendency to
affirm their identity in their mosques explicitly.
This illustrates their resistance in facing the
similar sociopolitical issue of mosque
expropriation attempts by a specific Islamic
16
The Linguistic Landscape of Mosques in Indonesia
group deemed radical. There is also a shared
identity between the two groups representing
the unity of identity at a broader level. The
representation of Islamic teachings in general
can be seen in similar ways of presenting the
virtue of the mosque’s sanctity through written
language (prohibition, suggestion, warning, and
reminder), both in NU and Non-NU mosques.
Several studies have shown the connection
between mosques, politics, and power. For
instance, mosques built in Istanbul show a
reflection of the legitimacy, influence, and
prestige of Turkey's Islamic political movement
(Şimşek et al., 2006). In Malaysia, Ismail &
Rasdi (2010) demonstrated that the state
mosque was influenced by the political
ideology in the country. This is in line with the
increasing number of new Islamic
organizations that seek to instill their influence
through mosques. Traditionalist or modernist
Islamic organizations initially ran some
mosques. However, they were later taken over
by a newcomer mass organization. The process
of taking over can be in several ways. First,
there is a gradual process, namely through the
deliberation mechanism of worshipers. There is
also a process by providing a daily imam,
followed by preachers from new religious mass
groups. Until then, they replace all the mosque
officers with their person. In this case, both the
practice of sacred rituals and their Islamic
studies are colored by only one type of religious
ideology. In short, through the new
management of the mosque, several new
religious groups are trying to introduce and
spread their ideology.
The complexities of identity representation
arise when social, cultural, political, and
ideological dimensions of society come into
contact and compete with each other. More
specifically, some issues related to private
buildings and public spaces need to be
discussed, especially concerning mosque
building as one of the architectural places of
worship that normatively should be a neutral
space and free from political issues (Cesari,
2005; McLoughlin, 2005; Naylor & Ryan,
2002). However, in reality, especially in
Indonesia, the identity representation turns out
to be very much in contact with various
domains. Therefore, in this regard, these
mosques have transformed from an
architectural building of a neutral place of
worship to a place of negotiations between the
different Islamic ideologies. Furthermore, the
mosques even became a point of articulation for
certain ideological groups (Kusno, 2003). This
is further confirmed by Blackwood et al.
(2016), who pointed out that,
Identity is culturally and historically
situated and is negotiated in interaction
with other individuals, collectivities and
institutional structures. Due to its
dynamic nature, identity is continuously
negotiated, also in and through linguistic
landscapes. As all social actors have more
than one identity, investigating various
identities in linguistic landscapes and
how they interact and potentially conflict
is an important focal point for
understanding the role of language in
LLs. (p. xvii)
Bilingual signs in the linguistic landscape of
mosques, as we found, reveal another function.
In this context, Arabic is restricted to the
religious sphere use while Indonesian remains
the medium of instruction and locality. The
Indonesian is used to express profane or shared
activities. Therefore, Arabic is used in the
context of religious usage. In this sense, both
languages share different layers of identity,
while Arabic is considered in the frame of
religious identity instead of nationality or
ethnicity. However, the use of Indonesian in the
context of religiosity is found in a few numbers
of signs to create a better understanding of the
Arabic texts by translating them into
Indonesian. This finding shares something in
common with a study that has been conducted
by Coluzzi and Kitade (2015) and Woo & Nora
Riget (2020) in Malaysia. Their study
demonstrated the use of language related to
identity representation of ethnicity and
religiosity. However, this current study differs
explicitly regarding the sociopolitical issues
dominating the mosques. In the setting of
Malaysia, the context is related to ethnicity and
multiculturalism, whereas, in this study, the
main point is the political dynamics between
Islamic sub-cultures and not to do with the
locality or ethnicity. Thus, in the Indonesian
context, Arabic lies in the religious identity
layer and is not an expression of ethnic identity.
In this respect, Spolsky (2003) argues the
interplay between language and religion of how
they interact in places of worship. This study
17
K. Yusuf & Y. E. Putrie/ International Journal of Society, Culture & Language, 2022 ISSN 2329-2210
underpins the importance of bilingualism and
multilingualism in language and religion.
One of the uniqueness of using Arabic
inscriptions in the form of writing the Quranic
verses in mosques is to show an identity
representation. The inscriptions of the Quranic
verses that are attached in mosques are one
strategy to highlight Sunni’s teachings.
Mosques with Arabic calligraphy or inscriptions
can usually be identified as mosques affiliated
with NU. The main goal of sculptured
calligraphy is to present a distinctive and
avowed identity. This sign is essentially
permanent, intended to express a long-term
status of NU-ness. Not only does the Arabic
inscription have an aesthetic and ornamental
feature. Its use is also intended to indicate an
informing function, differentiating a mosque
from others. This finding is dissimilar from
Alsaif and Starks (2019) views in their research,
who assert that the Arabic inscriptions in the
mosque run only as an aesthetic. This means
that Arabic writings in mosques do not have any
functional meaning. Therefore, the finding of
the current research confirms that mosques in
Indonesia have another issue that cannot be
separated from the nuances of identity politics
and the contestation of Islamic ideologies that
evolve in society.
Several studies have noted that in places of
worship, quite a few buildings are decorated
with writings (Jochnowitz, 2019; Leeman &
Modan, 2009). However, Alsaif and Starks
(2019) findings suggest something different. In
the Grand Mosque of Mecca, Arabic
inscriptions with Quranic verses are plastered
on the walls and doors, glass, windows, and
even ceilings. According to them, this can bring
spiritual nuances to the place as Muslim
worship there. This case is not much different
from the conditions in the NU mosques, where
not only the words of the Quran are attached to
the sides of the mosques, but there is also an
Arabic inscription with prayers or instructions
for worship. This practice also aims to create a
religious atmosphere and increase the
solemnity of prayer. It is, however, different
from the Muhammadiyah mosques, where the
method of attaching written verses of the
Quran, for example, in the form of calligraphy,
is rarely found. In their view, this practice can
reduce the value of spirituality and even
interfere with worship performances. As a
result, to avoid this issue, their mosques
generally do not put Arabic scripts in the form
of Quranic verses on their walls. The majority
of Muhammadiyah mosques studied here prefer
a clean atmosphere within the mosques.
From those mentioned above, applying
linguistic landscape study can reveal the
underlying sociopolitical motives even in
places of worship that are commonly
considered neutral and free from worldly
matters. The use of medium and language
differs according to each mosque's specific
sociopolitical context or other places of
worship: the materials, placement, permanence,
overt-covertness, quantity, direct-indirectness,
etc. Understanding the underlying issues
through the linguistic landscape can help the
religious community be more aware of the
potential problems in the future. Thus, it can
help them take preventive steps to overcome the
issues. Further research can be conducted to
explore the relationship between religious
identity and ethnic identity through the
linguistic landscape of mosques in different
contexts and settings.
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