Perception of Hidden Confidence in Neutral Expressions: Interactions of Facial Attractiveness, Self-Esteem, and Names to Be Addressed by

Abstract

Even when a person is portraying a neutral expression, their internal feelings can be reflected subtly on their face, and observers can perceive them. A previous study took facial photographs of female models while wearing attractive and unattractive clothing. Although the models displayed neutral expressions for both cases, their faces while wearing attractive clothing were perceived as more attractive because, it was argued, the attractive clothing raised their confidence, which was observable on the neutral faces. The present study aimed to replicate this. Envisaging being addressed by a specific name (given name, nickname, and formal title) are used to alter the models’ internal states instead of clothing. Twenty-one Japanese models took three photographs of their faces while imagining (1) being addressed by names they like, (2) being addressed by names they dislike, and (3) being addressed by their surnames with titles. A number of Japanese observers viewed three images of the same model at once and ordered them according to their attractiveness (Study 1) and confidence (Study 2). The images in condition (1) were perceived as more attractive/confident than other images. This suggests that being addressed by the name we like can raise our confidence momentarily, and it reflects subtly in neutral expressions.

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Citation: Azami, Ritsuko, Mariko
Kikutani, and Hideya Kitamura. 2022.
Perception of Hidden Confidence in
Neutral Expressions: Interactions of
Facial Attractiveness, Self-Esteem,
and Names to Be Addressed by.
Languages 7: 88. https://doi.org/
10.3390/languages7020088
Academic Editors: Juana M. Liceras
and Raquel Fernández Fuertes
Received: 30 October 2021
Accepted: 30 March 2022
Published: 6 April 2022
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languages
Article
Perception of Hidden Confidence in Neutral Expressions:
Interactions of Facial Attractiveness, Self-Esteem,
and Names to Be Addressed by
Ritsuko Azami 1, * , Mariko Kikutani 2and Hideya Kitamura 3
1
Department of Psychology and Humanities, College of Sociology, Edogawa University, Chiba 270-0198, Japan
2Institute of Liberal Arts and Science, Kanazawa University, Ishikawa 920-1192, Japan;
kikutani@staff.kanazawa-u.ac.jp
3Department of Social Psychology, Faculty of Sociology, Toyo University, Tokyo 112-8606, Japan;
kitamura@toyo.jp
*Correspondence: azamir@edogawa-u.ac.jp
Abstract:
Even when a person is portraying a neutral expression, their internal feelings can be
reflected subtly on their face, and observers can perceive them. A previous study took facial pho-
tographs of female models while wearing attractive and unattractive clothing. Although the models
displayed neutral expressions for both cases, their faces while wearing attractive clothing were per-
ceived as more attractive because, it was argued, the attractive clothing raised their confidence, which
was observable on the neutral faces. The present study aimed to replicate this. Envisaging being
addressed by a specific name (given name, nickname, and formal title) are used to alter the models’
internal states instead of clothing. Twenty-one Japanese models took three photographs of their faces
while imagining (1) being addressed by names they like, (2) being addressed by names they dislike,
and (3) being addressed by their surnames with titles. A number of Japanese observers viewed
three images of the same model at once and ordered them according to their attractiveness (Study 1)
and confidence (Study 2). The images in condition (1) were perceived as more attractive/confident
than other images. This suggests that being addressed by the name we like can raise our confidence
momentarily, and it reflects subtly in neutral expressions.
Keywords: emotion; neutral expressions; names; self-esteem
1. Introduction
Exchanging signals through facial expressions of emotions is a crucial part of human
social communications. We read others’ emotions from their facial expressions relatively
effortlessly and accurately (Ekman 1984). Most studies on the judgment of facial expres-
sions, however, primarily utilized prototypical, high-intensity expressions (Matsumoto and
Hwang 2014), and comparatively little is known about the perception of neutral expressions.
A neutral expression can be defined as “absence of emotion” (Sato and Yoshikawa 2010),
but simply recognizing an expression as “neutral” appears to be a complex process, and
humans are not very good at it.
Lewinski (2015) found that humans are generally reluctant to label any expressions as
“neutral” while automated facial coding software has no such reluctance. Thus, humans
judge a face as showing neutral expression much less frequently than the software. The
reason for this phenomenon is not yet clear, but our firm intention to read others’ emotions
likely plays a large part. Contextual information accompanying neutral expressions (e.g.,
written scenarios or emotion labels) are readily processed and provide meaning to the
expression (Carrera-Levillain and Fernandez-Dols 1994;Fernández-Dols et al. 2008). The
expressor’s disposition can also be reflected in neutral expressions. For example, the neutral
facial expression of individuals with a hostile disposition is perceived as angrier than the
Languages 2022,7, 88. https://doi.org/10.3390/languages7020088 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/languages

Languages 2022,7, 88 2 of 14
similar expression of non-hostile individuals (Malatesta et al. 1987). Brain activation studies
back up the notion that we spend a significant amount of cognitive effort to read emotional
content from neutral faces in a social context. Although neutral and emotional faces activate
some common neural pathways (Haxby et al. 2000), some unique activations for neutral
face processing have been found. Those activations are related to integrating signals from
multiple sensory modalities (e.g., integrating emotional cues coming from voice and face)
and processing ambiguous stimuli (Carvajal et al. 2013).
In regard to displaying neutral expressions, it is questionable whether portraying
a truly neutral (absent in emotion) state is possible. Facial expressions can be evoked
unconsciously, demonstrated in the unconscious mimicking of a smile (Arias et al. 2018;
Dimberg et al. 2000). Thus, our internal state can be easily displayed on our faces even
if we intend to show a neutral expression. The present research focuses on such subtle
expressions (or altered facial appearance) hidden behind “consciously portrayed” neutral
expressions. It is specifically interested in what can elicit such changes and whether they
are accurately perceived.
The present study is based on research by Lõhmus et al. (2009). In their study, female
models were asked to pose neutral expressions while wearing attractive, unattractive,
and comfortable clothes, and their faces (but not clothes) were photographed. Those
facial images were then rated for attractiveness by male participants. It was revealed
that the neutral expressions portrayed while wearing attractive clothing were perceived
as more attractive than those portrayed with unattractive clothing. It is argued that the
attractive clothing altered the models’ internal state, most likely by eliciting confidence, and
influenced the appearance of their neutral expressions. The male observers then interpreted
the change of facial appearance as facial attractiveness. Lõhmus et al. (2009) asked the
female models to rate their self-confidence and comfort of being photographed after the
pictures were taken. It was found that the perceivers detected the models’ confidence and
comfort from the facial expression and rated this as attractiveness. This is taken as evidence
that confidence elicited by the attractive clothing altered the models’ facial appearances.
The present research aims to replicate the study by Lõhmus et al. (2009). Instead of
using clothes to alter photographic models’ internal state, it used personal names (e.g.,
given name, nickname, and formal title) others use to address them. Our names are a
crucial aspect of our identity (Allport 1937) and self-concept (Bugental and Zelen 1950),
and whether or not individuals like their name can affect self-esteem (Gebauer et al. 2008).
Names also work as a social label, influencing how others evaluate us (Mehrabian 1997,
2001). People associate names’ meaning, sound, and spelling with the owners’ dispositions.
It is reported that a person with an easily pronounceable name is perceived as more likable
than a person with a difficult name (Laham et al. 2012). Chinese names written with
complex characters tend to be judged as belonging to males, and the bearers of such names
are perceived as untrustworthy (Du et al. 2021). The meaning of names can also influence
the evaluation of owners’ disposition. People whose names and occupations match (e.g.,
Mr. Judge being a judge) tend to be evaluated as being more suited for the job than people
with unrelated names to their jobs (Guéguen and Pascual 2011). This is a phenomenon
commonly called nominative determinism. Therefore, names must be strongly associated
with individuals’ self-esteem and confidence and likely to alter facial appearances. There is
evidence that names can even permanently change people’s facial structures. Consequently,
it is possible to guess strangers’ names from their faces with an above chance level of
accuracy (Zwebner et al. 2017). However, the present study focuses on the temporary
increase in self-esteem or self-confidence brought by envisaging being addressed by a
specific name.
The present research collected images of neutral facial expressions from 21 Japanese
models and asked Japanese participants to rate their attractiveness. Each model provided
three images taken while envisaging the following situations: being addressed by a name
they like (positive condition), being addressed by a name they dislike (negative condition),
and being addressed by their actual name with titles (neutral condition). The way people

Languages 2022,7, 88 3 of 14
address us can directly affect our life experiences and self-esteem. Gebauer et al. (2008)
found that the extent to which individuals like their names strongly correlates with their
self-esteem. Therefore, it is hypothesized that the models’ self-esteem in the present study
would increase when they are addressed in ways they like, while it will decrease when
others use names they dislike. The resulting change of self-esteem is likely to make itself
apparent on the blank canvas of the neutral faces, which may translate to different levels
of perceived attractiveness. One shortcoming of the study by Lõhmus et al. (2009) is that
they did not confirm if the facial images used in the experiment were actually perceived
as displaying neutral expressions (unemotional). The present research conducted a test to
assure the stimulus quality to address this problem.
The “names” in the present research include all kinds of names: surnames and given
names with or without titles, nicknames, or any nouns used in a place name, such as
occupational titles and ranks in an organization (e.g., “governor” or “sergeant”). In the
present studies a surname with a title was used in the neutral condition which served as a
controlled condition; and the names in other conditions could be any of those above. The
most common way to address others in public for Japanese is to add the title “san” after the
surname. A person called “Hanako Yamada”, therefore, is most commonly addressed as
“Yamada san”, which is equivalent to Mr. (Mrs., Miss) Yamada. This “Surname san” format
was used for the neutral condition of the current studies.
Regarding nicknames, the most common ones for English names are shortened ver-
sions of given names (e.g., Tom for Thomas). Altering the end of the names with y is also
common (e.g., Tommy). Japanese often create nicknames by adding a prefix or suffix to
the given or family names. Importantly, a Japanese name can be associated with many
more varieties of nicknames than an English name. Possible nicknames for the foremen-
tioned “Hanako Yamada” would be “Ohana”, “Hana-chan (chan is a suffix indicating
small, thus sounds affectionate)”, “Hana-hana”, “Yakkun”, “Yama-chan”, “Yama-gon”,
and many others (Kiyomi 2010). Of course, some nicknames are unrelated to real names,
for example, those based on the person’s physical appearance. There is no evidence, at
least to the authors’ knowledge, showing the association between types of nicknames and
their evaluations in Japanese. The same name can be evaluated positively or negatively
depending on the person. Therefore, the present study did not control the imagined names
for the positive and negative conditions.
The present research findings will provide significant implications for 1) the impor-
tance of perceiving hidden confidence in a collectivistic culture such as Japan and 2) how
the name-driven confidence expression influences interpersonal relationships. Japan be-
longs to a collectivistic cultural group, in which interpersonal harmony is prioritized over
the autonomy of individuals (Markus and Kitayama 1991). Such a culture requires people
to behave humbly to others and encourages them to suppress expressions of true feelings
within a social group (Ekman and Friesen 1975;Matsumoto and Ekman 1989). In such a
society, the experience of self-confidence tends to be suppressed. Thus, the experimental
condition of the current study, confidence being hidden behind the neutral expression,
is a very realistic situation for people in a collectivistic culture, and it is meaningful to
investigate whether observers can perceive such hidden emotion accurately.
It is also important that the present study examined the emotion triggered by names,
as an important aspect of interpersonal interactions. One’s emotional expressions influence
not only his/her own cognitive processes but also observers’ information processing and
reactional behaviors (Keltner and Haidt 1999). For example, when one shows a happy
expression, observers would infer that the communication is going well and decide to
stay on course (Van Kleef 2009). The influence of emotional expressions on observers is
explained by the Emotion As Social Information (EASI) model. How to address each other
in a conversation reflects relational proximity between the communication participants.
Addressing someone inappropriately, either too casually or too formally, could disrupt
the interpersonal relationship. Therefore, it is highly likely that being called by a specific
name triggers an emotional response (which can be subtle), and observers can receive the

Languages 2022,7, 88 4 of 14
signal. The results of the present study, therefore, can be regarded as an example of the
EASI model in communicating with someone when using specific names.
2. Experiment 1
2.1. Method
2.1.1. Participants
One hundred and fifty-one volunteers (81 men, 65 women, 5 unanswered, mean age =
41.32, SD = 8.88) who were recruited via a crowdsourcing system participated in the study.
The study was advertised on the crowdsourcing website as a psychology study asking to
evaluate the attractiveness of several facial images. The advert stated that responding to
the study would take 10 to 15 min, and those who answered all questions will be rewarded
with 50 yen. The data were recorded after the participants fully completed the study.
2.1.2. Materials
Twenty-one volunteer models (9 men, 12 women, mean age = 23.38, SD = 4.25) took
their facial images and sent them to the researchers. Some were invited through the authors’
acquaintances, and the rest were recruited using the crowdsourcing system. The facial
images were collected remotely using the following process regardless of the recruitment
method. All the models received a consent form about providing the images by email.
They agreed that the images would be used only for research purposes and may be used
in publications by signing the form. They received approximately 1500 Japanese yen
(USD 13) for contribution. The consent form email also contained instructions on image
photographing. The models were asked to take three images while envisaging the following
situations: being addressed by a name they like (positive condition), being addressed by
a name they dislike (negative condition), and being addressed by their surnames with
titles, “surname san” (neutral condition). No example of names was given to the models.
The instruction stated the following five points: (1) the facial expressions should always
be neutral, (2) lighting, facial angles, hairstyles, and other variables should be consistent
across conditions, (3) the images should be clear and high resolution, (4) not to use any
filtering or effects on the images, and (5) not to wear glasses. They were also told the order
of the conditions they should take the photos for, which were randomized across models.
The models used their own cameras. The images created by all the models were judged
as meeting the above criteria. The researchers cropped the received photos to remove
unnecessary parts and equalized the size of the faces.
Along with the images, the models provided information about their demography
(age and sex), how comfortable they were to take their own facial photos (with a scale of
1. Not at all comfortable–10. Very comfortable), how confident they are about themselves
(1. Not confident at all–10. Very confident). Furthermore, four questions were asked
about each of the three names they imagined being addressed by. The first question asked
how long they have been addressed by the name (choosing one from “early childhood”,
“elementary school years” [ages 6 to 12], “junior high school years” [13 to 15], “high school
years” [16 to 18], “after high school years”, and “never actually being addressed by it”).
The response summary for this question is reported in Table 1. The second question is how
much they like the names (1. Do not like it at all–7. Like it very much), and the third one
is how often they are called by them (1. Rarely–6. Very often). The final question asked
whether they think the names suit them (1. Does not suit me at all–5. Suits me very well).
The answers from the models were analyzed using statistical software, HAD ver.17
(Shimizu 2016). The mean rating for comfort level was 6.10 (SD = 2.34), and the confidence
was 5.95 (SD = 1.91). Mean ratings about how much the models liked their positive, neutral,
and negative names were as follows: Positive, M= 6.48, SD = 2.34; Neutral, M= 4.24,
SD = 1.09; Negative, M= 1.33, SD = 0.58. A one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA)
performed on these means revealed that the ratings for the three conditions significantly
differed from each other, F(2, 40) = 194.41, p= 0.000. Mean ratings about the frequency
of being addressed by those names were, Positive, M= 3.81, SD = 1.57; Neutral, M= 4.43,

Languages 2022,7, 88 5 of 14
SD = 1.57; Negative, M= 1.90, SD = 1.30. A similar one-way ANOVA performed on these
ratings showed that the opportunities the models are addressed by their negative names
were significantly fewer than those for being addressed by their positive and neutral names,
F(2, 40) = 17.03, p= 0.000. Finally, the mean ratings about the suitability of the names were,
Positive, M= 4.19, SD = 0.93; Neutral, M= 3.71, SD = 0.90; Negative, M= 1.67, SD = 0.80.
The same analysis on this dependent variable revealed that the ratings for the positive and
neutral names, which did not differ from each other, were higher than the ratings for the
negative names.
Table 1.
The response summary for the question asking since when the models have been called by
the names.
Positive Names Negative Names Neutral Names
Time N%N%N%
Early childhood 9 42.86 2 9.52 1 4.76
Elementary school years 1 4.76 1 4.76 4 19.05
Junior high school years 3 14.29 4 19.05 4 19.05
High school years 1 4.76 1 4.76 3 14.29
After high school years 7 33.33 6 28.57 8 38.10
Never been called 0 0.00 7 33.33 1 4.76
As in the bottom of Table 1, seven models were never called by the negative names
they imagined. They were used in the main studies rather than excluded because it is not a
scope of the present study to control whether the imagined contents are associated with
real experiences or not. Eliciting emotion among participants by making them imagine
situations which they never have experienced is a commonly used method in emotion
research. It is also assumed that imagining a situation to be called by specific names is not
complicated even if the model did not have an actual experience.
Next, it was tested if each photograph was perceived as displaying a neutral expres-
sion. Fifteen test participants, who were not included in the main experiment (6 men,
7 women, 3 unanswered, mean age = 21.07, SD = 0.85) judged whether the total of 63 facial
images (21 models
×
3 conditions) was displaying emotions or not. As mentioned in the
introduction, humans have a strong tendency to avoid labeling any expression as “neutral”
(Lewinski 2015), so any test procedure that asks the participants to label the emotion of
images can result in stimuli being judged as emotional too often. In order to avoid this
problem, another set of 62 photos expressing prototypical emotions (consisting of 3 images
of 20 individuals and 2 images of 1 individual) from various face databases were presented
alongside the experimental stimuli. Participants were asked to select faces that were clearly
showing some emotions. The databases used were ATR (Ogawa et al. 1997), JACFEE
(Matsumoto and Ekman 1988), and CAS-PEAL (Gao et al. 2008). Images of 10 female
and 11 male models were selected from them. The total of 125 images was divided into
25 trials, so each consisted of 5 images. All trials included two or three experimental stimuli
(neutral faces), and the rest showed emotion. The combination of images in each trial
was chosen randomly, but images from the same model were never presented in a single
trial. The test was programmed as an online survey form using the Qualtrics platform
(https://www.qualtrics.com, accessed on 20 August 2021). A horizontal array of 5 facial
images was presented in each trial (each image was approximately 180 px width
×
250 px
height). Each image was numbered, so the participants were asked to select all the numbers
corresponding to the faces showing a clear emotion. Two versions of the test differing in
the combinations of images in each trial were created, and the participants were randomly
allocated to one of the two versions.
For each facial image used in the test, the maximum number of participants who
judged it as emotional was 15. For the 63 experimental stimuli, the mean number of
participants who chose them as emotional was 0.04, whereas it was 12.48 for the database
faces. This result confirms that the experimental stimuli were judged as unemotional.

Languages 2022,7, 88 6 of 14
2.1.3. Procedure
The main study was programmed using Google form, and participants accessed
it through a URL link. In the study, three images of the same model were presented
simultaneously in each trial. Participants were then asked to order them by attractiveness.
The total number of trials was 21. There were six versions of the study that differed in
trial order and locations of each photograph in an array. Each participant was randomly
allocated to one of the versions. Figure 1represents the images presented to participants
at each trial. Participants were free to use any device (e.g., smartphones, tablets, and PCs)
and allowed to time their stimulus viewing and responses freely.
Languages 2022, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 14
250 px height). Each image was numbered, so the participants were asked to select all the
numbers corresponding to the faces showing a clear emotion. Two versions of the test
differing in the combinations of images in each trial were created, and the participants
were randomly allocated to one of the two versions.
For each facial image used in the test, the maximum number of participants who
judged it as emotional was 15. For the 63 experimental stimuli, the mean number of par-
ticipants who chose them as emotional was 0.04, whereas it was 12.48 for the database
faces. This result confirms that the experimental stimuli were judged as unemotional.
2.1.3. Procedure
The main study was programmed using Google form, and participants accessed it
through a URL link. In the study, three images of the same model were presented simul-
taneously in each trial. Participants were then asked to order them by attractiveness. The
total number of trials was 21. There were six versions of the study that differed in trial
order and locations of each photograph in an array. Each participant was randomly allo-
cated to one of the versions. Figure 1 represents the images presented to participants at
each trial. Participants were free to use any device (e.g., smartphones, tablets, and PCs)
and allowed to time their stimulus viewing and responses freely.
Figure 1. Example images used in Study 1. They are positive (A), negative (B), and natural (C) con-
ditions in this case.
2.1.4. Ethical Considerations
The surveys reported in this article were conducted anonymously, and individuals
are not identifiable from the gathered responses. Participants were informed of their ano-
nymity, the study purpose, and the possibility of data publication. They were also told
they could terminate the survey anytime, but completing the survey would be regarded
as giving full consent. This research was approved by the Ethics Committee of Edogawa
University (No. R02-003A).
2.2. Results
No participant appeared to have answered randomly or inappropriately, so the data
from all participants were analyzed. Participants gave each image a rank order score of 1,
2, or 3. First, the score was reversed so that the higher score indicates the higher attrac-
tiveness. Then, the summed scores given to the images in the positive, negative, and neu-
tral conditions (21 images in each condition) were calculated by participants. Median
scores for the three conditions were obtained from the responses from all participants and
reported in Figure 2. The rank order for the three conditions was compared using the
Friedman test, and the analysis revealed a significant difference across the conditions, χ
2
= 101.26, df = 2, p = 0.000. The score for the positive condition was the highest, followed by
the neutral, and then by the negative condition. Post hoc tests (Holm’s method) showed
Figure 1.
Example images used in Study 1. They are positive (
A
), negative (
B
), and natural (
C
)
conditions in this case.
2.1.4. Ethical Considerations
The surveys reported in this article were conducted anonymously, and individuals are
not identifiable from the gathered responses. Participants were informed of their anonymity,
the study purpose, and the possibility of data publication. They were also told they could
terminate the survey anytime, but completing the survey would be regarded as giving
full consent. This research was approved by the Ethics Committee of Edogawa University
(No. R02-003A).
2.2. Results
No participant appeared to have answered randomly or inappropriately, so the data
from all participants were analyzed. Participants gave each image a rank order score
of 1, 2, or 3. First, the score was reversed so that the higher score indicates the higher
attractiveness. Then, the summed scores given to the images in the positive, negative, and
neutral conditions (21 images in each condition) were calculated by participants. Median
scores for the three conditions were obtained from the responses from all participants
and reported in Figure 2. The rank order for the three conditions was compared using
the Friedman test, and the analysis revealed a significant difference across the conditions,
χ2
= 101.26, df = 2, p= 0.000. The score for the positive condition was the highest, followed
by the neutral, and then by the negative condition. Post hoc tests (Holm’s method) showed
that the rank scores for the three conditions significantly differed from each other. Rela-
tionships between the participants’ sex and models’ sex (same or different) did not affect
the result.
Seven out of 21 models reported that they had never actually been addressed by
the names they imagined while taking their photos, which might have influenced their
expressions (see Table 1). So, the summed rank scores for the images of these seven models
were calculated separately. The Freedman test performed on the scores for images of those
models revealed a significant difference across the three naming conditions,
χ2
= 6.18,
df = 2, p= 0.046. However, post hoc tests failed to find significant differences between any
conditions (only a marginally significant difference was found between the neutral and

Languages 2022,7, 88 7 of 14
negative conditions, p= 0.069). In contrast, the analysis performed on the scores for the rest
of the images showed a strong effect of condition,
χ2
= 124.05, df = 2, p= 0.000, and the
results of the post hoc tests were identical to those analyses performed for all images.
Languages 2022, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 14
that the rank scores for the three conditions significantly differed from each other. Rela-
tionships between the participants’ sex and models’ sex (same or different) did not affect
the result.
Figure 2. Medians (the centerline of each square), 75 percentiles (the top line), and 25 percentiles
(the bottom line) of the summed rank scores in the three name conditions in Study 1. The error bars
indicate the minimum and maximum scores.
Seven out of 21 models reported that they had never actually been addressed by the
names they imagined while taking their photos, which might have influenced their ex-
pressions (see Table 1). So, the summed rank scores for the images of these seven models
were calculated separately. The Freedman test performed on the scores for images of those
models revealed a significant difference across the three naming conditions, χ2 = 6.18, df =
2, p = 0.046. However, post hoc tests failed to find significant differences between any
conditions (only a marginally significant difference was found between the neutral and
negative conditions, p = 0.069). In contrast, the analysis performed on the scores for the
rest of the images showed a strong effect of condition, χ2 = 124.05, df = 2, p = 0.000, and the
results of the post hoc tests were identical to those analyses performed for all images.
To investigate a relationship between the models’ general confidence in themselves
and the attractiveness of their positive condition images, the confidence score rated by the
models and the rank order score for the positive condition images were correlated. No
relationship was found between the two variables, r (20) = −0.07, p = 0.754. However, a
moderate (but statistically insignificant) association was found between the rank order of
the positive images and the models’ comfort level while taking their photographs, r (20) =
0.39, p = 0.079. The correlation between the confidence and attractiveness and between the
comfort and attractiveness were both insignificant when the seven models who did not
have the experience of being called by negative names were removed from the analyses
[confidence, r (14) = −0.15, p = 0.610; comfort, r (14) = 0.36, p = 0.204].
2.3. Discussion
Although the facial images expressed neutral expressions, their perceived attractive-
ness differed depending on the types of names the models imagined while the photo-
graphs were taken. In line with expectations, the images in the positive condition were
perceived as the most attractive, followed by the neutral and negative conditions. This
replicates the findings of Lõhmus et al. (2009), indicating that positive names can enhance
people’s confidence similarly to the attractive clothes in the previous study. Contrasting
Figure 2.
Medians (the centerline of each square), 75 percentiles (the top line), and 25 percentiles
(the bottom line) of the summed rank scores in the three name conditions in Study 1. The error bars
indicate the minimum and maximum scores.
To investigate a relationship between the models’ general confidence in themselves
and the attractiveness of their positive condition images, the confidence score rated by the
models and the rank order score for the positive condition images were correlated. No
relationship was found between the two variables, r(20) =
−
0.07, p= 0.754. However, a
moderate (but statistically insignificant) association was found between the rank order
of the positive images and the models’ comfort level while taking their photographs,
r(20) = 0.39, p= 0.079. The correlation between the confidence and attractiveness and
between the comfort and attractiveness were both insignificant when the seven models
who did not have the experience of being called by negative names were removed from the
analyses [confidence, r(14) = −0.15, p= 0.610; comfort, r(14) = 0.36, p= 0.204].
2.3. Discussion
Although the facial images expressed neutral expressions, their perceived attractive-
ness differed depending on the types of names the models imagined while the photographs
were taken. In line with expectations, the images in the positive condition were perceived
as the most attractive, followed by the neutral and negative conditions. This replicates the
findings of Lõhmus et al. (2009), indicating that positive names can enhance people’s confi-
dence similarly to the attractive clothes in the previous study. Contrasting with Lõhmus
et al. (2009), the present study confirmed that the facial images were judged as unemotional,
eliminating the possibility that the positive condition images showed easily detectable
emotions.
An interesting result was found for images associated with names by which the
models had never been addressed. When the imagined names were not associated with
actual experiences, their impact on facial appearance was significantly weakened. This
suggests that the effect of names is related to actual events or episodes that individuals
have experienced. It is likely that the models had to access their relevant episodic memory
to enable the imagined names to alter their facial appearances. Since names are social labels,
those episodic memories are most likely to involve interpersonal communications.

Languages 2022,7, 88 8 of 14
The present results showed no significant relationship between the models’ general
self-confidence and the attractiveness of their positive condition images. Lõhmus et al.
(2009) found a positive correlation between the models’ self-confidence/comfort of being
photographed and the attractiveness of their images with nice clothing. The discrepancy
between the present results and those by Lõhmus et al. (2009) may be due to the types of
self-confidence: general confidence or confidence about being photographed. Nevertheless,
the lack of correlation between the models’ confidence and attractiveness of the images in
Study 1 requires further examination on whether the observed change in facial appearance
is related to confidence, which was investigated in Study 2.
3. Experiment 2
3.1. Method
3.1.1. Participants
One hundred and fifty-three volunteers (86 males, 66 females, 1 unknown, mean age
= 42.39, SD = 9.46) were recruited using a crowdsourcing system. The recruitment method
was identical to Study 1.
3.1.2. Materials and Procedure
The facial images in Study 1 were used. The procedure of this study was similar to
Study 1. This time, participants were asked to order the images by how confident they
looked rather than how attractive they were.
3.2. Results
The data from all participants were analyzed. The rank order scores for confidence
were treated identically to the scores in Study 1. The Friedman test on the dependent
variable showed a significant difference across the three name conditions,
χ2
= 98.97,
df = 2, p= 0.000. Post hoc tests revealed that the scores for the three conditions significantly
differed. The rank for the positive condition was the highest, followed by the neutral and
then by the negative condition. The summary is reported in Figure 3.
Languages 2022, 7, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 14
Figure 3. Medians (the centerline of each square), 75 percentiles (the top line), and 25 percentiles
(the bottom line) of the summed rank scores in the three name conditions in Study 2. The error bars
indicate the minimum and maximum scores.
The correlation coefficients between the attractiveness rank in Study 1 and the confi-
dence rank in Study 2 were calculated for each image (all images were used). They were
0.93 for the positive condition, 0.79 for the negative condition, and 0.87 for the neutral
condition. They indicate that the confidence in the face translated to attractiveness.
3.3. Discussion
In this study, participants ranked the images based on how confident they looked
instead of their attractiveness. The results were almost identical to Study 1, confirming
that being addressed by preferred names enhances confidence. The rank order for the at-
tractiveness and confidence were highly correlated; therefore, the images judged as at-
tractive in Study 1 were likely to be seen as confident in Study 2. Additionally, Study 2
replicated Study 1 in that the impacts of names were weakened for images without asso-
ciations with actual events. Although the results clearly show that the imagined names
altered the models’ confidence, no correlation was found between the rank order of the
positive images and the models’ general level of confidence.
4. General Discussion
The present research investigated if individuals’ internal state can alter the appear-
ance of neutral expression and whether or not observers can perceive the subtle appear-
ance change. Envisaging of being addressed by particular names was used to alter indi-
viduals’ internal states, especially the levels of self-esteem and confidence. Numerous
studies have reported that humans tend not to perceive neutral expressions as simply an
absence of emotion. They are keen to read some emotional components from them, often
referring to contextual information (Carrera-Levillain and Fernandez-Dols 1994; Fernán-
dez-Dols et al. 2008; Lewinski 2015; Malatesta et al. 1987). This tendency goes hand in
hand with our sensitivity to subtle emotional cues (Matsumoto and Hwang 2014), result-
ing in varied interpretations of neutral expressions. The expressions used in the present
study were perceived as neutral at the quality test. However, the participants readily pro-
cessed slight differences across three images of the same model, replicating the study by
Lõhmus et al. (2009).
The present study results demonstrated that the imagination of being addressed by
specific names could alter our internal states. The attractiveness/confidence rank order
Figure 3.
Medians (the centerline of each square), 75 percentiles (the top line), and 25 percentiles
(the bottom line) of the summed rank scores in the three name conditions in Study 2. The error bars
indicate the minimum and maximum scores.
A separate Friedman test was conducted for the data, which only included pho-
tographs of the models who imagined names by which they had never been addressed. It
revealed only a marginally significant effect of name conditions,
χ2
= 5.66, df = 2, p= 0.059.

Languages 2022,7, 88 9 of 14
An identical analysis performed on the images of the rest of the models showed a strong
effect of name conditions, χ2= 132.69, df = 2, p= 0.000.
The correlational relationship between the models’ self-confidence and perceived
confidence of their positive condition images was absent again in this study, r(20) =
−
0.08,
p= 0.717. Similar to Study 1, however, a moderate (but statistically insignificant) association
was found between the rank order of the positive images and the models’ comfort level
while taking their photographs, r(20) = 32, p= 0.157. An identical pattern was found
when the seven models who had never been called by the imagined negative names were
removed from the analyses [confidence, r(14) =
−
0.19, p= 0.515; comfort, r(14) = 0.30,
p= 0.299]. Thus, removing those seven images did not alter the findings.
The correlation coefficients between the attractiveness rank in Study 1 and the confi-
dence rank in Study 2 were calculated for each image (all images were used). They were
0.93 for the positive condition, 0.79 for the negative condition, and 0.87 for the neutral
condition. They indicate that the confidence in the face translated to attractiveness.
3.3. Discussion
In this study, participants ranked the images based on how confident they looked
instead of their attractiveness. The results were almost identical to Study 1, confirming
that being addressed by preferred names enhances confidence. The rank order for the
attractiveness and confidence were highly correlated; therefore, the images judged as
attractive in Study 1 were likely to be seen as confident in Study 2. Additionally, Study
2 replicated Study 1 in that the impacts of names were weakened for images without
associations with actual events. Although the results clearly show that the imagined names
altered the models’ confidence, no correlation was found between the rank order of the
positive images and the models’ general level of confidence.
4. General Discussion
The present research investigated if individuals’ internal state can alter the appearance of
neutral expression and whether or not observers can perceive the subtle appearance change.
Envisaging of being addressed by particular names was used to alter individuals’ internal
states, especially the levels of self-esteem and confidence. Numerous studies have reported
that humans tend not to perceive neutral expressions as simply an absence of emotion.
They are keen to read some emotional components from them, often referring to contextual
information (Carrera-Levillain and Fernandez-Dols 1994;Fernández-Dols et al. 2008;Lewinski
2015;Malatesta et al. 1987). This tendency goes hand in hand with our sensitivity to subtle
emotional cues (Matsumoto and Hwang 2014), resulting in varied interpretations of neutral
expressions. The expressions used in the present study were perceived as neutral at the quality
test. However, the participants readily processed slight differences across three images of the
same model, replicating the study by Lõhmus et al. (2009).
The present study results demonstrated that the imagination of being addressed by
specific names could alter our internal states. The attractiveness/confidence rank order
was higher for the images associated with preferred names than with titled surnames.
The lowest rank order was given to images associated with disliked names. This pattern
indicates that the models’ confidence increased when imagining being addressed by names
they like compared to being addressed by titled surnames. On the contrary, the confidence
level decreased from the neutral condition when they imagined being addressed by disliked
names. There was a very high correlation between the attractiveness rank in Study 1 and
the confidence rank in Study 2. It shows that facial changes brought by the models’ raised
confidence translated to increased attractiveness, and the observers readily perceived it.
Lõhmus et al. (2009) only used female faces, and their observers were all males, and
therefore the concept of attractiveness in their study was associated with mate selection.
Indeed, in the context of mate selection, it is reported that individuals’ level of confidence
and their perceived physical attractiveness by another sex are strongly connected (Brand
et al. 2012;Roberts et al. 2009). In the present study, however, the positive condition images

Languages 2022,7, 88 10 of 14
were perceived as more attractive than other images regardless of the sex of the observers
and models. It suggests that confidence-related attractiveness is not limited to sexual
context, and instead, it is perceived as a generally positive facial quality.
While Lõhmus et al. (2009) found a correlation between the models’ self-confidence
and perceived attractiveness for the images with attractive clothing, this trend was absent
in the present study. This discrepancy is most likely due to the types of self-confidence
being measured. The present research measured the models’ general confidence level while
Lõhmus et al. (2009) asked their models to report confidence about being photographed.
People’s consistent disposition, such as a general confidence level, may influence their facial
structure, as Malatesta et al. (1987) report that neutral expressions of hostile people look
rather angry. Therefore, the general confidence level may create a difference in perceived
attractiveness across models but may not greatly influence the within-individual change
in appearance. The changes within individuals may be more strongly associated with
temporarily altered internal states. As evidence, the present study found moderate (albeit
statistically insignificant) relationships between the rank order of the positive images and
the models’ comfort level while taking their photographs.
The present research demonstrated that being addressed by the preferred names
is associated with positive self-esteem. Being accepted by others is a significant factor
in raising self-esteem (Leary et al. 1995). When others call us by the name we like, we
experience a sense of acceptance and friendliness towards others. Such experience would
raise our self-esteem and self-evaluation (Gebauer et al. 2008). In the present data, the
models’ level of confidence in themselves and the extent to which they like their names
in the positive condition were correlated, r(20) = 56, p= 0.009, showing that the models
with higher self-esteem liked their positive names (or the self which is addressed by those
names) more.
In contrast, negative psychological effects are brought by disliked names. Interpersonal
communications involving negative name calling elicit a sense of rejection and alienation
to the person concerned, reducing his/her self-esteem (Leary et al. 1995). An everyday
example of such negative interpersonal communication is bullying. Bullied individuals
often suffer from low self-esteem (Hawker and Boulton 2000), and calling the victims
using non-preferred nicknames is an extremely common bullying strategy among children
(Crozier and Dimmock 1999). Names are a crucial part of self-concept (Bugental and
Zelen 1950); thus, the experience of being called by disliked names cultivates negative
self-concepts. Bullying victims often ignore the callers who use nasty names to eliminate
such a negative self-concept (Crozier and Skliopidou 2002). The present research showed
that simply imagining being called by negative names affects people’s internal state so
strongly that it alters the facial appearances of consciously portrayed neutral expressions.
This demonstrates the significance of names in our self-concept and self-esteem.
Importantly, the impact of the names on our feelings manifests only when the names
are associated with actual experiences. In the present studies, the effect of name conditions
significantly diminished for images unrelated to the models’ actual experiences. This
confirms that the impact of names is associated with the memory of situations involving
them, rather than simply caused by the characteristics (e.g., acoustic/visual characteristics
or literal meaning) of the names themselves. It also supports the argument that the change
in facial appearance is related to self-esteem or confidence because real experience is
essential to influence those psychological elements.
The name-driven facial changes demonstrated in the present study are, in real-life
communication, signals indicating whether the relational distance between the communi-
cators is appropriate. According to the EASI model, the observers of emotional expressions
infer the expressor’s intention and decide their next move (Van Kleef 2009). Detecting
expression changes triggered by names would help the observers steer the communication
in a better direction. Addressing someone in a socially appropriate way, for example,
addressing someone older in an honorific manner, does not necessarily result in desirable
communications (e.g., when the person being addressed wants more friendly communi-

Languages 2022,7, 88 11 of 14
cation). The ability to detect the subtle expressions demonstrated in the present study is,
therefore, crucial to achieve effective communication. As mentioned in the introduction,
Japanese culture is collectivistic and people tend to hide their true feelings in public (Ekman
and Friesen 1975). This means that negative feelings associated with being addressed by
unpreferable names are likely to be shown subtly, as in the stimuli of the present study, and
Japanese people might be getting used to reading such subtle expressions. Although a simi-
lar finding is reported by Lõhmus et al. (2009) with Western participants, the ability to read
subtle expressions may differ depending on the culture. Thus, cross-cultural comparison of
the ability is necessary to determine, for example, whether it is culturally variant or more
innately constrained.
The observers’ information processing described in the EASI model is synonymous
with social cognition, often defined as information processing regarding other individuals’
dispositions and intentions (Brothers 1990). Accurate readings of others’ facial expressions
lead to a better understanding of their dispositions and intentions, hence, a higher social
cognition ability. For example, facial expression recognition ability and the extent of
Theory of Mind are likely to be correlated (Bora et al. 2005;Brüne 2005). The stimuli with
subtle expressions would enable very sensitive assessments of emotion recognition ability.
Therefore, a similar study to the current research can be conducted in the context of social
cognition measurement.
Regarding subtle emotional expressions, focusing on the expressors might also be
valuable. Although the observers of the present study readily perceived the subtle ex-
pressions, the level of emotion concealment must have varied across models. It would be
interesting to investigate individual characteristics related to the ability to conceal emotion.
Personality traits such as extroversion are strong candidates to influence such ability. In
addition, individuals’ level of obedience to the cultural norm, whether to express or hide
particular emotions in a culturally appropriate manner (Matsumoto and Ekman 1989), may
play a significant part. This line of research will help further reveal the mechanism of
human motivation for emotional expressions.
Finally, we discuss the limitations and cultural implications of the present research.
The stimuli in the research were gathered online; thus, the photographic environment and
quality were not strictly controlled. Contents of the imagined situations were not clear
either. Although the results imply that the models’ imagination involved their episodic
memories, this cannot be concluded with certainty unless the imagined contents for all
conditions are recorded.
Similarly, experimental control might have been insufficient since the current studies
were conducted online. The devices used to view the faces and the stimulus viewing time
must have varied across participants. Fortunately, the current studies managed to secure
relatively large samples, and there is no clear indication that insufficient control affected
the results. No participant answered randomly or inappropriately, so it is reasonable to
assume that all participants viewed the images carefully. On the variation in viewing time,
the past research reports that attractiveness assessment is not significantly influenced by
the face-viewing time once the duration reaches over 500 ms (Saegusa and Watanabe 2016;
Willis and Todorov 2006). A time of 500 ms should not have been enough to complete
the present task (ordering three images according to attractiveness/confidence), so most
participants must have taken longer than that on each trial. Thus, the variation in viewing
time is less likely to have affected the results. Nevertheless, it is preferable to repeat
the studies in more controlled environments. Additionally, the rank order task can be
replaced with an attractive/confidence rating task. The current study used the rank order
to match the procedure used by Lõhmus et al. (2009) but using an interval scale to measure
attractiveness/confidence level would be more precise, and this should be considered for a
future study.
How people address each other is strongly influenced by culture and language. In East
Asia, for example, people commonly address others using words describing relationships or
roles rather than using actual names. In addition, the use of given names, which is common

Languages 2022,7, 88 12 of 14
in most relationships in Western countries, is limited to very close relationships in East
Asia (Mogi 2002). Culture and language determine the appropriate ways to address people
in particular situations. How nicknames are created may also vary across cultures. Some
cultures may create nicknames based on the sound of real names, while other cultures may
do so based on people’s disposition or physical characteristics. These cultural variations
are likely to be reflected in the extent to which names influence our internal states.
The influence of culture is also strongly evident for perception and display styles
of facial expressions. Although expression styles across cultures share huge similarities,
especially for basic emotions (Ekman 1984), cultural variations are often reported (see
Cordaro et al. 2018). Elfenbein and Ambady (2002) argue that culturally specific display
styles can be very subtle but accurately perceived by people of the same cultural group.
Therefore, the attractiveness or confidence of the current stimuli (Japanese faces) may be
judged differently by non-Japanese observers. Cross-cultural studies investigating neutral
face perception are still rare; therefore, it will be meaningful to examine the interaction
among names, self-esteem, and neutral expression across different cultures in the future.
Author Contributions:
Conceptualization, R.A. and H.K.; methodology, R.A., M.K., and H.K.;
software, R.A.; validation, R.A., M.K., and H.K.; formal analysis, R.A.; investigation, R.A. and
H.K.; resources, R.A.; data curation, R.A., M.K., and H.K.; writing—original draft preparation, R.A.,
H.K., and M.K; writing—review and editing, R.A., H.K., and M.K.; visualization, R.A.; supervision,
R.A. and H.K.; project administration, R.A. All authors have read and agreed to the published version
of the manuscript.
Funding: This research received no external funding.
Institutional Review Board Statement:
The study was approved by the Ethics Committee of Edo-
gawa University (No. R02-003A, 20 April 2021).
Informed Consent Statement:
Written informed consent for publication was obtained from the
participant provided photographs for Figure 1. All the other participants in the present research are
not identifiable from the published data, but the photograph models gave written informed consent.
The survey participants were told that they were regarded to have given their consent to the study
upon completion of the survey, and this article only report responses of fully completed surveys.
Data Availability Statement:
The data presented in this study are available on request from the
corresponding author.
Acknowledgments:
The authors greatly appreciate the assistance provided by Yuki Enomoto for
material creation and data collection for this research.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest.
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