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Pergeseran Orientasi Politik Mantan Aktivis Pro-demokrasi di Bali: Dari Idealis ke Pragmatis
Abstract
This article discusses the change in the political orientation of former pro-democracy activists in Bali after more than 20 years of the reformation. The change in their orientation from idealistic to pragmatic is allegedly one of the catalysts for the decline of democracy. This study aims to determine the causes of the change in the political orientation of former pro-democracy activists in Bali and to make a categorization from the political orientation of these former activists. The theory used as the analytical tool is the rational choice theory from Barbara Geddes. This research uses qualitative methods with a case studies approach. There are two important findings in this study: (1) The change in political orientation from idealistic to pragmatic is caused by the rational choices made by former pro-democracy activists by calculating their career and needs factors. (2) If career motives are more prominent than transactional and partisanship motives, then former pro-democracy activists tend to fill the positions in non-political party institutions. On the contrary, if the partisan motive is dominant in a former activist, then they tend to fill the position in a political party.
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This editedStökke, Kristian volume is a collection of studies on contemporary citizenshipCitizenshippoliticsHiariejin IndonesiaIndonesia. The goal is to examine the struggles for citizenship claimsCitizenship claimsand rightsRights in selected sectors, as well as how it is placed within the largerDevelopment of democracy structural context, particularly the historical developmentDevelopmentof democracyDemocracy in the country.
AbstrakTulisan ini membahas tantangan konsolidasi demokrasi dalam pemilu presiden (pilpres) 2019. Pembangunan demokrasi Indonesia sebagaimana tercermin dari pilpres masih mengalami banyak masalah. Pendalaman demokrasi belum terwujud dengan baik karena pilar-pilar demokrasi yang menjadi faktor penguat konsolidasi demokrasi belum efektif. Pilpres 2019 belum mampu menghasilkan suksesi kepemimpinan yang baik dan belum mampu pula membangun kepercayaan publik. Hal tersebut bisa dilihat dari munculnya kerusuhan sosial setelah pengumuman hasil rekapitulasi pilpres oleh Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU). Satu kandidat menolak hasil pemilu. Adalah jelas pilpres belum selesai. Sekarang Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) menjadi penentu akhir hasil pilpres karena dua kandidat mengklaim sebagai pemenang pilpres. Kata Kunci: Pendalaman Demokrasi, Pemilu Presiden, Politisasi Identitas, Pemerintahan Efektif, Membangun Kepercayaan.
This book examines the relationship between social movements and democratization in Indonesia. Collectively, progressive social movements have played a critical role in ensuring that different groups of citizens can engage directly in—and benefit from—the political process in a way that was not possible under authoritarianism. However, their individual roles have been different, with some playing a decisive role in the destabilization of the regime and others serving as bell-weathers of the advancement, or otherwise, of Indonesia's democracy in the decades since. Equally important, democratization has affected social movements differently depending on the form taken by each movement during the New Order period. The book assesses the contribution that nine progressive social movements have made to the democratization of Indonesia since the late 1980s, and how, in turn, each of those movements has been influenced by democratization.
This chapter is an account of the student movement, which traces its fall from political vanguard to “orphans of democracy.” Heir to a long tradition of student struggle, student activists followed a similar path to student movements in other authoritarian societies, leveraging their privileged status to lead the campaign for democracy. From the late 1980s, they challenged the regime, fighting for land rights, organizing workers, and defying the government's bans on leftist political activity. Despite successive waves of repression, it was the students, too, who led the 1998 protests calling for Suharto's resignation and fundamental political reform. Suharto's resignation was, as this chapter argues, undoubtedly a victory for the so-called 1998 Generation. But, having failed to capitalize on the momentum they had generated, students quickly retreated from the political fray, with only the Islamic student movement making a place for itself in the new Indonesia. By 2004, what remained of the left of the student movement had been relegated to margins, while moderate reformists have moved into government or into other social movements, leaving just a few aging activists clinging to the more radical dreams of an earlier age.
Reorganising Power in Indonesia is a new and distinctive analysis of the dramatic fall of Soeharto, the last of the great Cold War capitalist dictators, and of the struggles that reshape power and wealth in Indonesia. The dramatic events of the past two decades are understood essentially in terms of the rise of a complex politico-business oligarchy and the ongoing reorganisation of its power through successive crises, colonising and expropriating new political and market institutions. With the collapse of authoritarian rule, the authors propose that the way was left open for this oligarchy to reconstitute its power within society and the institutions of newly democratic Indonesia.
Most comparative theorists of democracy have described Asia's political parties as highly personalized, weakly rooted and ideologically hollow. Indonesia has not been exempted from this assessment, with many authors identifying parties as the weakest link in the country's young democracy. But a more systematic analysis of Indonesian parties offers a different perspective. This article uses analytical tools developed by Paul Webb and Stephen White to assess the popular legitimacy, organizational rootedness and systemic functionality of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle. The discussion shows that, despite well known deficiencies, the party has a clearly defined constituency, possesses moderately strong roots in society and plays an important role in interest aggregation and articulation. Accordingly, this case study sheds a new light on deeply entrenched stereotypes of party politics in Asia and other transitional democracies.
The emerging crisis of both elitist and popular strategies of democratization calls for assessments of the problems and options in such a way that different arguments may be put to the test while facilitating debate on improved agendas. This article first discusses the development of a framework for such assessments in the context of the most populous of the ‘third wave democracies’, Indonesia. The best audit of institutional performance, that of Beetham, is developed further by adding the scope of the institutions and the will and capacity of the local actors to improve and use them. This is followed by a presentation of the salient results from a thus designed survey comprising 330 questions to about 800 experienced democracy workers in all 32 provinces. Indonesia's actually existing democracy is surprisingly liberal and accepted as ‘the only game in town’. It suffers, however, from defunct instruments to really facilitate political equality and popular control of public affairs. This is due to monopolization of most rights and institutions by the establishment and the political marginalization of the democratic agents of change. The problems, however, are not all ‘structurally inevitable’. The article concludes by specifying the potential for improvements.
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