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The Effects of Pandemic-Related Fear on Social Connectedness Through Social Media Use and Self-Disclosure

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Journal of Media Psychology
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In light of the prolonged period of social distancing and highly mediated communication patterns during the COVID-19 pandemic, this study sought to understand how pandemic-related fear affects social connectedness. Drawing from the Internet-enhanced self-disclosure and fear-eliciting affiliation hypotheses, survey findings from a stratified sample collected among Hong Kong university students (N = 310) revealed that pandemic-related fear positively influences social connectedness not only through self-disclosure but also through the combination of information seeking and self-disclosure. Social interaction, however, does not mediate the relationship between fear and social connectedness on its own. Overall, we argue that fear motivated people to seek information, self-disclose, and articulate connectedness with society. During this process, social media provided an essential ground and self-disclosure proved a viable tool. This study demonstrated that negative emotions aroused in crisis situations might result in constructive behaviors, which is contingent on how people react to mitigate the negative consequences.
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RUNNING HEAD: EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS
The Effects of Pandemic-related Fear on Social Connectedness
through Social Media Use and Self-disclosure
Biying Wu-Ouyang and Yang Hu
School of Journalism and Communication, The Chinese University of Hong Kong
Author Note
Biying Wu-Ouyang https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4114-6367
Yang Hu https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4533-8382
Acknowledgements:
We would like to claim that in Figure 2 (the published version), there was a typo in notes, we
have revised in this version. We feel sorry for the typo.
This version of the article may not completely replicate the final authoritative version published
in Journal of Media Psychology at 10.1027/1864-1105/a000347. Please go to the original
website for direct citation:
Wu-Ouyang, B.& Hu, Y. (2022). The Effects of Pandemic-related Fear on Social
Connectedness through Social Media Use and Self-disclosure. Journal of Media Psychology.
35(2), 63-74. https://doi.org/10.1027/1864-1105/a000347
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 2
Abstract
In light of the prolonged period of social distancing and highly mediated communication patterns
during the COVID-19 pandemic, this study sought to understand how pandemic-related fear
affects social connectedness. Drawing from the Internet-enhanced self-disclosure and fear-
eliciting affiliation hypotheses, survey findings from a stratified sample collected among Hong
Kong university students (N = 310) revealed that pandemic-related fear positively influences
social connectedness not only through self-disclosure but also through the combination of
information seeking and self-disclosure. Social interaction, however, does not mediate the
relationship between fear and social connectedness on its own. Overall, we argue that fear
motivated people to seek information, self-disclose, and articulate connectedness with society.
During this process, social media provided an essential ground and self-disclosure proved a
viable tool. This study demonstrated that negative emotions aroused in crisis situations might
result in constructive behaviors, which is contingent on how people react to mitigate the negative
consequences.
Keywords: pandemic-related fear, social connectedness, social media, self-disclosure,
COVID-19
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 3
The outbreak of COVID-19 has caused a severe global health crisis. In an effort to slow
down the spread of diseases, there have been a spate of recommendations or requirements for
people to socially distance themselves from others. Since mobility has become ingrained in
people’s everyday life, such isolating experiences have posed considerable challenges. Many
people lack knowledge about how to handle the pandemic situation and are potentially
susceptible to psychological disorders such as depression and fear (Brooks et al., 2020).
Among the various self-relevant negative emotions, fear has been the most salient one
(Lench & Levine, 2005). This study focuses primarily on pandemic-related fear the fear
evoked by pandemic situations, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. Prior research has shown that
being exposed to a fearful condition may motivate individuals to connect to others (e.g., Dunlop
et al., 2008). However, these studies have mainly highlighted offline influence, with few
investigating the online setting. Additionally, little is known about the explanatory mechanism
underpinning the relationship between pandemic-related fear and social connectedness. These
crucial but inadequately addressed problems highlight the need for an inquiry into whether and
how fear is related to social connectedness in an online environment.
To scrutinize the relationship between fear and social connectedness in the online setting,
we emphasize the critical role of online technologies social media and people’s online
behavior in terms of information seeking, social interaction, and self-disclosure. The rationale
rests on the rapid growth and high penetration of social media, especially among young people
(Nic et al., 2020), as well as on the special circumstances that have emerged following the
COVID-19 pandemic. As a result of strict social-distancing measures, offline activities have
sharply decreased. Across the board, people’s communication behaviors have changed
drastically. People have been adapting to the transition to social distancing by connecting to
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 4
others through social media (Nabity-Grover et al., 2020). In light of the situation where a
substantial body of communicative behaviors has become mediated, notably on social media, the
study further asks: Will fear motivate people to seek information and socially interact with others
through social media, have more disclosure behaviors, which in turn promotes their social
connectedness?
Tackling these questions has both theoretical and practical significance. On the
theoretical level, the study aims to account for how fear affects people’s social connection
through a range of online communicative activities from information seeking or social
interaction to self-disclosure, which also fills in the aforementioned gaps in prior research. On
the practical level, we seek to provide insight into how to prevent losing social connections in the
midst of the ongoing worldwide health crisis marked by social distancing.
Research Context
The study was situated in Hong Kong during the city’s third wave of the COVID-19
outbreak. We selected this specific context for three major reasons. First, since early 2020, Hong
Kong has undergone three waves of the COVID-19 outbreak. In particular, the third wave of the
outbreak (from July 2020) caused sustained community transmission. The government
implemented strict social distancing measures such as the social gathering ban of over two
people to pre- vent the spread of the virus. Second, the social media penetration rate in Hong
Kong is considerably high, since around 80% of the Hong Kong population is well connected in
the world of social media (Digital Reportal, 2020). Third, the COVID-19 pandemic has revived
fears of the SARS epidemic among the Hong Kong public (The Guardian, 2020), the traumatic
memory of which instigated a high level of public awareness and risk perception (Lei &
Klopack, 2020). Hong Kong residents began taking social- distancing measures immediately as
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 5
soon as the virus began spreading in Wuhan in January 2020. Moreover, their daily routines
underwent radical changes, and they grew dependent on social media. Therefore, the COVID- 19
outbreak in Hong Kong fits well with the study’s objective of examining the interplay among
pandemic-related fear, social media use, and social connectedness.
Fear and Its Psychosocial Impacts
Among the range of self-relevant negative emotions, fear is the most salient and is
activated when people perceive the consequences of risks as unclear or uncertain (Lench &
Levine, 2005). Early researcher Janis (1967) claimed that too much fear was maladaptive for
people’s social affiliation, but that too little fear meant an insufficient amount of motivation for
social connection. However, Janis’s work did not garner significant empirical support (Goodall
et al., 2012). Kirkpatrick and Shaver (1988) explained the consequences of fear from the stress
and coping perspective. In their view, people tend to affiliate to others to reduce fear when
coping with a stressful event (i.e., a fearful situation).
More recent studies tended to favor the hypothesis of fear-eliciting affiliation (Luminet et
al., 2000). One line of research found that being exposed to an ambient fearful condition imposes
a crucial social influence on an individual’s motivation to seek the company of others (Dunlop et
al., 2008) and their ability to systematically process information (Dillard et al., 2020). These
methods aim to help people deepen their understanding of risks, reduce uncertainty, and learn
how to cope with them. Another line of thought showed that exposure to fear may have negative
cognitive consequences such as intrusive and recurrent thoughts or images toward the emotional
state. Luminet et al. (2000) summarized that these two consequences would result in a similar
interpersonal situation involving the social sharing of emotion. By social sharing of emotion, we
refer to online self-disclosure involving the requirements of an addressee and a shared language
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 6
about emotions. People may not use direct channels to share private emotions with others, but
under specific circumstances, they may disclose to friends through online technologies. Jiang et
al. (2011) found that due to interpersonal attributions, people feel more intimate when the self-
disclosure is received online rather than offline. As such, we may anticipate that the relationships
between fear and social connectedness are in line with the fear-eliciting hypothesis. These
relationships are characterized by the use of social media and self-disclosure. In what follows,
we will first unpack the relationships between pandemic-related fear and two specific dimensions
of social media use namely, social interaction and information seeking. Then, we explicate
how social media use may impact social connectedness through self-disclosure.
Social Media Use for Social Interaction and Information Seeking
Premised on its rich technological affordances, social media provides users with a
platform to engage in a wide range of interactional and informational tasks. This study focuses
on two specific dimensions of social media use social interaction and information seeking
which are the two most prevalent motives of mobile phone use among Hong Kong adults (Chan,
2015).
Social interaction, the most common motivation for using social media, has been
extensively examined in the communication literature (Ling & Lai, 2016). However, a tension
exists between over-encompassing and over-restrictive conceptualizations of social interaction
(Hall, 2020). One stream of research opts for a broad definition of social interaction. For
instance, Johnston and Lane (2021) identified five levels of social interaction ranging from non-
interaction (i.e., single iteration and one-way communication) up to the highest level of
interaction (i.e., deep and focused interaction). Another stream of work (e.g., Hall, 2020) restricts
social interaction to focused interactions with the satisfaction of mutual acknowledgment,
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 7
conversational exchange, and focused attention by all parties involved. In this vein, social
interactions are treated only as relationally consequential practices. Since unfocused interaction
with relatively low iteration (e.g., liking) can also indicate relational development (Ellison et al.,
2020; Johnston & Lane, 2021), this study follows a broad definition of social interaction to
capture the complex and diversified nature of social interaction. Accordingly, we suggest a
flexible definition of social interaction on social media that describes a plurality of
communicative actions that people take for connecting with others through multiple social media
platforms, which appear to have influences on their social relatedness (Rhee et al., 2021).
Information seeking can generally be defined as people’s data collection behavior to
reduce discrepancy (Dillard et al., 2020). It often involves deliberate and purposive actions
oriented toward certain expectations, such as uncertainty reduction, relationship maintenance,
and bridging social capital (Frampton & Fox, 2021). In this sense, information seeking can be
conceptualized as an action of browsing or searching for information and is related not only to
communication frames but also to social and relational components of information management.
Pandemic-related Fear and Social Media Use
Although few empirical studies have directly explored how pandemic-related fear
influences people’s social interaction and information seeking behaviors on social media, the
relationship between fear and social media use has been documented. For example, Ali and her
colleagues (2019) found that fear enables social media engagement such as reaction, comments,
and shares during the Zika outbreak in 2016. Therefore, based on the aforementioned theoretical
discussion of pandemic-related fear and social media use, we argue that fear motivates people to
interact with others and seek information on social media. First, communicating with others
assists in a better understanding of the risk and generates more knowledge of how to handle it
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 8
(Dunlop et al., 2008). Second, fear is often accompanied by uncertainty. In order to reduce
uncertainty, people usually engage in interactive and active ways of interaction and information
seeking from external sources (Schwartz & Grimm, 2016). Notably, in the COVID-19 pandemic
situation, information seeking and social interaction emerged as the major motivation for using
social media (Kaya, 2020). Individuals utilized social media to follow news updates, learn about
different views, and retrieve medical information. Third, social media fosters a secure and
favorable environment in times of social distancing, allowing people to counteract negative
emotions and seek information and peer support (Zhong et al, 2021). As such, the link between
pandemic-related fear and social media use accords with the fear-eliciting affiliation framework
dis- cussed earlier. In brief, fear motivates people to seek con- tact through social media. We
thereby expect:
Hypothesis 1 (H1): Pandemic-related fear will posi- tively predict people’s willingness
to use social media for social interaction (H1a) and information seeking (H1b).
Social Media Use, Self-disclosure, and Social Connectedness
As an integral component of belongingness, social connectedness conveys a sense of
closeness with others, counter- balancing the feelings of loneliness, isolation, and alienation (Lee
& Robbins, 1995). A review study by Brooks et al. (2020) suggested that social connectedness is
positively associated with well-being and survival. Furthermore, researchers have agreed that
high-quality communication constitutes a significant element of social connectedness. More
specifically, having a close communication partner, frequent contact with friends, and self-
disclosure will lead to enhanced connectedness (Valkenburg & Peter, 2009).
With online technologies increasingly penetrating our everyday life, there are mounting
concerns about whether social media use can enhance social connectedness. The extant literature
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 9
generally follows two lines of thought. One strand of research views online technologies as
replacing face-to-face interactions, which negatively affects social connectedness (e.g., Hu,
2009). Without the presence of adequate nonverbal cues, senders may not fully express their
mood, while receivers may not capture the whole meaning, resulting in a lower density of
understanding and less social connectedness (Kraut et al., 1998). Yet another stream of work
views online technologies as a way to augment connectedness. Among these perspectives, the
communication bond belong (CBB) theory (Hall, 2020) emphasizes the management of human
energy and shows how online technologies efficiently enable people to establish and maintain
social relationships, which complements face-to-face communication. In addition, online
technologies allow people to use interactive strategies (e.g., self- disclosure), to reduce
uncertainty, resulting in a greater sense of social connectedness (Chan & Li, 2020).
Of note, additional studies have exhibited a more complicated picture. It has been
suggested that social media can contribute to the maintenance of friendships in both positive and
negative ways, depending on how individuals use it (McEwan, 2013). For example, those who
demonstrate caring and responsiveness to their connections may find that Facebook contributes
to desired friendships, whereas those who frequently share without being responsive to friends
may be adversely impacted by the use of Facebook. Moreover, Pennington (2020) posited that
relationship maintenance through social media is determined by various factors, including tie
strength, network size, and the frequency of use.
With the prevalence of social media, more studies tend to focus on how social media can
help build better relation- ships. Goodman-Deane et al. (2016), for instance, showed that mobile
talk and video calls contribute to relationship satisfaction. An interview-based study noted that
casual exchanges on Facebook can assist adolescents in maintaining a sense of belonging and
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 10
connection with their closest peers (Davis, 2012). Besides, through analyzing actual Face- book
communication traces, another study by Sosik and Bazarova (2014) revealed the mechanism by
which social media can be effective in “signifying co-presence and the existence of ties to
others” (p. 131), thereby supporting relationship maintenance and even further development. In a
nutshell, social media interactions may help people convey certain emotional states such as fear
or affection, reinforce the content of a message, and improve the quality of their relationships
(Kaye et al., 2016). This is consistent with the fear-eliciting affiliation hypothesis that fear-
arousing social contact helps maintain social connectedness. Thus, we hypothesize the following:
Hypothesis 2 (H2): People’s social media use for social interaction is positively
associated with their social connectedness.
Information seeking constitutes the other crucial dimension of social media use. The
relationship between information seeking and social connectedness is also noteworthy. Given the
pandemic context, the study focuses particularly on public information. Public information, or
more specifically news, is well established as an essential component of fostering public
connection. It brings an orientation toward a public world in which shared concerns are
discussed or addressed (Couldry et al., 2007). In other words, news information, as part of the
social fabric of everyday life, performs as a common ground for people to maintain relations
with others and the wider society (Schrøder, 2014). In the process of news-based information
seeking, people are motivated to interact with others to find shared references, engage in society,
and act based on such collective references, in effect enhancing the sense of connectedness.
Information seeking has thus been incorporated into the fear-eliciting affiliation process. In a
similar vein to H2, we predict:
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 11
Hypothesis 3 (H3): People’s social media use for information seeking is positively
associated with their social connectedness.
The Internet-enhanced Self-disclosure Hypothesis
In addition to the direct effect, several studies have demonstrated indirect effects relating
to social media use and connectedness. Valkenburg and Peter (2009) initially examined how the
effects of instant messaging use on positive relationships with existing friends can be achieved
through self-disclosure an act of revealing personal information about emotions, thoughts, and
experiences to others (Taylor et al., 1973). The Internet-enhanced self-disclosure hypothesis
argues that self-disclosure fully mediates the relationship between online communication and
connectedness (Valkenburg & Peter, 2009), which has been corroborated in several studies (e.g.,
Chan & Li, 2020; Wang et al., 2011). According to this hypothesis, self-disclosure behav- iors
assume that senders trust receivers and value their opinions. It is posited that such interpersonal
attribution will lead to a process of reciprocal self-disclosure, which is conducive to relationship
development (Jiang et al., 2011).
Although the model initially examined individuals’ instant messaging as a way of social
interaction, its idea can be applied to other dimensions of social media use. Chen and Li (2017)
noted that, compared to instant messaging, social media allows users to update, amend account
profiles, and publish personal information as a means of self-disclosure, thereby signaling
attention, building trust, and desiring favorability from friends. Consequently, social
connectedness can be established. Therefore, it is plausible to anticipate that social interaction
would enhance one’s willingness to share their personal thoughts with others, especially to
reduce uncertainty under the pandemic situation, in turn contributing to social connectedness.
There- fore, we propose the following hypothesis:
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 12
Hypothesis 4 (H4): Self-disclosure mediates the relationship between people’s social
media use for social interaction and their social connectedness.
Moreover, the Internet-enhanced self-disclosure hypothesis can also be applied to the
information-seeking dimension of social media use. That is, sharing and disclosing act as con-
duits between communicative practices and relational out- comes. In more detail, social media
creates an environment where news can perfectly perform its role as social glue (Picone et al,
2016). Sharing news content enables people to engage in society and act based on a collective
frame- work (Swart et al., 2016). As a result, the sense of social connectedness can be developed
through self-disclosure. In addition to the self-focus, pandemic-related self-disclosure
encapsulates an “other-focus” that considers the social benefits of sharing information (Nabity-
Grover et al., 2020). Through self-disclosure the sharing behavior that considers the public
good such as discussing one’s health status and health tips – people engage with certain
information to stay connected with others and society during the pandemic. Correspondingly, we
hypothesize as follows:
Hypothesis 5 (H5): Self-disclosure mediates the relationship between people’s social
media use for information seeking and their social connectedness.
To summarize, we notice that the Internet-enhanced self- disclosure hypothesis adds to
the fear-eliciting affiliation process by specifying social sharing of emotion in the con- text of
online self-disclosure. Guided by an integrative framework of the fear-eliciting affiliation and
Internet- enhanced self-disclosure hypotheses, we expect that people with a high level of
pandemic-related fear will interact with others, seek information, and disclose their personal
thoughts on social media to seek comfort and reduce uncertainty, all of which contribute to their
social connectedness. This also means that the effects of fear on social connected- ness might
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 13
proceed sequentially through social media use and self-disclosure or exclusively through social
media use. Given the various possible pathways, we put forward the following research question:
Research Question 1 (RQ1): To what extent does pandemic-related fear indirectly
influence social connectedness through social media use and self- disclosure?
Figure 1 summarizes the research model in this study.
[Figure 1 near here]
Method
The data were collected through online questionnaires using Qualtrics. We employed
multistage stratified sampling and distributed questionnaires to undergraduate students in Hong
Kong from October 7 to November 2, 2020. Three universities were randomly chosen, followed
by random selections of three faculties and three departments at each stage. Requests for
approval were made to instructors of randomly selected courses in the respective departments. A
total of 592 responses were obtained, with 20.5% of the students who had registered for the
selected courses completing the questionnaire. After deleting invalid responses and answers from
those who had not lived in Hong Kong for the preceding 3 months, our final sample size
amounted to 310. We removed responses from those who had not lived in Hong Kong in the past
3 months so as to ensure that the participants were in the same pan- demic context. Although the
survey was administered in Hong Kong universities, due to all courses being moved online, 89
students were physically out of Hong Kong, which might have resulted in different contexts.
Social media use for social interaction and information seeking
Following the perspective that people actively and purposively swing between different
platforms in a poly-social media environment (Tandoc et al., 2019), social media use was
measured in terms of different frequencies of social media platform use for information seeking
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 14
and social interaction, which was revised and adopted from previous studies (e.g., Gil de Ziga
et al., 2017). The respondents were asked to report the average time spent on the five most
popular social media platforms in Hong Kong (Face- book, WhatsApp, YouTube, Instagram,
Facebook Messenger; see We Are Social, 2021) for news information seeking and social
interaction per day. The responses included six options representing different lengths of time
usage ranging from 1 (= never) to 6 (= above 4 hrs). The responses were averaged for each 5-
item group in order to form the measures for information seeking (M = 2.64, SD = 0.89, α = .70)
and social interaction (M = 2.13, SD = 0.79, α = .71). Although the reliability estimates were not
high, they were still acceptable according to the criteria (> .70) proposed by Stempel et al.
(2003). A similar study measuring different levels of social media use could also be found in
Diehl et al. (2016), whose Cronbach α was equal to .72.
Social connectedness
Based on the Social Connectedness Scale (Lee & Robbins, 1995), five parallel items
were modified for this study to measure the respondents’ collective-level connectedness to the
society: (1) I feel a sense of closeness with other peo- ple; (2) I feel related to society; (3) I feel
accepted by society; (4) I feel like I fit into society; (5) I feel connected with society. The items
were rated on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (= never) to 5 (= always). The responses were aver-
aged (M = 2.67, SD = 0.79, α = .89).
Self-disclosure on social media
The self-disclosure scale was adopted from Schouten et al. (2007). The respondents were
asked to indicate the extent to which they agreed with the following statements, on a 5-point
scale from 1 (= never) to 5 (= always), regarding COVID-19-related social-distancing measures
and their social media use: How much do you usually tell about (1) your personal feelings, (2)
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 15
the things you are worried about or afraid of, (3) your secrets, (4) being in love, (5) moments in
your life you are ashamed of, and (5) moments in your life you are happy about? The responses
were averaged to form the measure for self-disclosure (M = 2.41, SD = 0.82, α = .88).
Pandemic-related fear
The measure for pandemic-related fear was revised based on the scale from Zhang et al.
(2015), with six questions asking participants to indicate their fear-related feelings regarding
COVID-19 on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (= never) to 5 (= always): (1) I am concerned that I
may be infected with COVID-19; (2) I am concerned that my family and friends may be infected
with COVID-19; (3) I am concerned that I may die from COVID-19; (4) I am concerned that
family and friends may die from COVID-19; (5) I don’t want to leave my home because of the
risk of getting infected with COVID-19; (6) In general, I am fearful of COVID-19. The
responses were averaged (M = 2.42, SD = 0.85, α = .92).
Control variables
To minimize the confounding effects, seven control variables were included as
covariates: gender (male = 31%), age (M = 20.20, SD = 2.61, age range = 1730 years), monthly
expenditure (1 = less than 2000 HKD, 2 = 2,0004,000 HKD, 3 = 4,0006,000 HKD, 4 = 6,000
8,000 HKD, 5 = 8,00010,000 HKD, 6 = more than 10,000 HKD; M = 2.03, SD = 1.27), length
of residence in Hong Kong (measured on a 8-point scale with the following categories: 1 = less
than 6 months, 2 = 6 months to 1 year, 3 = 12years,4=24years,5=47years,6=710years,7=10
15 years, 8 = more than 15 years; M = 7.10, SD = 1.70), relationship status (in a relationship =
25%), whether they themselves, their family members, or friends had contracted COVID-19 (yes
= 5%), and health condition (M = 3.53, SD = 0.90), which was measured by a 5-point self- rated
scale ranging from 1 (= bad) to 5 (= good).
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 16
Results
By exploring the zero-order correlations, a number of significant correlations can be
identified in Table 1. Specifically, pandemic-related fear was positively related to social
interaction (r = .18, p < .01), information seeking (r = .31, p < .01), and self-disclosure (r = .20, p
<. 001) but did not predict social connectedness. In addition, information seeking was positively
associated with social interaction (r = .55, p < .01), self-disclosure (r = .15, p < .01), and
connectedness (r = .14, p < .05), while social media use for interaction did not correlate with
self-disclosure. Moreover, social media use for interaction (r = .18, p < .01) was positively
correlated with social connectedness, and the relationship between self-disclosure and social
connectedness was initially supported (r = .33, p < .001).
[Table 1 near here]
In the second step, multiple linear regression analyses (see Table 2) were performed. In
total, four rounds of analyses were introduced to examine social media use for social interaction,
information seeking, self-disclosure, and social connectedness. Model 1 and Model 2 examined
how pandemic-related fear related to the two dimensions of social media use respectively. The
results demonstrated that fear significantly predicted information seeking but did not predict
social interaction. Moreover, information seeking significantly predicted social interaction (see
Model 2). Subsequently, Model 3 was conducted to examine how social media use and
pandemic-related fear predict self-disclosure. The results showed that pandemic-related fear and
social media use for information seeking were significant predictors of self-disclosure. However,
the relationship between social media use for social interaction and self-disclosure was not
significant. Finally, Model 4 was created to predict social connectedness. The results illustrated
that social media use for information seeking and pandemic-related fear did not predict social
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 17
connectedness, while social media use for social interaction and self-disclosure significantly
predicted social connectedness.
[Table 2 near here]
Structural Equation Modeling (SEM)
To test the proposed model in Figure 1, SEM was used to incorporate all the control and
study variables. After residualizing the control variables, the summary data of all the study
variables were entered into Mplus 8 using maximum likelihood estimation. Criteria suggested by
Hu and Bentler (1999) were used to evaluate the model fit: Cut-off values of the comparative fit
index (CFI) and the TuckerLewis index (TLI) should be larger than .95, the root mean square
error of approximation (RMSEA) should be .06 or lower, and the standardized root mean square
residual (SRMR) should be .08 or lower.
Estimations of the relationships showed a good model fit: χ2(1) = 0.61, p = .43; CFI =
1.00; TLI = 1.02; RMSEA = .00; SRMR = .01. To further refine the model, the non-significant
paths (p > .05) were deleted and depicted in dash-dot lines in Figure 2, resulting in the final
model: χ2(4) = 4.89, p = .30; CFI = .10; TLI = .99; RMSEA = .03; SRMR = .03. Table 3
provides a summary of the hypothesis testing from H1 to H5 and concludes with our decisions.
When all the variables were incorporated, much clearer relationships were detected because
several relationships had become insignificant in comparison with the preliminary analysis.
[Figure 2 near here]
[Table 3 near here]
H1 proposed a relationship between pandemic-related fear and social media use. The
results showed that fear significantly predicted social media use for information seeking (β = .22,
p < .001) but not for social interaction. Therefore, H1a was rejected, and H1b was supported.
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 18
Moreover, the direct relationship between social media use for social interaction and
social connectedness was significant, while the indirect relationship through self-disclosure was
not significant. Therefore, H2 was supported, and H4 was rejected.
Conversely, self-disclosure successfully mediated the relationship between people’s
social media use for information seeking and their social connectedness, while the direct
relationship between information seeking and their social connectedness was insignificant.
Therefore, H5 was supported, while H3 was rejected.
Further analyses examined the indirect effect of pandemic-related fear on social
connectedness (RQ1). Table 3 details the indirect effect. Two pathways were identified.
Specifically, the relationship between pandemic-related fear and social connectedness was
mediated by self-disclosure (β = .05, p < .01) and a two-step process through information
seeking and self-disclosure (β = .01, p < .05).
Discussion
Motivated by the question of how pandemic situations characterized by increased fear
impact people’s connectedness, this study probed the complex relationships between pandemic-
related fear and social connectedness. Our results indicated that the relationship between pan-
demic-related fear and social connectedness was not direct and that it materialized through two
pathways. The first pathway was significantly mediated by self-disclosure on social media,
suggesting that pandemic-related fear provokes people’s self-disclosure intentions, with self-
disclosure leading to the greater social connectedness. Second, the effect could also be achieved
through a sequential pro- cess: Fear first elicits information seeking on social media; afterward,
information seeking enhances social connected- ness through self-disclosure. However, social
interaction does not mediate the relationship between fear and social connectedness on its own.
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 19
To start with, our data supported the hypothesis that pan- demic-related fear increases
information-seeking behaviors on social media, which confirms our expectation that information
is crucial in risk scenarios, especially when individuals are faced with threats of potential harm
and uncertainty about the situation (Dillard et al., 2020). There- fore, fear motivates individuals
to actively seek information through social media. Nevertheless, fear does not provoke more
intensive interaction on social media. There are multiple explanations for this.
First, the relationship between fear and social interaction can be determined by the nature
and intensity of the fear experienced. It has been suggested that moderate and non-emotional
conditions of fear cannot effectively facilitate the social sharing of emotions (Luminet et al.,
2000) and that only intense fear will elicit affiliation. Therefore, for people who are not fearful of
contracting COVID-19, the linkage between fear and social sharing might not be sufficiently
salient. Moreover, Jenkins and Andrewes (2012) found that the younger participants in their
study demonstrated lower levels of emotional valence against fear stimuli compared to older
adults. Therefore, age differences do exist. In the current study, as the average score for
pandemic-related fear among young adults was 2.42 on a 5-point scale standing at a moderate
level, their levels of fear may not have elicited social interaction to a significant degree. Future
studies can be conducted to compare age cohorts so as to uncover the specificities of the
differences regarding the effects of fear on social inter- action. Another explanation relates to the
intricacies of social interaction as fear may provoke differentiated effects on different levels of
social interaction. For example, being exposed to a fearful condition may increase people’s
intention to engage in deep communication with others (Luminet et al., 2000), while it may also
decrease people’s unfocused interaction intentions because they may find that these activities do
not satisfy their psychological needs. In this sense, the influence of fear on social interaction may
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 20
be offset by the positive effect of fear on focused interactions and the negative effect of fear on
unfocused interactions, thus resulting in the nonsignificant overall relationship between fear and
social interaction.
Regarding the relationship between social media use and connectedness, social
interaction directly contributed to connectedness, which supported our hypothesis. However, the
direct relationship between information seeking and social connectedness was insignificant. We
speculate that opinion polarization and the flood of misinformation on social media may have
hindered the formation of common ground and a collective framework regarding certain societal
issues, thereby driving people away from being socially connected (Tucker et al., 2018).
Furthermore, Ytre-Arne and Moe (2021) suggested that pandemic news experience may occur as
“doomscrolling” – scrolling continuously through dark, unnerving news and struggling to stop,
resulting in a sense of escape and disconnection. Researchers may examine this specific form of
news use and how it affects social connections in the future.
Notwithstanding, information seeking did not directly predict social connectedness; the
effect became significant when self-disclosure was included in the analysis, which implies that
self-disclosure fully mediated the relationship between information seeking and social
connectedness. This result validated the Internet-enhanced self-disclosure model and reaffirmed
that self-disclosure plays a critical role in enhancing a person’s connection with society.
Likewise, social interaction had a similar mediating effect on the relationship between
information seeking and social connectedness. To recapitulate, individuals are impelled toward
common interests and common decoding positions by means of social interaction and self-
disclosure, which form the basis of an interpretive community (Lindlof, 1998). This phenomenon
can be further explored with qualitative strategies such as focus groups.
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 21
Moreover, the association between social interaction and self-discourse lacked empirical
support. An explanation for this could be that self-disclosure is often triggered by specific social
goals (Omarzu, 2000). On social media, unfocused interactions that lack such goals may occur
more frequently than focused interactions. Apart from real-time communication, social media
also provides an asynchronous space for young adults to avoid deep interactions and initiate
more self-presentation behaviors on social media platforms. Nevertheless, our data were
incapable of providing conclusive evidence. Future studies may probe different forms of
interaction and their associations with self-disclosure.
Overall, we argue that fear motivated people to seek information, disclose personal
feelings to others, and articulate connectedness with society. During this process, social media
afforded an essential ground, and self-disclosure acted as a viable channel. As such, these two
communication elements were substantially integrated into the building of social connectedness
during COVID-19.
Theoretical and Practical Implications
Our findings have two major theoretical implications. First, the study provided evidence
confirming that fear eliciting affiliation is possible in online communication. More importantly,
the study adds to the literature by examining how devising the fear-eliciting affiliation
framework can help understand the communication processes, as we have depicted two
significant pathways through which fear motivates people’s social connection. In more detail,
our findings underscored the twofold role of communication, namely, social media use and self-
disclosure. We also concluded with a two-step mediation model to illustrate fear- motivated
communication and its social outcomes, which can extend beyond the uniqueness of the COVID-
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 22
19 con- text, with the potential of being applied to other public crises such as environmental
issues and social movements.
Second, we tested the Internet-enhanced self-disclosure model by categorizing social
media use into two subdimensions: information- and interaction-based use. As expected,
informational social media use also has the capacity to activate the disclosureconnectedness
link. Moreover, the informational use of social media demonstrated a larger observed effect on
stimulating self-disclosure and building connectedness than the interactional use of social media.
Such findings underscore the importance of news and public information in maintaining social
cohesion, which can be best achieved through interpersonal communication (Goh et al., 2019).
Furthermore, the context of the study represents a highly mediated communication sphere where
off- line interactions are lacking, and it advanced our understanding of the conditional social
media effect, that is, the way in which social media can create better social connectedness.
Practically speaking, the study addressed the imperative question of how not to lose
social connectedness in times of social distancing. It showed that it is feasible for people to stay
connected despite being physically apart. The study illustrates a process embedded in everyday
communication. First, as information is vital for a person to manage uncertainty in risk contexts,
the quality of information should be a shared concern among the diverse actors in the
information ecosystem, including the government, content providers, and users. Second,
individuals should be encouraged to self-disclose when they are fearful in difficult times, which
can assist them in coping with the cycle of pandemic information and becoming emotionally
involved in an interpretive community.
Research Limitations
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 23
The present findings should be interpreted in light of the following limitations. First, the
study limited its scope to pandemic-related fear only. As the pandemic prolonged, other
prevalent emotional factors (such as anxiety, anger, and depression) can be explored to achieve a
more comprehensive understanding of how people’s social connected- ness is impacted by the
pandemic. Second, the study employed a multistage stratified sampling procedure among
university students. The formation of the final sample was determined by various unaccounted
factors such as whether the course instructor permitted the survey. Also, the response rate of the
survey might have been discounted by the online distribution method. Students who showed
higher interest in the survey topic would be more willing to take part in the survey, which may
bias the results. More- over, those included in the sample are all young adults, who had a
relatively high level of social media engagement in everyday life. Therefore, the generalizability
of the findings may be compromised. Third, the survey instruments of social interaction could be
improved. In this study, social interaction was measured only by asking how often people
interacted with others through various social media plat- forms in everyday life, which may not
adequately represent people’s social interaction behaviors when the pandemic struck. With social
interaction existing at various levels and types, we may notice different relationships emerging
when we examine the differences between merely attention, click-based interaction, and deep
communication (e.g., McEwan, 2013). Addressing this question requires a more fine-grained
operationalization of social interaction during the pandemic situation. Finally, the study offers
pre- liminary insights and contributes to a more detailed under- standing of how fear influences
social connectedness, but it is inconclusive to draw causality from cross-sectional data, although
there is a solid theoretical framework in place. It is possible, for instance, that fear comes from
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 24
information seeking or that there is a bidirectional relationship. It is still necessary to use a
multiwave panel design to ascertain causality.
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 25
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Tables
Table 1
Zero-order Correlation Matrix of Study Variables
1
2
3
4
5
1 Social media use for social interaction
-
2 Social media use for information seeking
.55***
-
3 Social connectedness
.18**
.14*
-
4 Self-disclosure
.10
.15**
.33***
-
5 Pandemic-related fear
.18**
.31***
.06
.20***
-
Note. N = 310. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 34
Table 2
The Multiple Regression Models on Main Study Variables
Model 1
Model 3
Model 4
Information
seeking
Self-disclosure
Social
connectedness
Predictors
Pandemic-related
Fear
.24***
.19**
.04
Information seeking
-
.13*
.08
Social interaction
-
.04
.24***
Self-disclosure
-
.23***
Control Variables
Age
-.08
-.01
.12#
Male
.17**
-.15**
.07
Length of residence
in Hong Kong
.23**
-.25 **
-.14*
Monthly expenditure
.02
.03
.06
Relationship status
.09
.13*
-.15**
Health condition
-.01
.14*
.27***
Contact with virus
.05
-.08
.01
R2 change (%)
5.5***
6.6***
14.3***
Final adjusted R2(%)
16.6***
14.5***
28.1***
Note. All betas are final-entry standardized coefficients. # p <.10 *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
(N = 288).
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 35
Table 3
Summary of Hypotheses Testing in SEM
Direct and Indirect Effect Keys
Coefficient
Decision
H1a
Fear → Social Interaction
NA
×
H1b
Fear → Information Seeking
.22***
H2
Social Interaction → Connectedness
.28***
H3
Information Seeking → Connectedness
NA
×
H4
Social Interaction → Self-disclosure → Connectedness
NA
×
H5
Information Seeking → Self-disclosure → Connectedness
.04*
RQ1
Fear → Self-Disclosure → Connectedness
.05**
Fear → Information Seeking → Self-disclosure
Connectedness
.01*
Total indirect effect
.06***
Notes. N = 310. Coefficients are standardized. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001 (two-tailed). Fear
= Pandemic-Related Fear; Connectedness = Social Connectedness; Information Seeking = Social
Media Use for Information Seeking; Social Interaction = Social Media Use for Social
Interaction.
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 36
Figures
Figure 1
Proposed Conceptual Framework
Note. The link between social media use for social interaction and information seeking is
indicated with a dash-dot line because these two dimensions of social media use may covariate
with each other. The study does not pose it as a formal hypothesis because we primarily focus on
the assumptions of fear-eliciting affiliation and the Internet-enhanced self-disclosure hypothesis.
Pandemic-related
fear
Social media use for
social interaction
Social media use for
information seeking
Self-disclosure
Social
connectedness
H1a
H1b
H2
H3
H4
H4
H5
H5
EFFECTS OF FEAR ON SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS 37
Figure 2
The Final SEM Model on Main Study Variables.
Notes. N = 310. Coefficients are standardized. χ2(4) = 4.89, p = .30; CFI = 1.00; TLI = .99;
RMSEA = .03; SRMR = .03. **p < .01. ***p < .001 (two-tailed).
Pandemic-related
fear
Social media use for
social interaction
Social media use for
information seeking
Self-disclosure
Social
connectedness
.19**
.48***
.26***
... For some, online connections were reported to be helpful and allowed them time to re ect and appreciate their friendships more, whilst others described lockdowns as negatively impacting their friendships [9]. Connecting with friends over social media and phone conversations was reported to assist in increasing feelings of social connection to some extent, however these methods do not su ciently compensate for face-to-face connection [10,11]. Literature suggests that some young people struggled with adapting to a new way of connecting with their friends. ...
... They re ected that these new friendships that were originally formed virtually, were further strengthened upon the return to face-to-face learning. Literature on traumatic events indicates that undergoing mutual stressful events (e.g., COVID-19 pandemic, natural disasters) can ignite people to engage in self-disclosure with others experiencing similar circumstances [11]. Engaging in self-disclosures online has been found to increase feelings of social connection [11,26]. ...
... Literature on traumatic events indicates that undergoing mutual stressful events (e.g., COVID-19 pandemic, natural disasters) can ignite people to engage in self-disclosure with others experiencing similar circumstances [11]. Engaging in self-disclosures online has been found to increase feelings of social connection [11,26]. It is therefore possible that some students found comfort in connecting with a range of peers who were also encountering the shared experience of lockdowns. ...
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Background During the COVID-19 pandemic, Victorian students completed two years of virtual schooling, which has been reported to contribute to many academic, social, and mental health impacts. Thus, it is important to capture the voices of students as they adjust to schooling in a post-pandemic era. Method The current study utilised focus groups to explore the experiences and needs of eight Victorian secondary school students. Participants’ lived realities formed four main themes, namely: (i) social interactions, (ii) academic pressure and classroom dynamics, (iii) mixed views about school wellbeing efforts and (iv) re-learning school routines and expectations. Results A diverse range of experiences were captured across these four themes that are further categorised into sub-themes. It was found that some participants struggled to adapt to socialising in person again, whilst others indicated that their social networks broadened after forming unlikely friendships online. Participants reported that school wellbeing approaches felt ingenuine and tokenistic. Participants also discussed their challenges with having to stick to routines and timetables and missed the flexibility of home-based learning during lockdowns. Conclusions The implications of these findings are discussed, and student-identified strategies are outlined to facilitate student engagement and wellbeing in a post-pandemic era.
... Could engaging with news, even negative news, also increase social connection? News media does increase social connection in general, for some groups (e.g., those aged 50 and over; Fisher et al., 2021), and using social media to seek information about frightening events seems to increase social connectedness (Wu-Ouyang & Hu, 2023). We therefore tested whether doomscrolling increases a sense of social connectedness for those feeling greater marginalization. ...
... We also found no evidence that doomscrolling helps marginalized individuals feel more connected to their social group. This finding runs counter to a previous finding that doomscrolling increases social connectedness by encouraging interpersonal interaction on social media (Wu-Ouyang & Hu, 2023). Our own data, in contrast, find that doomscrolling does not strengthen social connectedness, nor does this relationship differ based on the degree of perceived marginalization. ...
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The use of social media has become increasingly prevalent and this has yielded some benefits, such as providing an alternative to traditional news sources and facilitating interpersonal interactions. However, some uses can also bring adverse effects such as doomscrolling: the persistent, habitual, consumption of negative news through scrolling endless, algorithmically sorted feeds. Doomscrolling is known to contribute to anxiety, and past studies suggest that this anxiety occurs more often in members of marginalized groups. We hypothesize that this is due to vigilance for potential discrimination among the marginalized, consistent with Minority Stress Theory. In a preregistered study, we recruited 677 university students who rated themselves on measures of doomscrolling, hypervigilance, and marginalization. We then investigated the degree to which identification with membership in a marginalized group predicts doomscrolling, and whether hypervigilance acts as a mediator for this association. In our data, marginalization was indeed a predictor of doomscrolling, and hypervigilance partially mediated this relationship. Finally, we investigated two other hypotheses: whether marginalized individuals also experience lower life satisfaction, or greater social connectedness, as a function of doomscrolling, compared to those less marginalized. In both cases, marginalization was not a moderator of these effects. Our study presents evidence that hypervigilance motivates doomscrolling for members of marginalized groups, suggesting that interventions seeking to address doomscrolling among the marginalized should combat underlying fears of discrimination.
... In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, a congregation of two circumstances emerged that have never been encountered on this scale before: globally networked communities on the one side and a worldwide health crisis with a very significant socioeconomic impact on the other [1][2][3][4][5][6]. Thus, in light of the pandemic, the role of the media has become increasingly important not only as a central source of information but also as an essential platform for communication (e.g., with the potential to ameliorate interpersonal restrictions resulting from "social distancing") [7][8][9][10]. This seems to be particularly relevant with regard to social media: in a Finish sample, for example, involvement in social media identity bubbles was associated with lower loneliness and less psychological distress -thus, it might offer meaningful social resources during times of physical distancing [8]. ...
... Each item is rated on a 5-point Likert scale from 0 ("never") to 4 ("all the time"). The sum score categorizes pandemic-related phobic symptoms in none (0-4), mild (5)(6)(7)(8)(9)(10)(11)(12)(13)(14), moderate (15)(16)(17)(18)(19)(20)(21)(22)(23)(24), severe (25)(26)(27)(28)(29)(30)(31)(32)(33)(34), and extreme (35-40) [25]. To capture the repercussions of COVID-19-related anxiety, we integrated a self-created item that assessed the extent to which this anxiety impaired participants' daily life ("My anxiety concerning COVID-19 leads to limitations of my daily life") on a 6-point Likert scale, from 1 ("not true at all") to 6 ("totally true"). ...
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Background In light of the dynamic COVID-19 pandemic, the exposure to pandemic-related media coverage may change over time and may be particularly relevant due to associations with psychopathological symptoms. The aims of the present study were to examine changes in media consumption over time and to analyze its prospective associations with psychological strain. Method The study uses a longitudinal observational design with ten periods of online data collection from March 2020 to April 2022 in an adult convenience sample ( N = 8337) of the general population in Germany. Results Our data revealed that the frequency and duration of pandemic-related media exposure as well as their subjective critical evaluation showed the highest levels at the beginning of the pandemic and peaked again in autumn 2020 and spring 2021. The primarily used media formats changed only slightly over time. The amount of media exposure at baseline was associated with more impairing pandemic-related anxiety 1 month, 1 year, and 2 years later. Conclusion Our results hint to potentially problematical and long-lasting associations of pandemic-related media consumption with mental strain. Our findings could serve as an orientation for recommendations, further research, and adequate interventions for a responsible dealing with media coverage. Trial Registration The authors have pre-registered this research at clinicaltrials.gov without an analysis plan; retrievable at: https://clinicaltrials.gov/ct2/show/NCT04331106 .
... The possibility for individuals not to exhibit their physical appearance also makes it possible to avoid the aesthetic judgment that often hampers the initiation of a relationship (Bonetti et al., 2010). Since online communication is usually asynchronous and does not always involve others perceiving the user, some users state that such relationships can be a helpful factor in preserving, at least in part, the social skills of those who live in isolation or social withdrawal (O'Day & Heimberg, 2021;Wu-Ouyang & Hu, 2023). In fact, SNSs can provide a temporary respite for individuals affected by a social phobia disorder, alleviating the feelings of embarrassment and self-consciousness typically experienced in face-to-face interactions (e.g., O'Day & Heimberg, 2021). ...
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Social phobia has often been associated with problematic social media use (PSMU) and problematic smartphone use (PSU). Studies have also shown an association between social phobia and self-esteem. However, no studies have analyzed the relationship between social phobia, self-esteem, PSMU, and PSU in an integrated model. The present study hypothesized that social phobia may influence PSMU and PSU through the role of self-esteem. A cross-sectional study comprising 400 Italians (74.75% female) with a mean age of 37.11 years (SD = ± 10.83) participated in the study that included Rosenberg’s Self-Esteem Scale, Bergen Social Media Addiction Scale, Severity Measure for Social Phobia Disorder, and Smartphone Application-Based Addiction Scale. The results indicated direct positive associations between social phobia and both types of problematic technology use (PSMU and PSU). The results also indicated that self-esteem was a partial mediator in this complex relationship, suggesting that excessive technology use could be a way to compensate for low self-esteem among individuals with social phobia. The present study contributes to the understanding of the psychological mechanisms underlying the relationship between social anxiety, self-esteem, and problematic technology use.
... Earlier studies suggested that discussions about COVID-19 infections emerged from outbreak-related fear (Mansoor et al., 2020;Wicke & Bolognesi, 2020). Driven by this fear, individuals sought companionship, learned riskreduction skills, and sought comfort and support from others (Sun et al., 2021;Wu-Ouyang & Hu, 2022), contributing to collective actions against COVID-19 infections. ...
... Participants who had a high level of willingness to self-disclose might have encouraged more responsiveness and thus received more support from their partner, so they might not experience much COVID stress (Visserman et al., 2022). Interestingly, other research during the COVID-19 pandemic suggests more favorable outcomes related to self-disclosure, however many of these studies were not limited to examining disclosure to a romantic partner and included, for example, disclosing on social media (Quan et al., 2023;Wu-Ouyang & Hu, 2023). ...
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Disclosing personal feelings could reduce stress during a difficult time, such as the COVID‐19 pandemic. The current study examined the linear and curvilinear relationships between willingness to self‐disclose to a romantic partner and COVID stress. Participants completed questionnaires online regarding willingness to self‐disclose, COVID stress, relationship factors, and self‐esteem. Results showed a marginally significant inverted U‐shaped curvilinear relationship between willingness to self‐disclose and COVID stress, suggesting the trend that individuals who were willing to self‐disclose at a low or high level had lower COVID stress compared to individuals who were willing to self‐disclose at a medium level. This relationship was mediated by commitment and self‐esteem. Future research could examine the impact of self‐disclosure on COVID stress using an experimental or longitudinal design.
Article
The main objective of this rapid systematic review was to examine how the COVID‐19 pandemic impacted peer relationships for adolescents (10–25 years of age) around the globe. We focused on four indices of peer relationships: (1) loneliness, (2) social connectedness, (3) social support, and (4) social media use. In addition, we examined gender and age differences. Four databases (APA PsychInfo, PubMed, Scopus, and Web of Science) were searched for articles published from January 2020 to November 2022. A total of 96 studies (cross‐sectional: n = 66, longitudinal: n = 30, quantitative: n = 67, qualitative: n = 12, mixed‐methods: n = 17) met our inclusion criteria (empirical observational studies with data on at least one of the indices of interest, cross‐sectional data on COVID‐19‐related experiences or longitudinal data collected during the pandemic, age range of 10–25 years, typically developing adolescents). We extracted data and conducted a narrative synthesis. Findings suggest that COVID‐19 disruptions negatively impacted peer relationships for youth. Most studies reported either an increase in loneliness over the course of the pandemic or a positive association between loneliness and COVID‐19‐related experiences. Similar findings were observed for increased social media use as a means of continued communication and connection. Fewer studies focused on social support but those that did reported a decrease or negative association with COVID‐19‐related experiences. Lastly, findings suggest a mixed impact on social connectedness, which might be due to the strengthening of closer ties and weakening of more distant relationships. Results for gender differences were mixed, and a systematic comparison of differences across ages was not possible. The heterogeneity in measures of COVID‐19‐related experiences as well as timing of data collection prevented a more nuanced examination of short and more long‐term impacts.
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Countries worldwide are transitioning their emergency response activities into long‐term management of COVID‐19. One promising strategy to mitigate the pandemic is combining the widespread use of social media with the potential impact of scientists on science education to create healthier information ecosystems. This study analyzed data from 189 online polls involving 1,391,706 participants who are either Sina Weibo or Tencent WeChat users to explore the impact of scientific information disseminated on social media on public health. This study aimed to address the following questions: (1) Does scientific information disseminated on social media help its audiences avoid becoming infected with COVID‐19? (2) To what extent does scientific information make a difference in the infection rate of its audiences? Our study found that the COVID‐19 un‐infection rate of the audiences receiving scientific information is significantly higher than that of the general social media users. There is a significant and lasting positive correlation between the dissemination of scientific information and the un‐infection rate of its audiences. We suggest that creating healthier information ecosystems should be integrated into the long‐term management of COVID‐19, as updating the public's beliefs about the pandemic is fundamental to mitigating the ongoing threat of the COVID‐19 pandemic.
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While some people choose to remain single, dating relationships and marriage remain dominant social expectations in many societies. This societal pressure can exacerbate the fear of being single, creating a vulnerable psychological state. Online dating provides opportunities for those who fear being single to meet new people and develop romantic relationships. And yet, we know little about how online daters' fear of being single is related to their well-being and how it could be alleviated or enhanced through online dating. Drawing on research on the social compensation and enhancement effects of the internet, this study proposes a path model investigating how the fear of being single was enhanced to affect online daters’ well-being negatively and alleviated to contribute to well-being positively. An online survey of 505 Chinese heterosexual online dating application users revealed that the fear of being single was positively and directly associated with dating anxiety. Further, the fear of being single was related to increased imagined interaction through sexual relationship motivation. Surprisingly, it was related to decreased romantic disillusionment through increased romantic relationship motivation, showing a compensation effect. Romantic disillusionment, but not imagined interaction, was positively associated with dating anxiety. This study extends research on the social compensation and enhancement effects to online dating contexts. It contributes a framework that explains how a vulnerable psychological state is related to online daters’ well-being through motivational tendencies (sexual relationship vs. romantic relationship) and cognitive characteristics (imagined interaction vs. romantic disillusionment).
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While the theoretical framework of curated flows provides valuable insights into the dynamics of the social media environment, it overlooks the interactions between curators and the mechanisms pertaining to these interactions. This study argues that each curator can interact with one another, resulting in an interplay between different flows and shaping an individual’s information networks. Specifically focusing on personal news curation, this research argues that it can influence curated flows by signaling algorithms of user preferences. Furthermore, the affective mechanism of news curation has received limited attention. Drawing on the Stress-Strain-Outcome model, this study investigates how Fear of Missing Out (FoMO) manifests divergent effects on news-boosting and news-limiting curation via social media news fatigue. The findings, derived from a large-scale survey in a work-from-home context (N=1198), reveal a noteworthy association: individuals experiencing FoMO are susceptible to news fatigue, leading them to prioritize being protected (news-limiting curation) than informed (news-boosting curation). This might contribute to a narrower news repertoire and influence the cultivation of informed citizens.
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Affordances of Internet sites and Internet-based applications make personal information about romantic partners, friends, family members, and strangers easy to obtain. People use various techniques to find information about others, capitalizing on online affordances by using search engines to find relevant websites and databases; scouring the target’s social media or social networking site presence; accessing information about the target via their links or network association with others on social media; or asking questions or crowdsourcing information through online channels. Researchers have coined an assortment of terms to describe online social information seeking behaviors, such as interpersonal electronic surveillance, social surveillance, monitoring, patient-targeted Googling, cybervetting, websleuthing, human flesh search, lateral surveillance, Facebook surveillance, and Facebook stalking. Although considerable research has examined these behaviors, there has been little effort to clarify the concepts themselves. As a result, the literature is currently full of inconsistent and overlapping conceptualizations. To synthesize these concepts for future research, this review examines 73 online social information seeking concepts extracted from 186 articles. Specifically, the concepts are reviewed in light of their scope; the information seeker or target of information seeking (e.g., romantic partners, parents, children, employees, criminals); motives for information seeking (e.g., uncertainty, threat, curiosity); and the intensity of the behavior. Recommendations are provided for future research, such as employing clear conceptualizations and incorporating affordances. Finally, we offer a decision tree that researchers can use to help select appropriate terms to use in their work moving forward.
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This paper analyzes news use during the COVID-19 pandemic, asking how people balance between conflicting needs for information and disconnection in an extraordinary situation. We analyze empirical data from a qualitative questionnaire study of Norwegian media users conducted in March–April 2020, a period of early pandemic lockdown. The acute lockdown context accentuated intensified monitoring of constantly updated news streams, and perceptions of news use as immersive and emotionally draining, as captured in the notion of “doomscrolling”. To cope with feelings of being scared or overwhelmed, even the most connected citizens deliberately and intermittingly avoided news. Discussing these findings in light of the debate on news avoidance in journalism studies, we argue for the relevance of understanding news avoidance as a situational strategy. We conclude that the concept of news avoidance remains relevant to qualitatively understand a human experience of wanting to avoid news in particular contexts. Our analysis further outlines interconnections between different practices of pandemic news use, including a research-based conceptualization of doomscrolling as a phenomenon.
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Drawing insights from media richness theory and the Internet-enhanced self-disclosure hypothesis, this study examined the direct and indirect relationships between multiple uses of the smartphone and psychological well-being. A national online survey of smartphone users in China (N = 908) was conducted. Findings based on structural equation modelling showed that face-to-face and mobile voice communication directly predicted well-being whereas the relationship was indirect for mobile email, Weibo and WeChat through social support and relationship satisfaction. The results demonstrated the importance of examining smartphone use more holistically and using theory-based perspectives to explain the contingent mechanisms linking smartphone use and well-being.
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This study investigates the possible association between social media usage and the mental health toll from the coronavirus at the peak of Wuhan's COVID-19 outbreak. Informed by the Crisis and Emergency Risk Communication Model and Health Belief Model, it proposes a conceptual model to study how people in Wuhan – the first epicenter of the global COVID-19 pandemic – used social media and its effects on users' mental health conditions and health behavior change. The results show that social media usage was related to both depression and secondary trauma, which also predicted health behavior change. But no relation was detected between health behavior change and mental health conditions. As the virus struck, social media usage was rewarding to Wuhan people who gained informational, emotional, and peer support from the health information shared on social media. An excessive use of social media, however, led to mental health issues. The results imply that taking a social media break may promote well-being during the pandemic, which is crucial to mitigating mental health harm inflicted by the pandemic.
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This study examined the relationship between information seeking and fear during the Zika-induced global health crisis. A longitudinal survey of women in the Southern U.S. (N = 306) was conducted in 2016, beginning just days after the World Health Organization declared Zika a global crisis. The data showed that time 1 fear stimulated information seeking at time 2 and that time 2 information seeking caused fear at time 3. This pattern held regardless of whether participants were pregnant or planning to become pregnant (high personal relevance) versus neither (low personal relevance). The findings are at odds with most theories of fear appeals and only partially supportive of contemporary models of information seeking. From an applied standpoint, the results suggest (a) that information seeking should not be assumed to produce uniformly attractive outcomes and (b) that, during a disease crisis, health agencies should anticipate proactive behaviors by members of the public and plan accordingly.
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Cambridge Core - Social Psychology - Relating Through Technology - by Jeffrey A. Hall
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As social distancing and lockdown orders grew more pervasive, individuals increasingly turned to social media for support, entertainment, and connection to others. We posit that global health emergencies - specifically, the COVID-19 pandemic - change how and what individuals self-disclose on social media. We argue that IS research needs to consider how privacy (self-focused) and social (other-focused) calculus have moved some issues outside in (caused by a shift in what is considered socially appropriate) and others inside out (caused by a shift in what information should be shared for the public good). We identify a series of directions for future research that hold potential for furthering our understanding of online self-disclosure and its factors during health emergencies.