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On meronomy and dimensionality of the models for multilingual language acquisition

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Abstract

I advocate for what I call the strong meronomy thesis (sMT): "Theorizing about the process of Ln acquisition requires full commitment to a particular view of language as a phenomenon." I consider this within epistemic foundationalism and coherentism (doxastic basicality and doxastic coherentism specifically) to point out that contradictions and paradoxes in theorizing can lurk up on you very sneakily.
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On meronomy and dimensionality
of the models for multilingual
language acquisition
Daniil M. Ozernyi
Department of Linguistics,
Northwestern University
UNC-Chapel Hill Spring Colloqium
March 26, 2022
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 1 / 27
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Gist
The broad argument of this paper is as follows.
The broad meronomy thesis
Theorizing about the process of Lnacquisition requires
commitment to a particular view of language as a phenomenon.
The reasons for introducing such a thesis come principally from
epistemology and philosophy of science. However, exigence for
such a thesis comes principally from seeming lack of soundness of
some recent investigations into Lnacquisition.
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 2 / 27
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Conjectures present in the field
1. Cumulative-Enhancement Model
(Flynn et al., 2004)
2. Micro-cue and its versions
(Westergaard, 2021)
3. Grammatical Mapping for L3 (Flynn
and Fern´andez-Berkes, n.d.)
4. The Scalpel Model (Slabakova, 2017)
5. Language of Community (Fallah
et al., 2016)
6. L1 Privilege (Hermas, 2010)
7. L2 Status Factor (Falk and Bardel,
2011 et seq.)
8. Typological Proximity Model
(Rothman, 2010)
9. Linguistic Proximity Model
(Mykhaylyk et al., 2015)
10. Interlanguage Transfer Hypothesis
(Leung, 2007)
11. FTFA for L3(Schwartz and Sprouse,
2021)
12. Phonological Permeability Hypothesis
(Amaro, 2017)
13. Similarity Convergence Hypothesis
(Brown and Chang, 2022)
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 3 / 27
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Generativism
Some of the models above have been cast as generative models
(e.g., CEM). Some of them are traditionally assumed as
generative by proxy, because of association of their authors with
the generative tradition broadly (e.g., Scalpel or Micro-cue).
The question now is this: can a model be somehow “moderatly
generative”, e.g., subscribe to some tenets of generativism while
not subscribe to the others? Can a model belong to a larger field
of language acquisition?
That is to say: can, for example, Language of Community be
somehow “partially generative” model? After all, the authors
draw syntactic trees, talk of headedness, and cite Kayne, 1994..?
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 4 / 27
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Generativism
Some of the models above have been cast as generative models
(e.g., CEM). Some of them are traditionally assumed as
generative by proxy, because of association of their authors with
the generative tradition broadly (e.g., Scalpel or Micro-cue).
The question now is this: can a model be somehow “moderatly
generative”, e.g., subscribe to some tenets of generativism while
not subscribe to the others? Can a model belong to a larger field
of language acquisition?
That is to say: can, for example, Language of Community be
somehow “partially generative” model? After all, the authors
draw syntactic trees, talk of headedness, and cite Kayne, 1994..?
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 4 / 27
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Generativism
Some of the models above have been cast as generative models
(e.g., CEM). Some of them are traditionally assumed as
generative by proxy, because of association of their authors with
the generative tradition broadly (e.g., Scalpel or Micro-cue).
The question now is this: can a model be somehow “moderatly
generative”, e.g., subscribe to some tenets of generativism while
not subscribe to the others? Can a model belong to a larger field
of language acquisition?
That is to say: can, for example, Language of Community be
somehow “partially generative” model? After all, the authors
draw syntactic trees, talk of headedness, and cite Kayne, 1994..?
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 4 / 27
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First, PoS
It is clear as a bell that hypotheses cannot be tested in isolation.
This much was not argued against since it was asserted by Duhem
(Duhem, 1909). Similar remarks appeared in Quine (cf. broadly
sect. 6 in Quine, 1951).
We shall take it as given that no experiment can test a hypothesis
in isolation. Then, however, we come to the question if there is
a system of propositions (call the “beliefs”), how does it function?
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 5 / 27
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First, PoS
It is clear as a bell that hypotheses cannot be tested in isolation.
This much was not argued against since it was asserted by Duhem
(Duhem, 1909). Similar remarks appeared in Quine (cf. broadly
sect. 6 in Quine, 1951).
We shall take it as given that no experiment can test a hypothesis
in isolation. Then, however, we come to the question if there is
a system of propositions (call the “beliefs”), how does it function?
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 5 / 27
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Foundationalism
One view is that the set of beliefs is derived from a foundational
one. I.e., a set of beliefs b1...bnalways depends on some belief b0.
This is the foundationalist view, which we’ll take in the weaker
form of doxastic basicality (as opposed to epistemic basicality).
Doxastic Basicality (sec. Steup and Neta, 2020)
S’s justified belief that p is basic if and only if S’s belief that p is
justified without owing its justification to any of S’s other beliefs.
(For further background, cf., e.g., Chisholm, 1966, or an overview
in Steup, 1996, &c. on which we shall draw freely forth.)
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 6 / 27
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Foundationalism
One view is that the set of beliefs is derived from a foundational
one. I.e., a set of beliefs b1...bnalways depends on some belief b0.
This is the foundationalist view, which we’ll take in the weaker
form of doxastic basicality (as opposed to epistemic basicality).
Doxastic Basicality (sec. Steup and Neta, 2020)
S’s justified belief that p is basic if and only if S’s belief that p is
justified without owing its justification to any of S’s other beliefs.
(For further background, cf., e.g., Chisholm, 1966, or an overview
in Steup, 1996, &c. on which we shall draw freely forth.)
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 6 / 27
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A case study
Take Language of Community. The authors write that “it seems
that in the initial stages of L3 acquisition, CLI originates from the
dominant language of communication, irrespective of whether it is
the L1 or L2”, making explicit that “dominant language of
communication” plays a crucial role (place of origin) for
decision-making of key aspects of the acquisition process
(CLIs).
Let us assume that processes involving CLIs are such that take
place within I-language1.We can then derive a contradiction.
1We arrive at this by reductio that if it isn’t, then Lnacquisition is a
process independent of I-language, and cannot be of generative salience.
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 7 / 27
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A case study
Take Language of Community. The authors write that “it seems
that in the initial stages of L3 acquisition, CLI originates from the
dominant language of communication, irrespective of whether it is
the L1 or L2”, making explicit that “dominant language of
communication” plays a crucial role (place of origin) for
decision-making of key aspects of the acquisition process
(CLIs).
Let us assume that processes involving CLIs are such that take
place within I-language1.We can then derive a contradiction.
1We arrive at this by reductio that if it isn’t, then Lnacquisition is a
process independent of I-language, and cannot be of generative salience.
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 7 / 27
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Contradiction for LoC 1
...
a0...
...
... b0
Let foundational beliefs be:
ao: Communication can play
some salient role for I-language.
b0: E-Language is peripheral,
marginal for generative inquiry
into acquisition.
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 8 / 27
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Elaboration
You can either ascribe:
to the view that (communication ) E-language is crucial for
acquisition,
or to the generative view of language as a phenomena (which
has rejected the role E-language).
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 9 / 27
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Cont’d
Implying influence of E-language in I-language (as LoC does) is
incoherent. It might appear that one might very well take
generative trees and Kayne’s antisymmetry (&c.) and mix it in
with the belief in salience of E-language, but this fails to account
that antisymmetry arose from some other considerations,
ultimately boiling down to broad approach to language articulated
in LSLT (Chomsky, 1955) and Aspects (Chomsky, 1965).
This approach, in turn, is incompatible with salience of
E-language. It fails any scrutiny to assume connection between
PSRs, transformations, and other vital parts of generativism with
communication. Then, by extension, contradiction on an earlier
slide holds. Assumptions of generativism ought never be taken
out of context.
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 10 / 27
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Coherentism
However, foundationalism is not the only view in justification and
belief structure. Let’s consider an (arguably viable) alternative to
foundationalism: coherentism. (Most straightforwardly taken as
rejection of doxastic basicality, though cf. dependence
coherentism.)
Doxastic Coherentism (sec. Steup and Neta, 2020)
Every justified belief receives its justification from other beliefs in
its epistemic neighborhood.
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 11 / 27
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A diagram
A sketch of coherentist view will then be as follows for some
beliefs b1...bn(of the epistemic neighbourhood b):
b3b4
b2
b1bn
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 12 / 27
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Fair warning!
Not representing a review of the TPM here
I do not take TPM’s last renditions for the discussion in
subsequent slides. While I do think that the broad points about
the TPM that are made below are veridical, I’d like to
acknowledge that the purpose of discussion below is aimed at
showing that doxastic coherentism does not rescue a model
from contradictions. This is not a comprehehsive review of
TPM.
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 13 / 27
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Another case study
Take, say, the TPM. Then define (i) b1: “Typology plays a salient
role in acquisition”, (ii) b2: “There is initial state for L3
acquisition sensu initial state for L1”, (iii) b3: “We assume
minimalist framework of Chomsky, 19952.
But again, this yields contradictions, for valuations
v(b1b3) =
v(b2b3) =(assume inheriting Chomsky, 1986 in
Chomsky, 1995)
These ought to be explicated further:
2“I appeal to current proposals of the composition of the language faculty and the
feature-based linguistic computational system as articulated in the Minimalist Program
(Rothman, 2015, p.181).
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 14 / 27
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Another case study
Take, say, the TPM. Then define (i) b1: “Typology plays a salient
role in acquisition”, (ii) b2: “There is initial state for L3
acquisition sensu initial state for L1”, (iii) b3: “We assume
minimalist framework of Chomsky, 19952.
But again, this yields contradictions, for valuations
v(b1b3) =
v(b2b3) =(assume inheriting Chomsky, 1986 in
Chomsky, 1995)
These ought to be explicated further:
2“I appeal to current proposals of the composition of the language faculty and the
feature-based linguistic computational system as articulated in the Minimalist Program
(Rothman, 2015, p.181).
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 14 / 27
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(i) v(b1b3) =
(i) b1: “Typology plays a salient role in acquisition”,
(iii) b3: “We assume minimalist framework of Chomsky, 1995
The minimalist framework assumes such an architecture of
language (“composition of the language faculty and the
feature-based linguistic computational system”) that typology is
not well-defined in such a system. Typology, in fact if taken to
be a difference in feature-valuations3 reduces one quickly and
easily into Sorites paradox. If one assumes the minimalist
framework, then micro-variation on a single feature-valuation
yields “a different language”. Then, most speakers of what we call
“English” speak different languages.
3Also, are features really an account of crosslingustic variation?
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 15 / 27
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Cont’d
This is not as important for cross-linguistic work, where the only
thing that matters is a comparison between two different systems
(no matter whether “languages”, or anything else e.g., dialects,
micro-variations in an otherwise coherent linguistic community).
For acquisition work, no such approach can be adopted.
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 16 / 27
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(ii) v(b2b3) =
(ii) b2: “There is initial state for L3acquisition sensu initial state
for L1”,
(iii) b3: “We assume minimalist framework of Chomsky, 1995.
This is explored at length in Ozernyi (20224), but the gist is that
for Chomsky (in KoL), “[UG] is taken to be the set of properties,
conditions, or whatever that constitute the ‘initial state’ of the
language learner, hence the basis on which knowledge of language
develops”.
Once valuations (features, parameters, something else) are set (at
least one of them) then initial state is gone, over, no more.
Further, per linguistic universals once some universal u1is set of
one language, it is set for all others.
4Upcoming talk at UC Berkeley on Apr 9, 2022.
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 17 / 27
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What of epistemology?
So, both coherentism and foundationalism allows us to see
conjunctions of beliefs which result in contradictions. These
contradictions are not easily detected, particularly in the cases
when a number of layers between contradictory beliefs of great.
However, we ought not forget that no matter how far from each
other contradictory beliefs are, they still yield a contradiction.
¬B...ϕ... ...ψ... B⊢⊥ provided B, ¬B /ϕ, ψ
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 18 / 27
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NB
We could go through and point out how certain elements of
conjectures from slide 3 (most prominently from 2, 4, 6-13)
contradict the generative framework and are best situated
explicitly outside such framework.
This clear situation will both relieve the models which do not
claim their generativity from unnecessary objections posed by
contradictions with the generative framework and also confine
the focus of researcher working on generative approaches to
acquisition to those few models that are within the scope of
requisite approach. This would save time, resources, and heated
debates.
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 19 / 27
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Conclusive remarks
As such, it is necessary to be very wary of the assumptions one is
making with regard to language and how to investigate it,
particularly for the purposes of acquisition inquiry.
We repeat, then, the slightly edited broad meronomy thesis
sketched at the beginning of the presentation:
The strong meronomy thesis
Theorizing about the process of Lnacquisition requires full
commitment to a particular view of language as a phenomenon.
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 20 / 27
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Where else from?
We even content that contradictions can be derived within the
generative framework itself, and quite straightforwardly so.
E.g., by mixing beliefs from LFG/HPSG/GPSG and from
Minimalism. Further, they can be derived within Minimalism.
E.g., by both adopting Chomskian “economy” and Citko’s
multidominance/paralell merge5.
The big message is this: one cannot be too careful in clarifying
one’s assumptions when theorizing about acquisition process (and
checking them for contradictions).
5Note that the two are different.
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 21 / 27
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References I
Amaro, J. C. (2017). Testing the Phonological Permeability Hypothesis: L3 phonological effects on L1
versus L2 systems. International Journal of Bilingualism,21(6), 698–717.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1367006916637287
Brown, M. M., & Chang. (2022). Regressive Cross-Linguistic Influence in Multilingual Speech Rhythm:
The Primacy of Typological Similarity.
Chisholm, R. M. (1966). Theory of Knowledge.Englewoo d Cliffs, NJ, USA: Englewood Cliffs, N.J.,
Prentice-Hall.
Chomsky, N. (1955). The Logical Structure of Linguistic Theory.Manuscript.
http://alpha-leonis.lids.mit.edu/wordpress/?page id=466
Chomsky, N. (1965). Aspects of the Theory of Syntax.MIT Press.
Chomsky, N. (1986). Knowledge of Language: Its Nature, Origin, and Use.
Chomsky, N. (1995). The Minimalist Program.The MIT Press. Retrieved June 1, 2021, from
https://muse.jhu.edu/book/36980
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 22 / 27
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References II
Duhem, P. M. M. (1909). The Aim and Structure of Physical Theory.Princeton University Press. Retrieved
March 26, 2022, from https://muse.jhu.edu/b ook/85196/
Falk, Y., & Bardel, C. (2011). Object pronouns in German L3 syntax: Evidence for the L2 status factor
[Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd]. Second Language Research,27(1), 59–82.
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Fallah, N., Jabbari, A. A., & Fazilatfar, A. M. (2016). Source(s) of syntactic cross-linguistic influence
(CLI): The case of L3 acquisition of English possessives by Mazandarani–Persian bilinguals
[Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd]. Second Language Research,32(2), 225–245.
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Flynn, S., & Fern´andez-Berkes, ´
E. (n.d.). Grammatical Mapping in L3 Acquisition: A Theory of
Development. In M. M. Brown, ´
E. Fern´andez-Berkes, & S. Flynn (Eds.), L3 Development After
the Initial State. John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Flynn, S., Foley, C., & Vinnitskaya, I. (2004). The cumulative-enhancement model for language
acquisition: Comparing adults’ and children’s patterns of development in first, second and
third language acquisition of relative clauses [Publisher: Taylor & Francis]. International
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References III
Hermas, A. (2010). Language acquisition as computational resetting: Verb movement in L3 initial state.
International Journal of Multilingualism,7(4), 343–362.
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Leung, Y.-k. I. (2007). Third language acquisition: Why it is interesting to generative linguists. Second
Language Research,23(1), 95–114. https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-
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Mykhaylyk, R., Mitrofanova, N., Rodina, Y., & Westergaard, M. (2015). The Linguistic Proximity Model:
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References IV
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high/low attachment preference in L3 Brazilian Portuguese [Publisher: De Gruyter Mouton
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Rothman, J. (2015). Linguistic and cognitive motivations for the Typological Primacy Mo del (TPM) of
third language (L3) transfer: Timing of acquisition and proficiency considered [Publisher:
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264295396 Linguistic and cognitive motivations for the Typ ological Primacy Model TPM of
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53d7b01f0cf2a19eee7fcc40/Linguistic-and- cognitive-motivations-for- the-Typological- Primacy-
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Bilingualism,21(6), 651–665.
Steup, M. (1996). An Introduction to Contemporary Epistemology.Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 25 / 27
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References V
Steup, M., & Neta, R. (2020). Epistemology. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of
Philosophy (Fall 2020). Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University. Retrieved March 26,
2022, from https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2020/entries/epistemology/
Westergaard, M. (2021). Microvariation in multilingual situations: The importance of
property-by-property acquisition. Second Language Research,37(3), 379–407.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0267658319884116
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 26 / 27
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Thanks!
Acknowledgements: Erin Leddon
Daniil M. Ozernyi
Benjamin W. Slivka Hall
2332 Campus Dr.
Northwestern University
Evanston, IL 60208
doz@u.northwestern.edu
Slides available at dozernyi.com
Daniil M. Ozernyi UNC-Chapel Hill Mar 26, 2022 27 / 27
Presentation
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The 134th Invited Colloquium at National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics. See here: https://www.ninjal.ac.jp/events_jp/20230905a/ *** Abstract *** The field of language acquisition, and third language acquisition specifically, has seen an incredible surge in recent decades. The most salient witness of this is the sheer number of models of L3 acquisition which has appeared – around 13 of them, and counting (see a taxonomy in Ozernyi 2021a). In this talk, I would like to examine several issues surrounding this recent surge. The central question, however, is as follows: what constitutes (or, rather, should constitute) a rigorous investigation of Ln acquisition?, i.e. what requirements these acquisition studies should fulfill methodologically, &c.? Importantly, I confine the discussion of acquisition studies to generative tradition, leaving out, e.g., functionalist and other traditions (as in the work of de Bot, Goldberg, Slobin, Givon, and others). I also leave out the contrastive analysis framework – chiefly for reasons given in Ozernyi (2022c, §1). However, acquisition studies are inevitably and invariably a multidisciplinary endeavor and require interaction with theoretical and applied linguistics. Trivially, an L3 study consists, minimally, of delineating the following: (1) the language property, acquisition of which is being studied (e.g., “pro-drop”, “telicity”, &c.), (2) which aspect of acquisition theory is being studied (e.g., s.-c. “initial state” vs “development”), (3) developing appropriate experimental tools (e.g., acceptability judgment tasks, elicited imitation tasks), (4) selecting the appropriate assessment tools to place students on the proficiency continuum; (5) selecting the appropriate statistical tools for analysis (e.g., lmer, anovas, simple regression). My objective is to examine the problematicity of these requirements in recent studies. I.e., I aim to argue that because a lot of studies fail one or more elements of this five-element list, we are not much further in our understanding of the acquisition process than Epstein, Flynn, and Martohardjono (1996) – ostensibly, despite the surge in the number of studies. Specifically, I want to draw attention to the following three issues (respective of the elements above): (apropos 1) Acquisition research is heavily and austerely constrained by state of art in syntax and adjacent fields depending on the acquisition of what is being investigated. (apropos 2) Despite a sizeable body of work, theories of “initial state” (such as in the work of, e.g., Rothman and colleagues) fail both falsifiability and internal coherency requirements (Ozernyi 2022b). (apropos 4) Vast lack of assessment literacy can (and does, widely so) render research uninterpretable (following Ozernyi, Flynn, Kim, and Yamashita, forthcoming). How to deal with the assessment of less-commonly taught languages? Lastly, I intend to briefly extend the sketches of a new model of Ln acquisition given in some recent work (Ozernyi, 2022c, §2; Ozernyi and Chou, 2023; Ozernyi and Chou, submitted, &c.), theory of the intermediate, showing how it answers the challenges outlined above. References Epstein, S. D., Flynn, S., & Martohardjono, G. (1996). Second language acquisition: Theoretical and experimental issues in contemporary research. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 19(4), 677-714. Ozernyi, DM. (2022a). On meronomy and dimensionality of the models for multilingual language acquisition. UNC-CH Spring Colloquium. http://dx.doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.18245.32489
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While previous work on multilingual speech rhythm has found evidence of progressive cross-linguistic influence of a first or second language (L1, L2) on a third language (L3), regressive cross-linguistic influence (rCLI) in rhythm remains understudied. In the current study, we tested the roles of order of acquisition and of language similarity in shaping rCLI from syllable-timed Spanish as L3 to stress-timed English and German as L1/L2. In a picture narration task, adult sequential trilinguals (L1 English-L2 German-L3 Spanish, L1 German-L2 English-L3 Spanish) and sequential bilingual controls (L1 English-L2 German, L1 German-L2 English) produced semi-spontaneous speech in each of their languages, which was analyzed in terms of the rhythm metric VarcoV. Results showed evidence of rCLI in English (the typologically more similar language to Spanish) but no evidence of rCLI in German; however, rCLI in English was found only when English was the L1. On the basis of these findings, we propose the Similarity Convergence Hypothesis (SCH), which claims that previously acquired languages that are more similar to a later-acquired language are relatively more vulnerable to rCLI from this language.
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Aims and Objectives/Purpose/Research Questions: We investigate the extent to which L1 versus adult L2 phonological systems resist influence from an L3. We test the Phonological Permeability Hypothesis (Cabrelli Amaro & Rothman, 2010), which states that adult L2 phonological systems are different from L1 systems with regards to instability. Design/Methodology/Approach: To isolate the variable of age of acquisition, we examined the acquisition of L3 Brazilian Portuguese (BP) by two types of sequential bilinguals: L1 English/L2 Spanish, L1 Spanish/L2 English. We tested perception via a forced-choice goodness task and production via a delayed repetition task. First, we assessed acquisition of the phonological property in BP (in this case, word-final vowel reduction, and excluded learners’ data that was not target-like in BP. We then tested the learners’ Spanish to determine the level of BP influence. Data and analysis: Perception data were analyzed for accuracy and reaction time. Production data were analyzed acoustically for formant structure, duration, and intensity. We compared L1 English/L2 Spanish data (n=15) with L1 Spanish/L2 English data (n=8), and with Spanish (n=11) and BP controls (n=14). Findings/Conclusions: While data from the preference task do not signal instability of perception for early or late acquirers of Spanish, L2 Spanish production data for vowel height measured differs from the L1 Spanish and Spanish control data. We take this as preliminary support for our hypothesis. Originality: By comparing L1 and L2 vulnerability to L3 influence, this study takes a novel approach to the debate over the constitution of phonological systems acquired in childhood versus in adulthood. Significance/Implications: The novel methodology implemented, together with these empirical findings, will afford further development of a research program dedicated to L3 bidirectional influence and the study of what L3 acquisition can tell us about language acquisition more generally.
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Aims and Objectives/Purpose/Research Questions: This article proposes the Scalpel Model, a new model of third and additional language (L3/Ln) acquisition. The model aims to identify and examine what happens beyond the initial state of acquisition and what factors may influence change from one state of knowledge to another. Design/Methodology/Approach: The article briefly examines the currently proposed hypotheses and models and evaluates the existing evidence for their predictions. It highlights several cognitive and experiential factors affecting crosslinguistic influence that are not taken into account by the current models. These factors include: structural linguistic complexity, misleading input or lack of clear unambiguous evidence for some property or construction, construction frequency in the target L3, and prevalent language activation or use. Data and Analysis: Findings of recently published research are discussed to support of the Scalpel Model. In particular, findings of differential learnability of properties within the same groups of learners suggest that L1 or L2 transfer happens property by property and is influenced by diverse factors. Findings/Conclusions: The Scalpel Model explicitly argues that wholesale transfer of one of the previously acquired languages does not happen at the initial stages of acquisition because it is not necessary. It also argues that transfer can be from the L1 or the L2 or both, but it is not only facilitative. Originality: The new model increases the explanatory coverage of the current experimental findings on how the L3/Ln linguistic representations develop. Significance/Implications: The model emphasizes the importance of the cognitive, experiential and linguistic influences on the L3/Ln beyond transfer from the L1 or L2. Thus it aligns L3/Ln acquisition with current debates within L2 acquisition theory.
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This study investigates cross-linguistic influence in multilingual (Ln) acquisition of two English structures (i.e., Adv-V word order and Subject-Auxiliary inversion (residual Verb-Second, V2) by bilingual Norwegian-Russian adolescents. We propose the Linguistic Proximity Model (LPM) that explains the Ln learning: transfer occurs when a certain linguistic property receives strong supporting input from the involved languages, regardless of the order of acquisition (L1 or L2) or their general typological grouping. This predicts that Russian syntactic properties will help children learn English Adv-V word order and overcome Norwegian V2 influence. In order to verify these predictions, we tested three groups of 12-14-year-old English learners: L1 Norwegian, L1 Russian, and 2L1 Norwegian-Russian, matched for general English proficiency. The data suggest that while L1 Norwegian children over-accept ungrammatical sentences in English with Norwegian word order (V-Adv), the bilingual children notice these errors more often due to the facilitating influence of Russian.
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This article elucidates the Typological Primacy Model (TPM; Rothman, 2010, 2011, 2013) for the initial stages of adult third language (L3) morphosyntactic transfer, addressing questions that stem from the model and its application. The TPM maintains that structural proximity between the L3 and the L1 and/or the L2 determines L3 transfer. In addition to demonstrating empirical support for the TPM, this article articulates a proposal for how the mind unconsciously determines typological (structural) proximity based on linguistic cues from the L3 input stream used by the parser early on to determine holistic transfer of one previous (the L1 or the L2) system. This articulated version of the TPM is motivated by argumentation appealing to cognitive and linguistic factors. Finally, in line with the general tenets of the TPM, I ponder if and why L3 transfer might obtain differently depending on the type of bilingual (e.g. early vs. late) and proficiency level of bilingualism involved in the L3 process.
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This paper offers an overview of current models of third language (L 3 ) acquisition, classifying each as a Wholesale Transfer model or as a Piecemeal Transfer model. We discuss what we consider to be some conceptual and empirical problems for the Piecemeal Transfer approaches and then discuss some advantages we see in Wholesale Transfer. Next, we home in on Wholesale Transfer models, arguing that one of them in particular seems to us to be the most promising, viz., the Typological Primacy Model (TPM – e.g., Rothman, 2011 , 2015 ). Finally, we take up some open questions associated with the TPM and suggest some possible directions for future L 3 research.
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In this article, I argue that first language (L1), second language (L2) and third language (L3) acquisition are fundamentally the same process, based on learning by parsing. Both child and adult learners are sensitive to fine linguistic distinctions, and language development takes place in small steps. While the bulk of the article focuses on crosslinguistic influence in L2/Ln acquisition, I first briefly outline the Micro-cue Model of L1 acquisition (Westergaard, 2009a, 2014), arguing that children build their I-language grammars incrementally, paying attention to small distinctions in syntax and information structure from early on. They are also shown to be conservative learners, generally not producing overt elements or performing movement operations unless there is positive evidence for this in the input, thus minimizing the need for unlearning. I then ask the question how this model fares with respect to multilingual situations, more specifically L2 and L3 acquisition. Discussing both theoretical and empirical evidence, I argue that, although L2 and L3 learners are different from L1 children in that they are not always conservative learners, they are also sensitive to fine linguistic distinctions, in that transfer/crosslinguistic influence takes place on a property-by-property basis. Full Transfer is traditionally understood as wholesale transfer at the initial state of L2 acquisition. However, I argue that it is impossible to distinguish between wholesale and property-by-property transfer in L2 acquisition on empirical grounds. In L3 acquisition, on the other hand, crosslinguistic influence from both previously acquired languages would provide support for property-by-property transfer. I discuss a few such cases and argue for what I call Full Transfer Potential (FTP), rather than Full (wholesale) Transfer, within the Linguistic Proximity Model (LPM) of L3 acquisition. Thus, rather than assuming that ‘everything does transfer’, I argue that ‘anything may transfer’.
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This study investigates the role of previously acquired linguistic systems, Mazandarani and Persian, in the acquisition of third language (L3) English at the initial stages. The data have been obtained from 31 students (age 13–14 years), testing the placement of attributive possessives in a grammaticality judgment task, an element rearrangement task and an elicited oral imitation task. The participants consist of three groups: The first two groups have Mazandarani as the first language (L1) and Persian as the second language (L2), but differ from each other with respect to the language of communication, Mazandarani and Persian, respectively. The third group has Persian as the L1 and Mazandarani as the L2, with Persian as the language of communication. English and Mazandarani pattern similarly in the target structures. That is to say, possessors precede possessed nouns and possessive adjectives come before nouns. In contrast, in Persian, possessives occur post-nominally. The results of this study reveal that none of the proposals tested (e.g. the L1 Factor, Hermas, 2010, 2014a, 2014b; the L2 Status Factor, Bardel and Falk, 2007; Falk and Bardel, 2011; the Cumulative Enhancement Model (CEM), Flynn et al., 2004; the Typological Proximity Model (TPM), Rothman, 2010, 2011, 2013, 2015) could account for the results obtained. This study provides support that at the initial stages of L3 acquisition, syntactic transfer originates from the language of communication, irrespective of order of acquisition.
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Several studies on L3 lexicon, and recently also some on L3 syntax, have convincingly shown a qualitative difference between the acquisition of a true L2 and the subsequent acquisition of an L3. Some studies even indicate that L2 takes on a stronger role than L1 in the initial state of L3 syntax (e.g. Bardel and Falk, 2007; Rothman and Cabrelli Amaro, 2010). In this article we further investigate syntactic transfer from L1/L2 to L3 in learners at an intermediate level of proficiency in the target language. Data have been obtained from 44 learners of German as L3, testing the placement of object pronouns in both main and subordinate clauses in a grammaticality judgement/correction task (GJCT). The learners constitute two groups (both n = 22): One group has English as L1 and French as L2 and the other group has French as L1 and English as L2. This particular combination of background languages allows us to pinpoint the source of transfer, since object placement is pre-verbal in French and post-verbal in English, this being applied in both main and subordinate clauses. In target language (TL) German, however, the object placement varies between pre-verbal in the sub clause and post-verbal in the main clause. The two groups behave differently as to both acceptance and rejection of the test items (60 grammatical and ungrammatical main and sub clauses with object pronouns). This difference is significant and can be ascribed to their L2s, respectively. Our results thus show that the L2 transfers into the L3 even at an intermediate level, and on the basis of this we claim a strong role for the L2 status factor.