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Exclusionary Effects of Campsite Allocation through Reservations in U.S. National Parks: Evidence from Mobile Device Location Data


Abstract and Figures Campsites represent highly sought after recreational amenities in the national parks of the United States. Equitable allocation of scarce recreational resources has long been a key management issue in U.S. national parks, but has become in- creasingly difficult in an era of increasing demand. At present, a growing number of national park campsites are allocated through an online reservation system well in advance of a camper’s arrival at a park. Compounding the challenge of allocat- ing these campsites is a long history of exclusivity within national park camping— institutionalized through campground design and predicated on a legacy of the leisure class’s affinity for camping in national parks. Given national park camping’s history of exclusivity, this exploratory study seeks to explore how online reserva- tion systems may impact the demographics of national park campers. Using mo- bile device location data, estimated demographics were calculated for campers in five national park campgrounds in the U.S. that each contained some sites requir- ing reservations and some sites available on a first-come, first-served basis. We detail results from analyses of variance between campsites requiring reservations and those that are available on a first-come, first-served basis. Results suggest that for each of the five campgrounds, those campers camping in sites that require res- ervations came from areas with higher median household incomes, on average. In three of the five campgrounds, this difference was significant. Additionally, in an urban-proximate setting, those camping in sites requiring reservations came from areas with a higher portion of White residency than those campers in campsites not requiring reservations, on average. We conclude with discussion that includes management implications concerning the growing prominence of online reser- vation systems for outdoor recreation amenities, and a brief research agenda for diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) as they relate to campgrounds. Principally, the former group of implications includes the realization that online reservation systems present the unintended consequence of excluding low-income, and per- haps non-White, would-be campers—a conclusion drawn from the results of this exploratory study. This discussion includes an analysis of the distributive justice of online reservation systems.
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a Parks, Tourism, and Recreation Management Program, University of Montana, Missoula, MT
b Department of Society and Conservation, University of Montana, Missoula, MT
Please send correspondence to William L. Rice,
Regular Paper
Exclusionary Effects of Campsite Allocation through
Reservations in U.S. National Parks: Evidence from
Mobile Device Location Data
William L. Rice,a,b Jaclyn R. Rushing,b Jennifer M. Thomsen,a,b and
Peter Whitneya,b
Executive Summary
Campsites represent highly sought aer recreational amenities in the national
parks of the United States. Equitable allocation of scarce recreational resources
has long been a key management issue in U.S. national parks, but has become in-
creasingly dicult in an era of increasing demand. At present, a growing number
of national park campsites are allocated through an online reservation system well
in advance of a camper’s arrival at a park. Compounding the challenge of allocat-
ing these campsites is a long history of exclusivity within national park camping—
institutionalized through campground design and predicated on a legacy of the
leisure class’s anity for camping in national parks. Given national park camping’s
history of exclusivity, this exploratory study seeks to explore how online reserva-
tion systems may impact the demographics of national park campers. Using mo-
bile device location data, estimated demographics were calculated for campers in
ve national park campgrounds in the U.S. that each contained some sites requir-
ing reservations and some sites available on a rst-come, rst-served basis. We
detail results from analyses of variance between campsites requiring reservations
and those that are available on a rst-come, rst-served basis. Results suggest that
for each of the ve campgrounds, those campers camping in sites that require res-
ervations came from areas with higher median household incomes, on average. In
three of the ve campgrounds, this dierence was signicant. Additionally, in an
urban-proximate setting, those camping in sites requiring reservations came from
areas with a higher portion of White residency than those campers in campsites
not requiring reservations, on average. We conclude with discussion that includes
management implications concerning the growing prominence of online reser-
vation systems for outdoor recreation amenities, and a brief research agenda for
diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) as they relate to campgrounds. Principally,
the former group of implications includes the realization that online reservation
systems present the unintended consequence of excluding low-income, and per-
haps non-White, would-be campers—a conclusion drawn from the results of this
exploratory study. is discussion includes an analysis of the distributive justice of
online reservation systems.
Volume 40, Issue 4, Winter 2022, pp. 45–65
Journal of Park and Recreation Administration
Rice et al.
Campgrounds, equity, allocation, reservations, exclusion, mobile device data
e national parks of the United States are a great source of national pride and
identity for many Americans; some have even likened U.S. national parks to “American
covenants” (Soukoup & Machlis, 2021, p. 585). Despite this, U.S. national parks do not
serve all Americans equally. Compared to U.S. residents in the 2010 census, national
park visitors are wealthier (i.e., 6% earn less than $25,000 compared to 24% of U.S.
residents), more educated (i.e., 32% have a graduate degree compared 16% of U.S. resi-
dents), and vast majority white (i.e., 95% compared to 72% of U.S. residents) (Vaske &
Lyon, 2014). Demographics of national park visitors compared to the U.S. population
have changed since 2010; for instance, it is now estimated that 80% of visitors are White
(Hicks et al., 2021); however, visitor demographics remain glaringly unrepresentative
of the U.S. population.
In an eort to make U.S. national parks relevant, diverse, and inclusive (NPS,
2021), the National Park Service (NPS) needs to ask itself some dicult questions re-
garding privilege such as “what agency practices reinforce inequities?” (Roberts, 2021,
p. 443). Camping in national parks is one practice that historically reinforced inequities
(Young, 2009). Yet, there is very limited contemporary research examining the demo-
graphics of campers in national parks and how they compare to the U.S. population.
is research examines the use of online-based reservations systems in frontcountry
camping in U.S. national park campgrounds, and explores how researchers can use
mobile device data as a means to understand who protected areas, such as national
parks, serve and how fairly that service is distributed.
Camping in the United States and National Parks
Camping is dened by the NPS as “erecting of a tent or shelter of natural or syn-
thetic material, preparing a sleeping bag or other bedding material for use, parking of
a motor vehicle, motor home or trailer, or mooring of a vessel for the apparent purpose
of overnight occupancy” (Parks, Forests, and Public Property, 2020). Most camping
in national parks is considered frontcountry camping, “where visitors drive to an es-
tablished campground… that typically consists of camping loops (roads shaped in an
actual loop), and each loop has numerous camping sites established to accommodate
tents, and in some cases, towed campers and RVs [recreational vehicles]” (NPS, 2018a,
para. 1).
Since the late 19th century, camping has been a primary means of outdoor recre-
ation in the U.S. (Young, 2017). ough originally conceptualized as a means of leisure
to escape urban stresses in an increasingly industrialized society, the primary moti-
vations for camping soon expanded to include aordable and/or novel accommoda-
tions while traveling or vacationing in—or proximate to—parks and protected areas
(Newcombe, 2016; Young, 2021). Camping thus became a means to tourism for many
residents in the United States (i.e., a place to stay), as opposed to a means of leisure or
recreation (i.e., a way to experience leisure) (Young, 2021). is shi led to two concur-
Exclusionary Campsite Allocation
rent trends in modern camping: a) a countereort by the leisure class to reappropriate
camping as a leisure activity utilized largely by the wealthy (Young, 2021), and b) the
signicant long-term growth within the camping industry (Young, 2021). Both trends,
and their historical impacts, are experienced by campers today (Hogue, 2011; Young,
Historically, exclusivity in camping is noted in national parks, where post-World
War II campground designs oered a “striking visual foreshadowing of a suburban hous-
ing development” that included “evocative street names, curvilinear road system[s],
[and] more clearly demarcated site boundaries” (Young, 2021, p. 189) that emulated
suburban hedges and fences. rough designing campgrounds that mirrored White
spaces and emphasized ownership through reservations, Young (2021) concludes that
the NPS drew strong connections between campsite design and homeownership and
therefore contributed to a post-war social contract that disenfranchised less auent
and non-White Americans—in camping and more broadly—“as both homeownership
and outdoor recreation continued to contain mechanisms of discrimination” (p. 191).
Today, campers remain largely White in the U.S. (78%; e Outdoor Foundation, 2017)
and relatively wealthy—from 2014 to 2016 U.S. national park campers had an annual
median household income $4,000 higher, on average, than the larger U.S. population
(Walls et al., 2018). Because of these demographic discrepancies, U.S. national parks
and other camping areas are oen conceptualized as exclusionary spaces (Finney, 2010,
2014; More, 2002; Scott & Lee, 2018; Weber & Sultana, 2012).
Camping now generates $166 billion in economic activity annually within the U.S.
(e Outdoor Industry Association, 2017). Demand for campsites within frontcountry
campgrounds in U.S. national parks increased signicantly during the previous decade
(Rice et al., 2019), accelerating at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic (Ma et al.,
2021; Michelson, 2021). Increasing demand has led many national park campsite ad-
ministrators to move to online reservation systems, primarily (Michel-
son, 2021; Rice et al., 2019). is online reservation platform allows users to search for
campsites by location using advanced ltering tools and book them up to six months
in advance. Online reservation systems such as allow for improved trip
planning for campers and ecient allocation of campsites for managers. However, high
demand for some campsites, paired with the ability for users to book remotely, has led
to a market for campsites where supply regularly fails to meet demand. As reported by
the administrators of (2021), “A popular campground with 57 camp-
sites can see close to 19,000 people all trying to reserve the same campsites for the same
dates immediately aer they’re released for reservation” (para. 8). Due to the incredibly
high demand for campsite reservations, obtaining a campsite ahead of time is likewise
very competitive and requires the ability to plan up to six months in advance, access
to highspeed Internet, and institutional knowledge related to the park and Recreation.
gov. us, issues of equity have been raised concerning the allocation of U.S. national
park campsite reservations (Rice & Park, 2021).
Unintended Impacts of Campsite Reservation Systems on Distributive
In U.S. national parks, extremely high demand for a limited number of campsites
has led to concerns about the impacts of reservation systems on distributive justice
(Rice & Park, 2021). In the context of recreation and tourism, Park et al. (2007) dene
distributive justice as being “concerned with a gain-to-loss ratio, or the exchange of
compensation in terms of input-output consistence with social position” (p. 90). More
Rice et al.
directly, Manning and Lime (2000) dene it as a management principle “whereby indi-
viduals obtain what they ‘ought’ to have based on criteria of fairness” (p. 38). Because
fairness is a multidimensional concept, Shelby et al. (1989) recommend the analysis
of four—sometimes competing—tenets when making decisions about the allocation
for recreation resources (e.g., campsites): equality, equity, need, and eciency. With
these tenets in mind, Shelby et al. (1989) note that reservation systems seek to maxi-
mize equality—assuming “everyone has an equal chance to plan ahead” (p. 63)—while
generally failing to adequately address goals related to need (e.g., improving or ensur-
ing access to shaded campsites for individuals with low heat tolerance or underlying
medical conditions), equity (e.g., improving or ensuring access for locals with limited
nancial resources for travelling elsewhere), or eciency (e.g., “no show” reservation
holders causing underutilization of the campsites).
Although reservation systems are based on equality, obtaining campsites through
online systems such as may be associated with various constraining fac-
tors that could cater to higher socioeconomic groups (Floyd & Stodolska, 2014; Taylor
et al., 2011), which are oen White (Bowser, 2007; Stodolska & Shinew, 2014; U.S.
Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2011). Reserving a national park campsite online requires
a) institutional knowledge (including campground knowledge and website navigation
knowledge), b) ability to plan up to six months in advance, and c) ability to access
the Internet for reservation system websites, all of which have been identied as con-
straints for participation in various forms of outdoor recreation.
Skills such as eectively navigating competitive online reservation systems require
experience and/or mentorship that have cultural ties and equity implications. Previous
research has identied the exclusionary nature of parks and outdoor recreation ac-
tivities coupled with socioeconomic factors (i.e., place of residence and poverty) have
created an environment in which many ethnic and racial groups have less access to
institutional knowledge and skills related to outdoor recreation (e.g., Bixler et al., 2011;
Edmonds, 2019; Scott & Lee, 2018). In the context of camping, campers with previous
experience and greater expertise pay signicantly more attention to the availability of
locations when selecting a campsite (Gursoy & Chen, 2012). erefore, successfully
reserving a popular campsite oen requires a reasonably high level of institutional
knowledge—thus leading to the possibility of exclusion of less experienced or knowl-
edgeable campers (Rice & Park, 2021).
Previous research refutes the assumption that all campers have equal ability to
plan ahead. Early research of campsite reservation systems in 1973 found that only
34% of campers in California had jobs that allowed them to plan their trips 12 weeks in
advance (Magill, 1976). A more recent study on online reservations found that for most
national park campsites, 50% of reservations are made more than one week in advance
(Supak et al., 2017). Furthering this issue of exclusion, at least two proprietary services
have emerged to alert customers—for a fee—when a campsite becomes available for
their preferred time and place (Michelson, 2021), thus potentially giving those able to
pay an unfair advantage when attempting to reserve campsites.
Campsite reservations are most commonly made online through sites such as, which brings up potential issues of equity in terms of access to in-
ternet. Despite the pervasive role of the Internet and smart devices in today’s culture,
access to Internet devices (e.g., smart devices, tablets, and desktop or laptop comput-
ers) vary among racial groups and are associated with disadvantages (Atske & Perrin,
2021; Winter et al., 2019). Atske and Perrin at the Pew Research Center (2021) found
Exclusionary Campsite Allocation
that Black/African American and LatinX adults in the U.S. “remain less likely than
White adults to say they own a traditional computer or have high-speed Internet at
home” (para. 1). Especially in a highly competitive market, such as that for popular
campgrounds, Internet access and access to high speeds can be crucial for ensuring a
successful reservation.
us, there is a need to understand if online campsite reservation systems are ex-
clusionary toward specic groups. Demographic research of campers conrms that the
group remains mostly White and skews wealthier than the greater U.S. population (e
Outdoor Foundation, 2017; Walls et al., 2018). However, dierences in the ethnic di-
versity and level of wealth among campers utilizing campsites that require reservations
and those utilizing rst-come, rst-served campsites have not been assessed to date.
is gap in the research may be due to the diculty of gaining a robust sample of the
two types of campers across multiple campgrounds. e advent of gaining basic demo-
graphic information about campers’ home locales through mobile device location data
oers a means of overcoming this potential barrier (Lawson, 2021).
Using Mobile Device Data to Estimate Demographics in Parks
Location data gathered from personal mobile devices is an emerging means of
monitoring and measuring tourism and visitor use in parks and protected areas (Law-
son, 2021). In recent years, a small—albeit rapidly growing—body of research has
emerged to this end (e.g., Creany et al., 2021; Kim et al., 2020; Kubo et al., 2020; Liang
et al., 2021; Merrill et al., 2020; Monz et al., 2019; 2021). Mobile device data provides a
potentially more cost-eective means of measuring managerially important variables
in park spaces (i.e., visitor travel and use patterns, activity styles, and demographics)
compared to traditional surveying methods (Monz et al., 2021). is data may be pur-
chased or otherwise obtained from an array of vendors (e.g., AirSage, Near, SafeGraph,
and Streetlight) that aggregate and anonymize location data from cell phones with GPS
capabilities (Lawson, 2021). ese vendors gather data from “a sample of about 30%
of U.S. cell phone users” (Lawson, 2021, p. 30). Given this large sample size, reputable
vendors can provide estimates for visitor use and visitor demographics with very high
levels of condence. Concerning income, Near (formally UberMedia, or UM)—the
mobile location data vendor used in the following analysis—reports that “the Pearson’s
correlation between the (inferred) number of UM device users per income bracket
and the number of census respondents per income bracket is r = 0.994, which is both
very high and highly signicant (p<0.01)” (UberMedia, 2021b, p. 4). Further, concern-
ing ethnicity, “the Pearson’s correlation between population counts and device counts
across ethnicity is 0.999, which is both very high and highly signicant (p < 0.01)”
(UberMedia, 2021b, p. 4). Lawson (2021) notes that in parks and protected areas these
estimates are likely most accurate in more densely used areas. Additionally, given that
mobile location data vendors typically retain archival mobile device location data,
researchers are able to use this accurate archival data to study previous park visita-
tion and trends analysis—a practice usually not possible in traditional survey research
(Monz et al., 2019).
To date, two studies have used aggregated mobile device data to estimate demo-
graphics of park visitors (Liang et al., 2021; Monz et al., 2021). Both of these previous
studies focused on assessing and validating the representativeness of visitor demo-
graphics estimates based on data purchased or provided by mobile location data ven-
dors. When comparing demographic estimates between mobile device data provided
Rice et al.
by the vendor StreetLight and survey data, Monz et al. (2021) found visitor race/eth-
nicity distributions and income levels estimated via mobile device data “were, for the
most part, consistent” (p. 128) with previous survey-based research. When comparing
demographic estimates between mobile device data provided by the vendor SafeGraph
and survey data, Liang et al. (2021) found signicant dierences in the estimated
proportional distributions of four of seven income groups and signicant dierences
among the estimated proportional distributions of one of three racial/ethnic groups.
However, these signicant dierences between the SafeGraph and survey data may be
due to poor cell phone service coverage in their study location—Yellowstone National
Park (NPS, 2020b). In addition to these studies specic to park settings, numerous
other studies have utilized mobile device data to estimate visitor home locations (also
referred to as the common evening locations of their mobile devices) in tourism (Cal-
abrese et al., 2010; Ma & Kirilenko, 2021; Park & Pan, 2018).
Study Purpose
Given the legacy of ethnic and economic exclusion in camping, the issues of dis-
tributive justice inherent to reservation systems, and the growing popularity of online
reservation systems in U.S. national park campgrounds, this study seeks to quantify
potential demographic dierences of campers in campsites requiring reservations and
those note requiring reservations. At present, the lack of research to this end leaves
national park campground managers without vital data to guide their decision-making
when considering the implementation of online reservation systems. U.S. national park
campgrounds were selected as the research setting due to availability of data concern-
ing their reservation statuses and the noted high demand for their campsites (Rice
et al., 2019). is research represents a rst, exploratory attempt to examine demo-
graphic dierences among reservation-holding and rst come, rst served campers,
and provide subsequent management implications. e following two research ques-
tions guide this research:
R1: In the selected NPS-managed campgrounds, do U.S. campers in camp-
sites requiring reservations come from locales with higher median annual
household incomes than those in campsites not accepting reservations?
R2: In the selected NPS-managed campgrounds, do U.S. campers in camp-
sites requiring reservations come from locales with higher portions of White
residency than those in campsites not accepting reservations?
Study Site
Study sites were selected using the following criteria: a) NPS-managed campground
with at least one campground loop requiring reservations in 2019 and at least one loop
not accepting reservations in 2019, and b) having mobile device LTE data coverage
provided by at least three major cell phone service providers (e.g., Verizon, AT&T,
Sprint, T-Mobile) according to Federal Communication Commission (FCC) 2018 data
(FCC, 2020). Using the NPS “Find a Campground” explorer tool (NPS, 2020a), ve
campgrounds were identied that met the dened criteria: Buckhorn Campground
in Chickasaw National Recreation Area (Oklahoma), Green River Campground in
Colorado National Monument (Colorado), Lo Mountain Campground in Shenan-
Exclusionary Campsite Allocation
doah National Park (Virginia), Oak Ridge Campground in Prince William Forest Park
(Virginia), and Saddlehorn Campground in Dinosaur National Monument (Utah; see
Figure 1). Given the exploratory nature of this research, it is acknowledged that these
sites may not be fully representative of U.S. national park campgrounds; however, all
ve campgrounds follow the traditional NPS design (Young, 2018) comprising a series
of one-way driving loops branching from a common drive, each loop containing a
number of campsites. Additionally, all ve campgrounds require reservations in cer-
tain loops via during “peak season” (generally April through October).
Importantly, neither price nor access to amenities (e.g., picnic tables, campre rings,
access to electricity) were dependent on reservation status in these campgrounds, as
discovered through a review of (e.g., NPS, 2017; 2018b; 2019a; 2019b; 2019c).
In Buckhorn (Chickasaw National Recreation Area) and Lo Mountain (Shenandoah
National Park) Campgrounds, price was directly correlated with access to electricity;
however, sites with and without electricity (and therefore at higher and lower pric-
es) were available via both reservation and rst-come, rst-served status (NPS, 2017;
2019a). Electricity access was not available at any of the sites in Green River (Dino-
saur National Monument), Oak Ridge (Prince William Forest Park), and Saddlehorn
(Colorado National Monument) Campgrounds; therefore, all campsites were of equal
price (NPS, 2018b; 2019b; 2019c). A full listing of campground attributes is contained
in Table 1.
Figure 1. Campgrounds included in the study
Figure 1
Campgrounds Included in this Study
Rice et al.
Data Collection
Using ArcGis Pro and referencing ocial NPS maps, polygons were delineated
around each of the loops within each campground. Using these polygons, data were
then exported from aggregated mobile device location data provided by Near (formally
UberMedia), for only U.S.-based mobile devices. Location data provided by Near is
captured by applications (apps) in mobile devices that have location services enabled,
which report coordinates from the operating system of individual GPS-enabled mobile
device (Near, 2021a). Raw data is then aggregated, screened for accuracy and quality,
and organized to the study’s requested parameters in a data export.
Data is gathered by proprietary Soware Development Kits (SDKs) embedded
into device applications (Near, 2021a). SDKs, provided by Near or other location-gath-
ering vendors, are embedded into the operating soware of mobile-device applications
by app and web developers. From pop-up ads to apps like Pokémon Go, raw data from
over 100,000 applications contribute to the location dataset (Near, 2021a). e Near
dataset used for this study included four data sources; ~50% of data was “second-party”
data (gathered by other location-data providers and shared with Near), ~48% of data
was “bid stream data” (collected through soware embedded into banner and video
advertisements), ~1% of the aggregated data was provided by “rst-party” apps (those
developed with publishers that have a direct relationship with Near), and ~1% gathered
through apps created by Near (UberMedia, 2021c). Given the volume and variability
inherent to mobile device location data, Near applies several layers of data screening
to its long-term dataset. Basic screening removes faulty data reporting from individual
devices, “power law” screening removes implausibly high levels of device requests or
device density, fraudulent data created by “bad actor” devices is removed. Additional
levels of screening include audit-based data testing and other report-based screening
methods (Near 2021a).
Data were exported for the entire 2019 “peak season” dened for each camp-
ground when reservations are required for certain loops (as dened by the NPS, 2017;
2018b; 2019a; 2019b; 2019c). Further, to reduce the impact of individuals and vehi-
cles passing through the campground loops en route to another loop or exploring the
campground, location data were only exported from 20:00 to 5:00 local time and any
devices traveling at a speed greater than three miles per hour for their entire dura-
Table 1
Campground Attributes
Total # of
Total # of
during peak
Loops not
during peak
Nearest Metropolitan
Statistical Area (population)
Miles to
Statistical Area
A, B, & D
Oklahoma City, OK
Green River
A & C
Salt Lake City, UT (600,730)
F, G, &
Upper north
A, B, C, D,
E, Lower, &
Upper south
Richmond, VA (633,765)
Oak Ridge
B & C
Alexandria, DC-VA-MD-
WV (3,249,197)
A & C
Salt Lake City, UT (600,730)
1(NPS, 2017; 2018b; 2019a; 2019b; 2019c)
Table 1
Campground Attributes
Exclusionary Campsite Allocation
tion within a loop were excluded. e subsequent mobile location data exports were
comprised of spreadsheets—respective to each campground loop—listing U.S. Census
block groups containing the “common evening location” of at least one visitor’s mobile
device and the number of visitor mobile devices falling within each block group (See
Table 2). As dened by Near, common evening location is “estimated by determining
where a device most frequently appears during the ‘non-work’ hours” (UberMedia,
2021a, p. 2). “Non-work hours” are dened as between 18:00 and 08:00 on Mondays
through Fridays and all day on Saturdays and Sundays (UberMedia, 2021a). e de-
ned common evening location is then “jittered in 50 m [meters] a random direction
to “help maintain the de-identication of device-level data” (UberMedia, 2021a). e
exported spreadsheets also contained demographic information for each U.S. Census
block group containing the common evening location of at least one visitor’s mobile
device. is demographic information was queried from the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2016
American Community Survey (UberMedia, 2021b).
Table 2
Example Cleaned Output of Mobile Device Data
Census Block # of Devices Median Household Portion of
Group ID Income White Residency
60133230001 1 $110,417 0.6937
60170309011 1 $76,553 0.9594
60190064034 1 $80,259 0.7566
60230011011 1 $63,333 0.8379
60610213222 2 $103,365 0.6206
As mobile device location data is derived from an opt-in anonymous identier,
demographic data cannot be directly associated with individual device locations. In-
stead, the established proxy for determining users’ demographic characteristics is the
census block group of the device user’s common evening location (UberMedia, 2021b).
In the study data, U.S.-based devices with established common evening locations were
associated to their census block group’s median household income and racial distri-
bution. For both of these measures, demographic representativeness is measured by
reporting the Pearson’s correlation between the inferred number of device users and
the number of census correspondents. Each measure is found to be both very high and
highly signicant (p<0.01) (UberMedia, 2021b, p. 5)
Assessment of Mobile Device Location Data Representativeness
To understand if the common evening locations of campers—derived from the
mobile device location data—in each campground suciently represented the geo-
graphic distribution of home locations among the population of campers in each
campground, we compared a) the zip codes of campers’ common evening locations
among our data—derived through Near mobile device location data—to b) the zip
codes collected by the NPS—through the reservation website—for
campers making reservations in the study’s campgrounds for the same 2019 dates listed
in Table 1. All reservations made through are archived on the publicly-
available Recreation Information Database (Supak et al., 2017). Importantly, we only
Rice et al.
used the common evening locations of campers in campground loops requiring reser-
vations in this analysis—to ensure we were comparing the correct datasets (i.e., exclud-
ing campers camping in rst come, rst served campsites, not available for reservation
on Using zip code centroid point data of both a) the common evening
location zip codes of campers in our mobile device location dataset and b) the zip
codes recorded from all reservation transactions on, we assessed spatial
correlation among the point densities of both datasets across the United States using
the band collection statistics tool in ArcGIS Pro (e.g., Ghalambordezfooli & Hosseini,
2019; Sajid Mehmood et al., 2021) which outputs a correlation matrix for determining
the degree of correlation between the spatial coverages of the two datasets.
Dierences in demographics in campground loops requiring reservations and
those not accepting reservations (rst come, rst served) were analyzed via aggregated
datasets for each campground—for example, common evening locations of campers
in Lo Mountain (Shenandoah National Park) Campground’s Loops F, G, and Up-
per north (requiring a reservation) and Loops A, B, C, D, E, Lower, and Upper south
(not accepting reservations) were aggregated, respectively, prior to analysis. Follow-
ing the dened research questions, the median annual household income and portion
of White residency were analyzed for the home locales (U.S. Census block groups)
for campers in campground loops requiring reservations and campground loops not
accepting reservations. One-way analyses of variance (ANOVAs) were carried out to
compare dierences in the average median annual household income and portion of
White residency for campground loops requiring and not accepting reservations (rst-
come, rst-serve). Averages and portions were weighted according to the number
of devices within common evening locations coming from within each block group.
ANOVAs are useful in determining dierences in the averages (or means) for continu-
ous variables across groups (Vaske, 2008). Following Huberty and Morris (1989), two
one-way ANOVAs were selected over a single MANOVA due to the small number of
dependent variables (median annual household income and portion of white residen-
cy) and the exploratory nature of the study. Levene’s F test was used to assess if equality
of variance could be assumed for each dependent variable (Vaske, 2008). When equal-
ity of variance could not be assumed for the dependent variable, Welchs test of Equality
of Means was used to correct the signicance level of the omnibus test.
Common evening locations from approximately 3,250 mobile devices, represent-
ing campers’ home locales, were exported from the Near data explorer. e spatial
distribution of common evening location zip codes derived from the mobile device
location data and the zip codes derived from reservations made through Recreation.
gov ranged from highly correlated to nearly identical across the ve campgrounds in
the study (see Table 3), with negligible dierences likely resulting from campers hail-
ing from dierent home locales than their friends or family members who made the
campsite reservation. us, based on these universally high levels of correlation, we
determined that the mobile device location data presented a reliable sample of camp-
ers from which conclusions concerning the demographics of their home locales (i.e.,
census block groups) could be drawn. Descriptive and ANOVA results are listed in
Table 3. Dierences in the total samples (number of mobile devices) used for each
Exclusionary Campsite Allocation
of the two ANOVAs (median annual household income and portion of White resi-
dency) within each campground result from unequal availability of census data for
block groups (e.g., 591 census block groups which contained common evening loca-
tions for Green River Campground campers had available racial residency data vs. 581
census block groups had available median household income data). In all ve camp-
grounds, the mean median annual household income for campers’ home locales was
higher in loops requiring reservations than those not accepting reservations. For three
of the ve campgrounds—Buckhorn (Chickasaw National Recreation Area), Green
River (Dinosaur National Monument), and Lo Mountain (Shenandoah National
Park) Campgrounds—the average (mean) median annual household income was sig-
nicantly higher in loops requiring reservations at a minimum 95% condence inter-
val. Concerning the portion of white residency in campers’ home locales, one of ve
campgrounds—Oak Ridge (Prince William Forest Park) Campground—contained a
signicant dierence between loops requiring reservations and those not accepting
reservations. Oak Ridge (Prince William Forest Park) Campground contained a dier-
ence of 6.86% in the portion of White residency between reservation statuses.
Institutional Barriers to Campsite Use in NPS
Based on our ndings from this exploratory research, the allocation of national
park campsites through reservation systems can prove exclusionary toward lower in-
come and non-White individuals in the United States. is suggests that reservation
systems act as institutional barriers to campsite use in U.S. national parks. is nding
juxtaposes the democratic nature of the national park idea as described by journalist
and early national park advocate Robert Sterling Yard (1922):
Already the national parks are benecently aecting the national mind…Of
great importance is their strong tendency to redemocratize in a period which
needs it. Nowhere else do people from all the states mingle in quite the same
spirit as they do in their national parks…Here the social dierences so in-
sisted on at home just don’t exist. (p. 583)
Yet, national parks were historically managed as White spaces—largely o limits to
people of color. is is exemplied through the policies discouraging African Ameri-
can visitation (O’Brien & Wairimu Ngaruiya, 2012), the exclusion of African Ameri-
cans from parks in the South (Byrne & Wolch, 2009; Scott, 2014), and designing
parks—and the campgrounds therein—for the preferences of White visitors (Le, 2012;
Young, 2021). Krymkowski and colleagues (2014) hypothesize that these historical
policies may have resulted in people of color, especially African Americans, feeling like
national parks do not belong to them.
Despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary (Davis, 2019; Erickson et al., 2009;
Scott & Lee, 2018; Weber & Sultana, 2012; Young, 2017), national parks are still largely
romanticized for their role in furthering democratization within American culture
(Grebowicz, 2015), as popularized through Ken Burns’ (2009) lm, e National Parks:
America’s Best Idea:
Rice et al.
Sample Size of
data and Correlations
n (# of
n (# of
location zip
Buckhorn (Chickasaw National
Recreation Area) Campground
Median Annual Household Income
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Portion of White Residency
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Green River (Colorado National
Monument) Campground
Median Annual Household Income
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Portion of White Residency
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Loft Mountain (Shenandoah National
Park) Campground
Median Annual Household Income
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Portion of White Residency
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Table 3
ANOVA Results and Mobile Device/Reservation Zip Code Correlations
Exclusionary Campsite Allocation
Table 3 (cont.)
Oak Ridge (Prince William Forest Park)
Median Annual Household Income
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Portion of White Residency
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Saddlehorn (Dinosaur National
Monument) Campground
Median Annual Household Income
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Portion of White Residency
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Note: Median Annual Household Income and Portion of White Residency are calculated at the U.S. Census Block Group level
aDifference in means significant at a 99% confidence interval
bDifference in means significant at a 98% confidence interval
cDifference in means significant at a 95% confidence interval
dEquality of variances cannot be assumed.
Equality of variances can be assumed.
Sample Size of
data and Correlations
n (# of
n (# of
location zip
Buckhorn (Chickasaw National
Recreation Area) Campground
Median Annual Household Income
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Portion of White Residency
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Green River (Colorado National
Monument) Campground
Median Annual Household Income
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Portion of White Residency
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Loft Mountain (Shenandoah National
Park) Campground
Median Annual Household Income
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Portion of White Residency
Requiring Reservations
No Reservations
Rice et al.
At the heart of the park idea is the notion that by virtue of being an American,
whether your ancestors came over on the Mayower or whether they just ar-
rived, whether you’re from a big city or from a rural setting, whether your
daddy owns the factory or your mother is a maid….they [the national parks]
belong to you. (00:6:20)
In reality, as seen through this addition to a growing body of research, national parks
are exclusive places where public ownership does not guarantee equitable access for
the diverse public. Further, as demand increases for limited amenities (e.g., campsites,
trails, parking) and reservation systems are implemented to manage supply, this exclu-
sion is only likely to increase. ough this study revealed campsites requiring reserva-
tions to have signicantly higher portions of White residency in just one of ve camp-
grounds, signicantly higher average median annual household incomes was revealed
among campsites in three of the ve campgrounds.
In an instance, as reported by (2021), “A popular campground with
57 campsites can see close to 19,000 people all trying to reserve the same campsites
for the same dates immediately aer they’re released for reservation” (para. 8), only
0.3% of would-be campers are able to negotiate the constraints involved with getting
a campsite through the highly competitive online reservation system. Constraints for
obtaining a NPS campsite reservation and for visiting a national park are manifold and
span intrapersonal (e.g., fear, anxiety, perceived self-skills), interpersonal (e.g., family
obligations, cultural expectations), and structural constraints (e.g., access to highspeed
internet, ability to plan in advance). Some of the potential constraints for obtaining an
advanced reservation through include: the ability to take a vacation to
a national park, access to camping equipment, ability to plan up to six months in ad-
vance, internet access for obtaining a reservation, exibility of work schedules to make
reservations when they come available, the ability to pay for an external service for
monitoring campsite availabilities (e.g., Campnab), and the institutional knowledge of
when and how to obtain a reservation through
ere have been substantial eorts to enhance diversity, equity, and inclusion
(DEI) in the NPS, and in recreation and tourism more broadly (akur et al., 2021).
For example, Schultz et al. (2019) found a total of 1,359 relevancy, diversity, and inclu-
sion programs were reported across 161 park units from 2005-2016 with 12% of pro-
grams focused on ethnicity, 12% on race, and 10% on economic status. However, our
research illuminates the ongoing constraints within the NPS and, in particular, camp-
site reservation systems that may further exacerbate inequities across socioeconomic
groups. Similarly, Schultz et al. (2019) concluded their review of NPS DEI programs
by emphasizing the disparity in representing dierent forms of diversity, the need to
strengthen relationships between the NPS and external partners in communities, and
the importance of sustaining programs over time to achieve DEI outcomes.
Research Priorities for Campgrounds and DEI
Despite the growing body of research on DEI and public lands and outdoor recre-
ation (e.g., Flores et al., 2018; Lee et al., 2020; Winter at al., 2020), there remain major
gaps specic to frontcountry camping, particularly in NPS settings, that can inform
priorities for future research. Frontcountry camping is the h most popular outdoor
recreation activity among all U.S. residents, is among the top four most popular out-
door recreation activities among African American, Asian, and Hispanic U.S. resi-
dents, has the second highest level of interest among low-income U.S. residents not yet
Exclusionary Campsite Allocation
participating in outdoor recreation, and is the third most popular outdoor recreation
activity among U.S. residents ages 6 to 17 years old (Outdoor Foundation, 2020). Yet,
this activity appears to receive very little research interest (beyond the annual KOA
North American Camping Report), compared to other activities (e.g., hiking—which
is less popular among African Americans, Asians, and Hispanics and U.S. residents
ages 6 to 17; Outdoor Foundation, 2020). e lack of research in this area stands at
odds with its growing interest among an increasingly diverse U.S. population.
Additionally, this research addresses permitting and reservation equity, which
has received little attention in the literature. We were only able to nd one study to
this end—from decades ago (i.e., Magill, 1976)—and NPS reservation systems and the
constraints people face have changed in many ways since then. We recommend future
research to focus on the dierent types of intrapersonal, interpersonal, and structural
constraints, dierent types of campground reservation systems (e.g., in-person, online,
etc.) and dierent types of campgrounds (e.g., frontcountry, backcountry, RV, etc.).
Several of the campgrounds studied here have transitioned a signicant portion of
their rst come, rst served sites to reservation-only since 2019 (i.e., Lo Mountain
and Saddlehorn) or are now completely reservation-only (i.e., Oak Ridge)—thus, high-
lighting the importance of this line of research. Additionally, a large focus of previous
research has been on people who were able to obtain a permit or get a campsite versus
the people who were unsuccessful (e.g., those not successful in securing a campground
are not present for surveying). When studying constraints of online reservation sys-
tems, it is particularly important to have a representative sample. Social media, mobile
device data, and surveys outside NPS sites (e.g., Barros et al., 2020; Liang et al., 2020;
McCreary et al., 2020) can be particularly important to reaching populations who
are not successful in getting the campsites or may not have any interest in getting the
campsites due to various constraints or disconnect of these populations with NPS sites.
Management Considerations for Implementing a Reservation System
As seen through this exploratory study, NPS campsite allocation systems requiring
reservations favor wealthier individuals and, in the case of the urban-proximate Prince
William Forest Park, White individuals. As the agency moves more campsites onto and out of rst-come, rst-served systems, national park camping will
likely become an even more exclusive activity. We recommend that the NPS and other
land management agencies consider distributive justice in their decision-making con-
cerning campsite allocation. First, consider who is currently using the campgrounds,
how this population has changed over time in comparison with census and local demo-
graphics changes. Additionally, think of who is not currently using the campgrounds
and visiting NPS sites and how does this population compare to the various aspects
and dimensions of diversity.
Second, consider how reservations are made for campgrounds and other permits
and how information is communicated on working with these systems to break down
barriers and constraints. Recent trailed strategies to this end—which could be used to
inform how reservations are made—include Yosemite National Park’s 2022 reservation
access lottery for campsites in the popular North Pines Campground, through which
hopeful campers enter a lottery for an equal chance to reserve a campsite during peak
summer season, with the intention of oering “a new method for reserving campsites
at this high-demand location for a more equitable experience” and addressing “percep-
tions of an unfair reservation process” (NPS, 2022, para. 2). Viewed through a dis-
Rice et al.
tributive justice lens, such a program strives for equity while also seeking to minimize
unintended negative impacts toward equality and eciency (Shelby et al., 1989). Addi-
tionally, this research agenda must address how changes in the reservation and permit
system reect have changed who is using the sites.
ird, when were these changes made and is equity an issue for the timing and
access of reservations? Lastly, where are the campgrounds, facilities, resources that re-
quire reservations and permits? What is the proximity to urban areas and how many
are frontcountry versus backcountry or wilderness sites? When considering these dif-
ferent aspects, managers can transition from decision-making based on specic crowd-
ing or demand metrics to decision-making that meaningfully integrates aspects of DEI
to support a more just process.
Conclusion and Limitations
is exploratory study used an innovative approach to examine the use of on-
line-based reservations systems in frontcountry camping in U.S. national park camp-
grounds, and explores how researchers can use mobile device data as a means to un-
derstand who national park campgrounds serve and the equitability of that service. e
ndings illuminate the trends in online-based reservation systems that may exacerbate
the issue of exclusion of BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and people of color) populations
from national parks and campgrounds. Considering the growing use of online-based
reservation systems, ticketed entry, and other required permits through online sys-
tems, this topic requires more research to inform decisions by management and agency
decisions to use these approaches.
While mobile device location data represents a powerful tool for monitoring and
measuring tourism and visitor use in parks and protected areas, there are important
limitations to the application of this data that should be considered. In computing
demographic information about individual device users in the United States, Near
analyses census data at the census block group level. Data are tested for bias between
census block groups, but dierences within individual blocks are not visible. erefore,
reported demographic information is based on the census block group in which one
resides, rather than the actual demographic background of the individual. Given this
limitation, bias is easier to detect and remove in areas that have “highly typied neigh-
borhoods, such as one with many ethnic or economic enclaves” and more dicult to
detect in an area that has a “well-integrated population with few ethnic or economic
enclaves” (UberMedia, 2021b). Another consideration when interpreting mobile de-
vice location data is in the sample selection. By virtue of the method of data collec-
tion, the sample can only include campground visitors that had a mobile device with
location services activated while onsite. Other users, those who do not have a mobile
device or do not have an application with location services activated, are not captured.
erefore, there is no way to ensure a truly random sample of campground visitors.
e changing sociodemographic landscape of the U.S. and other countries oers
opportunities to enhance the relevancy, diversity, and inclusion in national parks and
protected areas. However, the increasing demand for visitation to these places has cre-
ated a tension for managers on how to control crowding and sustain resources while
not creating exclusionary practices such as online reservation systems and ticketed
entry. e lack of research on this topic further limits the ability to inform decisions
based on sound science. We hope this exploratory study catalyzes meaningful discus-
sion on these management systems through the lens of relevancy, diversity, and in-
Exclusionary Campsite Allocation
clusion and can enhance the equity and access to campgrounds, national parks, and
protected areas.
Disclosure Statement: e authors have no disclosures or competing interests to declare.
Funding: Data collection used for this publication was supported by the National Institute of
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... Considerable research (e.g., Lawson et al., 2003;Manning, 2007;Pettebone et al., 2013) has been conducted-and a variety of frameworks (a recent, prominent example being the U.S. Interagency Visitor Use Management Council Visitor Capacity Guidebook, 2019) have been proposed and implemented-to inform RECREATION RATIONING SPECTRUM 8 defining numeric thresholds for limiting visitor use, however very little research has been conducted and no frameworks have been proposed to guide the rationing of use after a visitor use limit is decided upon. Further, the sparse research that exists in this area of study includes very few contemporary contributions (Fleming & Manning, 2015;Lepp & Herpy, 2015;Rice et al., 2022). The implications of this imbalance of research are multifold, as managers are left to allocate use on an ad hoc basis with little science to guide their planning efforts. ...
... Given recent documented heightened levels of global outdoor recreation demand, especially in iconic or already popular recreation areas, the stated need to conduct research on rationing of scarce recreation resources has re-emerged in the literature (e.g., Rice et al., 2022;Walls et al., 2018). The need for this research is typified by a statistic released through a ...
... Importantly, this calculation does not include those who have jobs or family care needs that prevent them from logging onto the moment reservations become available for their hopeful trip. Nor does it include those with lower internet literacies or language barriers that cannot navigate the reservation process, those who do not attempt reservations that far in advance due to work schedules that prevent long-term planning, or those who do not attempt reservations for this popular campground because of the dire odds (Rice et al., 2022). Further, data from the University of California Santa Barbara's Outdoor Equity App (, ...
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Providing a diversity of opportunities has long been a key tenet of recreation planning. This principle was codified through the Recreation Opportunity Spectrum. Yet this globally-popular framework fails to extend the concept of diversity it applied from types of recreation opportunities to how opportunities are rationed. Reflecting on foundational research that contributed to the formation of the Recreation Opportunity Spectrum and our understanding of distributive justice in outdoor recreation, we suggest the adoption of a new principle that extends the core contributions of this research to how we allocate scarce recreation resources (e.g., campsites, trails, or permits) in an age of increasing demand. We present the Recreation Rationing Spectrum (RRS) as an upshot of this reflection. The RRS is simply a principle, or notion, that beckons us to pause and consider how we can fairly and more equitably distribute recreation access (i.e., campsites) on the basis distributive justice.
... Further levels of screening consist of audit-based data testing and other report-based screening methods [40]. Near's mobile phone location data had been previously ground-truthed using population-level data from campground reservations within PPAs in the western United States [41]. ...
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An increasingly vast segment of the literature examines the relationship between greenspace and pediatric health. However, the bulk of this research continues to use proximate relative greenness as a measure for exposure to the ecosystem services provisioned by natural areas, despite increasing recognition that relative greenness fails to capture the public accessibility, recreation potential, or desirability of natural areas. Thus, this present research demonstrates the use of emerging data sources that can be used in conjunction with traditional greenspace measures to improve modeling as it relates to nature’s impacts on pediatric health. Using spatial park and protected area data in concert with mobile phone location data, we demonstrate exploratory analysis on how park and protected area attributes may influence pediatric health in northwest Montana, USA. Suggestive findings concerning how the attributes of park and protected areas (i.e., conservation status, access, recreation demand) influence pediatric health (i.e., attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, asthma, and anxiety/mood disorders) lead us to introduce directions for future research beyond greenspace. Importantly, this research does not intend to provide definitive or generalizable findings concerning how parks and protected areas influence pediatric health. Instead, we aim to provide an initial exploration toward a larger, future body of the literature, evaluating parks and protected areas’ influence on pediatric health.
... There were some assumptions that the number of people per vehicle might increase because of this, but that was not the case. Additionally, although recent research casts doubt on the utility of mobility data to accurately identify race and income among national park visitors [25], some researchers claimed exclusionary effects of reservation systems in national parksspecifically for race and income at campgrounds-using mobility data [26,27]. This current study uses robust, on-the-ground survey methods to collect sociodemographic data and found no differences for race, ethnicity, income, local residency, or education level when comparing visitors before and during PTES. ...
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Over the past decade, many national park units in the United States broke visitation records. Arches National Park (UT, USA) is no exception. Between 2011 and 2021, visitation increased 74%. As part of considering management options to address the issues from sustained and concentrated visitation, Arches implemented a pilot timed entry system from 3 April to 3 October 2022. This article compares visitor perceptions, characteristics, and support for management actions before and during the pilot timed entry system using data from visitor intercept surveys. Findings suggest visitors experience quality improved across the park and on hiking trails during the pilot timed entry system. Visitor characteristics were extremely similar, and there were no differences in local residency, group size, vehicle occupancy, race, ethnicity, first time visitation, education level, or household income. Visitors were more likely to plan for the trip further in advance and were less likely to re-enter the park during the pilot timed entry system. Lastly, visitors demonstrated more support for timed entry and lower levels of support for expanding parking, site specific reservations, and temporary closures during the pilot timed entry system. These results reflect unique insights for managers considering managed access systems like timed entry to sustainably manage visitor use in parks and protected areas.
... Various companies providing mobile device data include SafeGraph, StreetLightData, and UberMedia (now part of Near, Rice et al., 2022). For example, Monz et al. (2019) employed mobile device data from StreetLightData to estimate monthly visitation in protected areas in Orange County, California, and validate it with traditional count data. ...
Monitoring visitor demographics and temporal visitation patterns can help national park managers understand their visitors and allocate resources more effectively. Traditional approaches, such as visitor surveys or vehicle counts, are limited by time, space, labor, and financial resources. More recently, mobile device data have been adopted for monitoring visitors in park-related or tourism research. However, few studies validated mobile device data with traditional visitor surveys or count data. Combining mobile device data with the American Community Survey (ACS), this study assessed mobile device data's validity in a national park context with three approaches: Points of Interest (POIs), visitor demographics, and temporal visitation patterns. The results revealed that only half of the POIs inside Yellowstone National Park are valid. Compared to traditional visitor surveys, mobile device data are limited due to platform bias and the exclusion of international visitors, resulting in discrepancies in visitor demographics, such as education and income levels. Conversely, mobile device data have strong correlations with count data regarding monthly and daily visitation patterns. The results suggest that with careful consideration, mobile device data can serve as an additional and complementary source of information to traditional survey data for understanding visitor demographics and temporal visitation patterns.
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Nature-based tourism is beholden to weather, extreme weather, and climate change (i.e. climate resources), though researchers have yet to longitudinally explore the influence of climate resources on United States National Parks for visitation and camping. Accordingly, this study operationalises climate resources at 11 southern United States National Parks using five tourism climate indices including the Tourism Climate Index, Holiday Climate Index (urban and beach), Optimised Index, and Camping Climate Index. Results demonstrate that the Camping Climate Index is more predictive of visitation, recreational vehicle camping, and tent camping compared to other indices, though not for all locations or tourism activities. Results also indicate that between 1981 and 2019 climate resources improved at mid-latitude parks though either declined or moderately improved for parks in arid and tropical locations. Discussion, limitations, and future research directions are provided.
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Monitoring visitor use in parks and protected areas (PPAs) provides essential information for managers of PPAs to evaluate aspects of the visitor experience and balance the ecological disturbance that use creates. Traditional methods for quantifying visitation and spatial use of PPAs are resource intensive and thus are conducted infrequently or at cost-effective intervals which may fail to capture the dynamic nature of modern visitor use trends. This paper provides an addition to a growing literature using mobile-device data to quantify visitation and spatial density of use of urban-proximate PPAs in Orange County, California, USA using the analysis platform Streetlight, Inc.. The results of our analysis compared favorably with well-established automatic trail counting and GPS-based monitoring methods, and illustrate several advantages of mobile device data to inform the management of PPAs. Mobile device data provide reliable estimates of visitation and spatial density of use and can augment and compliment existing social and resource monitoring for PPA management and planning.
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Outdoor recreation decision-making has received significant research interest over the last fifty years. In the context of campsite choice, this previous research has almost exclusively used stated preference data and aspatial methods to understand decision-making. This present research seeks to understand how recreationists reach decisions on the selection of campsites and what aspects of the recreational setting drive demand through an examination of a big dataset of revealed preference data using a spatial regression. Specifically, we examine which managerial, social, and ecological aspects of the setting influence demand for campsites in Zion National Park's (USA) Watchman Campground using reservation data from the Recreation Information Database (RIDB). Results indicate that price, access to electricity, ease of access, and proximity to the Virgin River are significantly predictive of demand. Study implications for park management, including campsite allocation and distributive justice, are provided. Additionally, implications for future research methodology, including the use of transaction-style big data in protected area management research, are discussed.
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The sustainable development of collection and delivery points and urban street network is an important consideration of logistic planners. Urban street networks have a significant impact on collection and delivery points' location, but the spatial relationship between the centrality of urban street network and collection and delivery points has not been studied using spatial design network analysis. In a multiple centrality assessment model, we used point of interest and street network data to evaluate the location of two types of collection and delivery points and the centrality of streets in Nanjing city, based on four indicators: closeness, betweenness, severance, and efficiency. Then, kernel density estimation and spatial autocorrelation are used to study spatial patterns of distribution and centrality coupling effects of urban street network and collection and delivery points. The results show that the centrality of Nanjing streets has a big influence on the location of the collection and delivery points, and the directions of different types of centrality also vary. The location of the Cainiao Stations are largely related to closeness, followed by betweenness, severance, and efficiency. China Post Stations and street centrality have a weak correlation between efficiency and severance, but no correlation between closeness and betweenness. Our results can help logistics enterprises and urban planners to develop collection and delivery points' network based on the urban street network.
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Glamping is an increasingly popular and accessible modern form of camping. To address current and future impacts of COVID-19 on glamping, 2926 active leisure travelers in the US and Canada were surveyed. Respondents were asked about post-COVID-19 glamping trip plans and hotel/resort trip plans for comparison. Independent variables of interest include 2019 accommodation experiences, 2020 accommodation plans prior to COVID-19, and socio-demographics. Results indicate more active leisure travelers have plans to take glamping trips (45.9%) after COVID-19 when permissible than hotel/resort trips (24.7%). The results highlight that the broad accessibility of glamping make it a viable leisure travel alternative during and after the pandemic.
Diversity training has gained momentum over the years across industries to reduce turnover, increase revenue, and enhance the hospitable environment of the workplace, among other benefits. However, the initiate has also been criticized for ineffectiveness and backlash from participants. This review synthesizes 228 articles on diversity training across 13 industries to draw a holistic landscape of the initiative to address the existing gap in research. Findings of the systematic literature review were presented to diversity trainers to collate the existing knowledge with practice. Results of the review demonstrate an acute need for research within Tourism and Hospitality along with qualitative research on the initiative. Efforts also need to be taken to decolonize the research and training designed for the managers and leaders of the organisation. Theoretical and practical implications for Tourism and Hospitality Research and policy are discussed after consultation with diversity practitioners in the industry.
Camping appears to be a simple proposition, a time-honored way of getting away from it all. Yet as this book demonstrates, the simplicity of camping is deceptive, its history and meanings far from obvious. Why do some Americans find pleasure in sleeping outside, particularly when so many others, past and present, have had to do so for reasons other than recreation? A closer look at the history of camping since the Civil War reveals unexpected connections between its various forms and its deeper significance as an American tradition linked to core beliefs about nature and national belonging. Never only a vacation choice, camping has been something people do out of dire necessity and as a tactic of political protest. Still, the dominance of recreational camping as a modern ideal and natural idyll has obscured other forms from our collective memory. Camping Grounds rediscovers these unexpected and interwoven histories of sleeping outside. It uses extensive research to trace surprising links between such varied campers as veterans, tramps, John Muir, newly freed African Americans, and early leisure campers in the nineteenth century; federal campground designers, Depression-era transients, family car campers, backpacking enthusiasts, countercultural youth, and political activists in the twentieth century; the crisis of the unsheltered and the tent-based Occupy movement in the twenty-first. These entwined stories show how Americans camp to claim a place in the republic and why public spaces of nature are critical to how we relate to nature, the nation, and each other.