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In 2016, a new child benefit was introduced in Poland: a universal benefit for the second and subsequent children in a family and means tested for the first child. Substantial transfers of the new child benefit were granted: 60% of households with children. The generous child benefit, equal to 10% of monthly average household income, caused an unexpected positive income shock for families with children. This paper investigates how the new child benefit affected household decisions to consume or save the child’s income. Applying the difference-in-differences method using Polish Household Budget Survey data for 2012–2018, we find a positive effect of the child benefit on household saving. Our estimates indicate that families obtaining the child benefit (treatment group) increased the saving rate by 8 percentage points after the child benefit reform in 2016. Over time, the control group (not obtaining the child benefit) increased the saving rate by 2.9 percentage points.
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Journal of Family and Economic Issues (2023) 44:447–460
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10834-022-09834-3
ORIGINAL PAPER
The Effects ofChild Benefit onHousehold Saving
BarbaraLiberda1 · KatarzynaSałach1 · MarekPęczkowski1
Accepted: 27 February 2022 / Published online: 17 March 2022
© The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2022
Abstract
In 2016, a new child benefit was introduced in Poland: a universal benefit for the second and subsequent children in a family
and means tested for the first child. Substantial transfers of the new child benefit were granted to 60% of households with
children. The generous child benefit, equal to 10% of monthly average household income, caused an unexpected positive
income shock for families with children. This paper investigates how the new child benefit affected household decisions to
consume or save the child’s income. Applying the difference-in-differences method and Polish Household Budget Survey
data for 2012–2018, we find a positive effect of the child benefit on household saving. Our estimates indicate that families
obtaining the child benefit (treatment group) increased the saving rate by 8 percentage points after the child benefit reform
in 2016. Over time, the control group (not obtaining the child benefit) increased the saving rate by 2.9 percentage points.
Keywords Households· Income· Saving· Family· Child benefit· Poland
Introduction
The family child allowances have been rarely examined
in a household saving framework, as if household income
components were not fungible and the child income was
spent entirely on child consumption. However, research on
household expenditures has revealed that, when the child
benefit was introduced, families were inclined to spend the
child benefits on consumption allotted to children’s needs,
but not entirely (Hener, 2017; Kooreman, 2000; Milligan
& Stabile, 2007, 2011). In this sense, a child’s income is
labeled fungible and can be partially saved.
The life cycle/permanent income theory has predicted
that households smooth consumption by saving transitional
income increases. However, much research has shown that
consumption is sensitive to anticipated income increases
and responds more strongly than is implied by standard
models of consumption smoothing. There is also evidence
that consumption is smoothed when the income change is
unanticipated (Campbell & Deaton, 1989; Denizer etal.,
2002; Flavin, 1993; Liberda etal., 2004; Jappelli & Pista-
ferri, 2010; Kueng, 2018). Saving from child benefit would
depend on households' perception of the additional benefit
income as fully predicted and their expectations of rising
life cycle income. At the macro scale, the effects of child
allowance on household consumption and saving depend
on whether the benefits are universal or means tested and
redistribute households’ income.
A growing literature on policies of granting child benefits
to families has examined many goals of introducing such
systems, for instance, diminishing child poverty and improv-
ing child well-being and health (Kooreman, 2000; Milli-
gan & Stabile, 2011; Shon etal., 2018; Van Lancker & Van
Mechelen, 2015), fostering fertility and increasing family
welfare (Milligan & Stabile, 2009; OECD, 2011; Riphahn &
Wiynck, 2017), parental employment (Magda etal., 2020),
reducing household income inequality (Bargain etal., 2017;
Brzeziński & Najsztub, 2017; Goraus & Inchauste, 2016;
Paradowski etal., 2020), and increasing household wealth
(Hener, 2017; Stephens & Unayama, 2015). Research on
child benefits has also examined other benefits for families
(Cho, 2017; Verbist & Van Lancker, 2016) and other forms
of universal benefits, such as basic income or citizen income
(Atkinson etal., 2017; Milligan & Stabile, 2007).
* Barbara Liberda
barbara.liberda@uw.edu.pl
Katarzyna Sałach
ksalach@wne.uw.edu.pl
Marek Pęczkowski
mpeczkowski@wne.uw.edu.pl
1 Faculty ofEconomic Sciences, University ofWarsaw,
Warsaw, Poland
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