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King and Court in Ancient Persia 559 to 331 BCE
... 37 E.J. Bickerman points out a possible link between an ideographic sign in cuneiform and a Sumerian gesture; the verb kurâbu, meaning "to pay homage" or "to pray", represented by the 36. For more on the historical background and institutional character of the Achaemenid royal court, see Brosius 2007;Llewellyn-Jones 2013. 37. ...
Greek ambassadors who were granted an audience before the Persian King were required to observe a certain form of court ritual. Although the Persian proper name for this ritual has since been lost to us, the Greeks called this act of homage proskynēsis; a term normally understood to refer to the act of “falling down” and prostrating oneself before the king. At the same time, the Greeks employed a gesture also called proskynēsis, which was performed when addressing a divine entity. These two acts, while different in their functions, shared the same name on the basis that their outward appearances bore a co- incidental likeness to each other. Greek ambassadors, who would have come to Susa for the purpose of petitioning assistance from the Great King, were rigorously hesitant to follow the Persian practice, arguing that the religious practice of proskynēsiswas reserved exclusively for the divine among them. In this paper, I endeavour to elucidate the true nature of this Persian court pro- tocol, and to show why the Greeks were so unwilling to perform this ceremo- nial act. I conclude that the normal posture of the Persian proskynēsis was most represented by that of a bow with a hand raised up to the mouth, the depth of the bow being dependent on the ethnicity of those performing it and their relative status. In contrast to the Greek version, this Persian proskynēsiswas a rather secular practice, serving to authenticate social hierarchy between su- periors and inferiors. Even though some of the Greek ambassadors must have been aware of this, or perhaps as a direct result of this understanding, they remained loath to accept the insult that offering proskynēsiswould cause to the belief of their perceived freedom from Persian subjugation.
... 10 Fundamental is Root 1979. Also inter alia Roaf 1974;jacobs 1982;Root 1990;1991;Garrison 2000;Allen 2005;Brosius 2010;Colburn 2013;Llewellyn-jones 2013; imagery positioned users' identity in relation to Persian authority, although that is hardly irrelevant. 11 Rather, my focus here is on how art can be integral to a larger landscape history or historical geo graphy of the Achaemenid Empire -a history that is not 'art centric' , but which uses art monuments as evidence for patterning within and, importantly, as springboards for larger queries about regional dynamics, economy, and environment that can contribute in a significant way to Achaemenid history. ...
In a recent review of a book entitled Critical Approaches to Ancient Near Eastern Art, Daniel T. Potts raises the question of whether, regardless of the fact that one can speak of a discipline of Ancient Near Eastern Art History, one should. He explains that he is not concerned with denying the necessity of studying art or imagery as a part of Ancient Near Eastern History, but that it is insufficient for ‘a deep understanding of the ancient Near East’. This worry picks up an ongoing tension between ‘ancient historians’ and ‘art historians’ (or archaeologists who work with imagery) that seemingly survives the pictorial turn and the use of ‘visual culture’ as a term emphasizing the whole visual sphere as historical source material, and revolves around the extent to which the ‘larger historical picture’ is sufficiently seen as an end goal. As Potts notes, dress and ornamentation, the ‘wigs, powder, perfume and silk’ of the French Revolution period, for example, can be considered epiphenomena. On the other hand, ‘Warfare, fiercely contested battles for hegemony and struggles over access to irrigation water and arable land all formed part of the crucible in which Early Dynastic society and its hyper-competitive city state system were forged.’ Serious stuff, not to mention masculine, giving one pause to consider in the context of this book how the fate and trajectory of ‘art history’ within various sub-disciplines might depend on historically gendered scholarship cultures....
Hellenistic kings have long been recognised as patrons of the arts and sciences, but an over-emphasis on the king and his court can lead to a very incomplete picture of Hellenistic intellectual life. What is neglected is the part played by the polis. This paper argues that when Greeks came to the court they brought with them the interests and ideals of the polis. It was the willingness of the Greeks at court to accept and encourage the adoption of Greek intellectual culture in its varying forms that made the distinctive mix of the Hellenistic court possible.
Harem teşkilatı Eski Yakın Doğu saray yaşamının önemli unsurlarından biridir. Yakın Doğu krallıklarını fetheden Persler çağdaşları Eski Mısır, Yeni Asur ve Yeni Babil saraylarının birçok uygulamasını devralmış; harem teşkilatının önemli bileşenlerinden biri olan cariyeler de Pers saray yaşamının bir parçası olmuştur. Cariyeler hakkında bilgi veren Pers kaynaklarının kısıtlı olması, konuyu Antik Batı kaynakları üzerinden değerlendirmeyi gerektirmiştir. Perslerin aksine, Antik Batı kaynakları saray yaşamından ve cariyelerden sıkça söz eder. Öte yandan, tek eşliliği kendi toplumunun ayırt edici özelliklerinden biri olarak kabul eden Hellenlerin konuya bakış açısı da önemlidir. Bu makalenin amacı, Herodotos başta olmak üzere Ksenophon, Ktesias, Dinon ve Herakleides gibi Hellen tarih yazarlarının yanı sıra Roma Dönemi’nde yaşamış Plutarkhos, Athenaios, Curtius Rufus, Claudius Aelianus, Strabon ve Pausanias gibi Hellen-Latin kökenli tarih ve coğrafya yazarlarının eserlerinden yararlanarak, cariyelerin Pers saray yaşamındaki yeri ve statüsünü ortaya koymaktır. Hellen kaynaklara göre, çok eşlilik Pers kral ve soyluların çok sayıda çocuk sahibi olmak ve soylarını güvence altına almak için uyguladığı yöntemlerden biridir. Meşru eşler ve cariyelerin farklı sözcüklerle adlandırılması, aralarındaki sosyal statü farkını vurgulamak için de kullanılmıştır. Saray hiyerarşisi içinde meşru eşlere göre daha alt basamaklarda yer alan cariyeler, kral soyunun devam etmesinden eşler kadar sorumlu tutulmuştur. Erkek çocuk doğurduktan sonra, kralın çocuğu kabul etmesiyle prestij kazanmış olsalar da sosyal ve hukuki açıdan daima meşru eşin altında yer almışlardır. Bu durumun altında Pers kral ve soyluları için düzenlenmiş geleneksel evlilik politikası yatmaktadır.
This article explores the official duties of the hazarapat (hazarapatiš) at the court of the Achaemenid kings and defines the relationship between the terms chiliarch (χιλíαρχος) and isangeleus (εἰσαγγελεύς), both used for this Persian title, in the evolution of the ancient written tradition. Ancient Greek authors, up to Ctesias of Cnidus, discussed the chiliarch only in the military context. In later periods, it was increasingly perceived as both the Persian king’s bodyguard and the isangeleus at court ceremonies, thus implying broad political powers. In reality, the chiliarch never combined these two duties. He remained the commander of his military unit, which consisted of a thousand of men, and apparently checked the reliability of royal visitors before audiences. The isangeleus , another royal courtier, was responsible for informing the king about the intentions of visitors, as well as for guiding their adherence to Persian etiquette and customs.
From the image offered by the Babylonian Talmud, Jewish elites were deeply embedded within the Sasanian Empire (224-651 CE). The Talmud is replete with stories and discussions that feature Sasanian kings, Zoroastrian magi, fire temples, imperial administrators, Sasanian laws, Persian customs, and more quotidian details of Jewish life. Yet, in the scholarly literature on the Babylonian Talmud and the Jews of Babylonia , the Sasanian Empire has served as a backdrop to a decidedly parochial Jewish story, having little if any direct impact on Babylonian Jewish life and especially the rabbis. Babylonian Jews and Sasanian Imperialism in Late Antiquity advances a radically different understanding of Babylonian Jewish history and Sasanian rule. Building upon recent scholarship, Simcha Gross portrays a more immanent model of Sasanian rule, within and against which Jews invariably positioned and defined themselves. Babylonian Jews realized their traditions, teachings, and social position within the political, social, religious, and cultural conditions generated by Sasanian rule.
This study aims to compare some images of beardless attendants in monumental reliefs from the Achaemenid (c. 550-330 BCE) and Neo-Assyrian (c. 911-612 BCE) empires, which we consider relevant sources for the study of court eunuchs and cultural conceptions about castrati. We argue that such comparisons are possible since eunuchism was a long-standing institution in the Ancient Near East, as shown by several analogies with the Assyrian evidence. We also argue that scholars have downplayed the importance of court eunuchs due to gender/sex assumptions based on Western and modern perspectives that consider eunuchism incompatible with high-ranking social standing. With these theoretical considerations in mind, we finally sketch some possible analytical proposals to explore the images of beardless attendants in Persia and Assyria.
KEYWORDS:
Achaemenid Empire; Neo-Assyrian Empire; Eunuchs; Gender; Monumental Reliefs
Devido à possibilidade de reis próximo-orientais terem diversas esposas e concubinas, muitos historiadores projetam acriticamente a noção islâmica de “harém” sobre as realidades do Antigo Oriente Próximo. No entanto, em razão de anacronismos, da carga orientalista do termo e de pressupostos equivocados quanto à homogeneidade da categoria de “mulheres palacianas”, tal prática foi alvo de severas críticas. A proposta desse artigo é demonstrar como discussões teóricas muito parecidas quanto ao “harém” e à segregação feminina se desenvolveram na Assiriologia (com foco no caso do Império Neoassírio) e nos Estudos Aquemênidas, por vezes com resultados distintos. Argumenta-se que, em razão de sua continuidade na longa duração, os Impérios Neoassírio e Aquemênida devem ser estudados de forma comparativa, e que suas respectivas áreas de estudo têm muito a ganhar com um olhar diacrônico sobre a questão das mulheres reais.nder Studies; Assyriology; Achaemenids.
Diodorus Siculus, Quintus Curtius Rufus, Polyaenus, and Arrian are the primary historians who have written about the Battle of the Persian Gates but their accounts differ in some details. Much research has been done on the cause of differences between these historians, their method of historiography as well as their sources; but in this article, the main focus has been on the identity and political status of Ariobarzanes, the general who led the Persians in the aforementioned battle. As this essay argues, the clarification of this issue hinges on a large extent understanding Ariobarzanes’ end at the Persian Gates. Of course, due to discrepancies between classical sources and the absence of any Iranian evidence in this regard, this is not an easy task, but this article tries to find the most reasonable answer by identifying the most accurate classical account, and then presents essential historical results to be drawn from it. It should be noted that so far, various researchers, have speculated on the identity of Ariobarzanes with skepticism, but in this article, with detailed criticism of classical resources, the identity and political status of Ariobarzanes are clarified.
While luxury is, among other things, considered as a barbarian characteristic often attached to female domains, historiography has paid little attention to the luxury practices of barbarian women evoked by Greek sources of the classical period. However, some portraits of barbarian women underline Greek conceptions of luxury, particularly in their link with power. The study of three significant examples – those of Semiramis, Artaunté and Atossa – thus highlights the existing links between luxury and power. Whether they corrupted male power, animated the exercise of archê or enabled the acquisition or sustainability of power, the luxurious practices of barbarian queens were far from being mere manifestations of superfluous and negative ostentation.
This article examines two instances in the Histories (1.133.2, 9.82.1–3) where Herodotus compares Greek and Persian meals to one another. Although these comparisons appear to reinforce identity rhetoric which sets a Greek “Us” against a Persian “Them,” I argue that when situated within the larger narrative of the Histories and Herodotus’ discussions of ethnic foodways, the comparisons reinforce the basic similarity of Persians and Greeks as peoples whose diet depends on sitos, or cooked grain. This similarity in diet suggests a similarity in identity as Herodotus destabilizes contemporary identity rhetoric opposing Greeks (as a whole or as individual groups) and Persians.
El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el impacto político que tuvo en el mundo griego la primera fase de expansión aqueménida sobre la Hélade Continental (513-449). Un proceso que, junto a un conjunto de campañas militares, estuvo conformado principalmente por el desarrollo de una estrategia diplomática de intervención a través de acuerdos de amistad (xenía) con familias aristocráticas. Este tipo de prácticas políticas fueron entabladas en el contexto de transición entre el siglo VI y V a.C. que implican el acto ritual de la entrega de tierra y agua, y fueron registrados por la tradición helena como un acto de sumisión al poder aqueménida. La propuesta es analizar el alcance de estas actividades diplomáticas como parte de una estrategia política para construir vínculos en un área de frontera de difícil acceso logístico para el control directo del imperio persa.
Lions, of all animal quarry, rank among the most daunting and dangerous prey for hunters. Heroes and rulers demonstrated their physical strength in lion hunts and depicted them in historical records and images as a way to affirm their authority. Lions and the iconic lion-slayer Herakles, who was important in Macedonia as the ancestor of the royal Argead clan, became especially prominent in Late Classical and Early Hellenistic Macedonian art.
The focus of this short study is a well-known and much discussed object: a red-figured type VII oinochoe, dated to the mid-460s BC and attributed (perhaps) to the Triptolemos Painter, or certainly to his circle. Since Konrad Schauenburg’s 1975 publication of the artefact, it has been known as the ‘Eurymedon Vase.’ It has rightly been classified as ‘unique’ by Amy Smith and although it is beyond the scope of this study to spend too much space re-rehearsing the scholarship on the vase in any detail, a general overview might prove profitable for what follows below.
This chapter challenges the view that the Persian-Achaemenid Empire had already been in decline when Alexander the Great launched his campaign. It highlights the empire’s vitality and strength all over the fourth century BC and underlines its still vibrant capability to successfully face rebellion and uprising. No enemy from the outside was capable to seriously challenge the Achaemenids’ power in the period between Xerxes’ I reign and Alexander’s campaign. Even after the death of the last Achaemenid Great King Darius III the imperial apparatus was still intact, and its Iranian elites prepared and willing to fight the Macedonian invaders. More than once, the Macedonian conqueror found himself in a situation in which achieving his goals was only possible by launching a dialogue with the imperial agents. These endeavors created an atmosphere in which the Asian elites started to view Alexander as their legitimate ruler. Thus, the Achaemenid Empire’s downfall rather resulted in a process of transformation of its structures than in causing their abrupt and definite end.
Islam is the only biblical religion that still practices animal sacrifice. Indeed, every year more than a million animals are shipped to Mecca from all over the world to be slaughtered during the Muslim Hajj. This multi-disciplinary volume is the first to examine the physical foundations of this practice and the significance of the ritual. Brannon Wheeler uses both textual analysis and various types of material evidence to gain insight into the role of animal sacrifice in Islam. He provides a 'thick description' of the elaborate camel sacrifice performed by Muhammad, which serves as the model for future Hajj sacrifices. Wheeler integrates biblical and classical Arabic sources with evidence from zooarchaeology and the rock art of ancient Arabia to gain insight into an event that reportedly occurred 1400 years ago. His book encourages a more nuanced and expansive conception of “sacrifice” in the history of religion.
This paper reviews the different models commonly used in understanding Herodotus’evidence on the Achaemenid Persian empire. It suggests that these approaches—for example, the assessment of Herodotus’accuracy, of the level of his knowledge, or of his sympathy for the Persians—systematically underestimate the complexity of his (and of the Greeks’) perspective on the Persian empire: the conflicted perspective of a participant rather than just a detached observer.
This essay discusses the importance of Ctesiphon in the historical and literary tradition of Sasanian and Post-Sasanian Iran. It is proposed that there was a significant buildup of the Ctesiphon’s defenses in the third century that it made its conquest by the Roman Empire impossible and its gave it an aura of impregnability. By the last Sasanian period the city was not only inhabited by Iranian speaking people and a capital, but it also became part of Iranian lore and tradition, tied to mythical Iranian culture-heroes and kings. Even with the fall of the Sasanian Empire, in Arabic and Persian poetry the grandeur and memory of Ctesiphon was preserved as part of memory of the great empires of the past.
The census narrative in 1 Chr 21 draws from the earlier version of the episode preserved in 2 Sam 24, which followed a mythological pattern we encounter in “crisis episodes” deriving from the monarchic era. The Chronicler introduces changes that not only depart from his source material on the literary level; they also break with the older mythological patterns found in earlier crisis episodes. These departures result from the influence of Persian imperial mythology on the Chronicler’s writing, with implications for the Chronicler’s own mythological agenda within his rendition of the census narrative and the chapters surrounding it.
The landscape in which the so-called Achaemenid capitals – specifically Pasargadae, Susa and Persepolis – are located, may be reflections of the political structure of the Achaemenid Empire. Following an ancient Near Eastern pattern known as “political nomadism”, the Achaemenid king was never settled in a single place and moved constantly throughout his empire. This practice, vital to reinforce the bond between the king and his subjects and maintain his land, prevented the permanent presence of the “royal court” in one location; hence the court must have been physically set up in a “tent”, so majestic and glorious that was in fact a “mobile palace”. A large number of courtiers and the scenery of numerous tents looked like a “mobile city”. The present paper attempts to archaeologically evaluate the capacity of monumental buildings in Pasargadae, Susa, Persepolis, Ecbatana and Babylon as the royal court’s residences. It seems these monuments were primarily manifestations of kingly power and glory and the king only temporarily resided in them to attend certain banquets and ceremonies. Continuity of this condition in later periods, for which more literary evidence is available, provides a better ground for understanding the Achaemenid royal court and its relation to monumental buildings of the aforementioned sites.
The royal court was the political, administrative, and cultural core of the Persian Empire; it was the epicenter of dynastic ideology and imperial rule. A place of ritual and ceremony, the court augmented monarchic rule and fostered relationships between the throne and the Persian elite. The court was peripatetic and as it progressed around the Persian heartlands, the monarch's authority was made manifest to huge swathes of his subjects. Throughout the Empire, satraps emulated royal authority and established courts‐in‐miniature modeled on the Great King's court.
Royal propaganda and Greek sources can be combined to create a clear and consistent picture of Persian legitimization of war. In order to maintain their position, Persian kings presented themselves as invincible protectors of divine order, peace, and prosperity. This required suitably impressive displays of military power. Wars against distant lands were essential sources of glory and prestige; wars against foreign upstarts and regions in revolt were mandatory assertions (or reassertions) of Persian supremacy. The kings' claim to world dominion automatically justified all conquests as righteous while condemning all rebellions as misguided and futile.
Following J.W. Scott's theoretical considerations, the literary sources of antiquity are examined in terms of gender and sexual differences within the Achaemenid society. To that end, classical sources are compared with indigenous Achaemenid evidence, in order to subvert the “occidental” literary discourse and its depiction of “oriental” women and men. The issue about how gender relations were actually experienced is examined by means of conceptions of manliness and femininity. Based on the available sources, the focus lies on the Achaemenid elite and the king, who is perceived as the embodiment of hegemonic manliness.
We trace the history of research on the Achaemenid Empire since Barnabé Brisson (1590) in Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Italy, France, and the United Kingdom. Beginning with a survey of influential monographs, we proceed to a study of significant researchers in different countries, and end with an analysis of research on specific topics and authors and other resources such as websites. We accept the view that the period 1979–1996 was a key point of transition between work situated in other disciplines and influenced by stereotypes about the east, and the formation of Achaemenid studies as a distinct field of research with a particular way of combining and critiquing all kinds of evidence. However, many of these “new” perspectives had earlier parallels, and in some areas of research older points of view still have advocates. Studying the whole history of the field, and reading foundational studies alongside the most recent publications, can give a fresh perspective on many debates.
This article examines gift-giving within the Persian empire and its perception in Greek literary sources. Gift-giving in the Greek world was often framed in the language of friendship, and Greek authors subsequently articulated Persian traditions using the language and cultural norms of their intended audience. There were fundamental differences in the concepts of gift-exchange and reciprocity between the Greeks and the Persians. This article will examine Persian traditions of gift-giving followed by Greek traditions of gift-giving, and will argue that the Greek misrepresentation of Persian customs led to numerous misunderstandings in relations between Greek and Persian individuals. The use of Greek descriptive language, rather than more accurate terminology, to describe Persian traditions has hindered our understanding of gift-giving in the Persian empire. In addressing these misconceptions, this article will demonstrate the successful use of gift-giving in the Persian empire and the perils of Greek misrepresentation of foreign customs.
This paper explores the ambiguous Persian Achaemenid attitude towards the horse and the lion. It examines the way these animals appear in imperial official presentations, local artifacts throughout the empire and Greek textual representations. In the case of the stallion, it looks at the imagery of horse riding or the place of the horse in society and religion alongside the employment of steeds in chariots. Images of the lion are addressed in instances where it appears to be respected as having a significant protective power and as the prey of the chase. This paper attempts to show that this ambiguity corresponds roughly to the dual image of the Persians as both pre-imperial/nomad and imperial/sedentary (and hence allegedly luxurious), a schism that is manifest in both the self-presentation of the Achaemenids and in the Greek texts.
The Cambridge World History of Violence - edited by Garrett G. Fagan March 2020
This book investigates the long-term continuity of large-scale states and empires, and its effect on the Near East’s social fabric, including the fundamental changes that occurred to major social institutions. Its geographical coverage spans, from east to west, modern-day Libya and Egypt to Central Asia, and from north to south, Anatolia to southern Arabia, incorporating modern-day Oman and Yemen. Its temporal coverage spans from the late eighth century BCE to the seventh century CE during the rise of Islam and collapse of the Sasanian Empire. The authors argue that the persistence of large states and empires starting in the eighth/seventh centuries BCE, which continued for many centuries, led to new socio-political structures and institutions emerging in the Near East. The primary processes that enabled this emergence were large-scale and long-distance movements, or population migrations. These patterns of social developments are analysed under different aspects: settlement patterns, urban structure, material culture, trade, governance, language spread and religion, all pointing at movement as the main catalyst for social change. This book’s argument is framed within a larger theoretical framework termed as ‘universalism’, a theory that explains many of the social transformations that happened to societies in the Near East, starting from the Neo-Assyrian period and continuing for centuries. Among other influences, the effects of these transformations are today manifested in modern languages, concepts of government, universal religions and monetized and globalized economies.
In most cultures in Ghana, both male and female infertility are believed to be a curse
and a sign of an unfruitful life. The ability to procreate thus defines the identity of
the person and his/her existential value in relation to others. Furthermore, childlessness
becomes an overwhelming drama as it is perceived to depict an inferior state
of being or a life of incompleteness. This type of social identity construction raises
serious hermeneutical issues in its engagement with the Judeo-Christian message of
inclusiveness. Against this backdrop, this study reads the drama surrounding infertility
within the Krobo worldview from the horizon of Isa 56:1-8, using the Communicative
hermeneutic approach. Our findings are that an engagement between the Krobo
worldview and the Isaian text creates both tension and transformation. The tension
comes about because of the contrast of views; and the transformation resides in the
change of perspective. The text provides a rich and an alternative understanding of
infertility: another way of being and not a curse.
Dunn and Carney discuss the development of scholarship on royal women, starting in the late 1970s, and consider the various ways royal women became involved in the creation of dynastic loyalty, its maintenance, and its destruction. They introduce a collection of articles ranging from the Hellenistic period to the nineteenth century, from Europe to Asia Minor. This wide scope allows students and scholars to see the often-neglected roles played by women and to grasp patterns of formal and informal influence often disguised by narrower studies of government structures and officials. At the same time, these articles demonstrate the degree to which royal women’s involvement in issues of dynastic loyalty was shaped by the nature of specific monarchic institutions.
The first Persian Empire, created and maintained by the Great Kings of the Achaemenid dynasty, was a global empire of vast proportions. Before the conquests of Alexander of Macedon, the Achaemenid empire was the largest empire the world had ever seen, stretching from Libya to Pakistan. The period 559-465 bce saw the rapid expansion of the empire under a series of conquering kings, and thereafter the empire matured and continued to flourish until its conquest by Macedon. The Achaemenids divided their vast empire into numerous satrapies to ensure efficient administration and the ability to levy taxes and tribute. Communication and trade was facilitated through excellent road systems. While the Persians adopted a tolerant position towards their conquered peoples, they could also be ruthless overlords, quelling opposition with startling swiftness and brutality.
Relationships between power and architecture are a feature of all great civilizations and the Achaemenid world was no exception to this. The architecture of Achaemenid buildings and their relief sculpture was designed to reflect and reinforce the power and status of the Great King. At the heart of this visual program lay the audience hall (apadāna) at Persepolis. In seeking to explain and understand the messages written into this building, we tend to approach the structure as a completed work and view it from the last point in its lifecycle. As a result, we focus on its tribute procession relief and allow ideas of empire to dominate our gaze. This limits our ability to understand how and why the building’s intended audience and message of power might have diverged at different stages in its construction. This article re-examines the art and architecture of the audience hall at Persepolis and redirects the viewer’s gaze to the images of bulls rather than the tribute procession. In focusing on the role of bulls in the scheme of decoration, the article presents a more nuanced reading of the building in its historical, social and architectural context. It shows how Darius I used the Persepolis apadāna to display his authority to rule and to assert the primacy of his status amongst his fellow elites.
The Persians held sway over the Greek imagination for more than 200 years. The image of Persia shifted in that time from xenophobic hostility, caused through fear of the encroaching presence of the Persian empire, through to curious acceptance of its dominance. Much study has been given to the formative decades of the construction of the Persian “Other” in Greek art, but the fourth-century image of Persia has remained relatively unexplored. This paper demonstrates how Greek artists of the period 380–330 BCE fixated on the life and accomplishments of the court of the Achaemenid Great Kings and argues that instead of offering an orientalist clichéd view of Persian life, it attempted to understand and disseminate bone fide Iranian images of court society.
Elsewhere I discuss the relations between the Stoic concept of cosmopolis and similar tendencies in Aristotle, in particular, concerning the distinction between cosmopolis and a “dialogopolis”. In 2008, I coined a more appropriate Aristotelian “neologism”: “koinópolis”. Both concepts elicit and reconstruct from the treatment of dialectics and the intellectual commons (tà koiná) in the Aristotelian texts a concept similar to the Stoic cosmopolis but better “grounded”. The “ontological” status of an Aristotelian koinópolis is different from the Stoic cosmopolis. Where the Stoics write about the necessity of breaking radically with local customs in order to achieve membership in the intellectually constituted cosmopolis, the Aristotelian concept is immanent to every possible local human condition and constitution.
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