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Cardoso, João Luís
The foed chalcolithic selement of Outeiro Redondo (Sesimbra,
Pougal). An account of the excavaons conducted between 2005
and 2016.
aus/from
Madrider Mieilungen, 62 (2021) 399
:MDRESS
ABSTRACT
The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo (Sesimbra,
Portugal). An Account of the Excavations Conducted between 2005 and
2016
João Luís Cardoso
This paper presents a synthesis of the results obtained during the eight archaeologi-
cal eld seasons conducted at the prehistoric fortied settlement of Outeiro Redondo
(Sesimbra) between 2005 and 2016.
According to the results of the radiocarbon analyses, the occupation of the site can be
dated to between 2600 and 2100 cal BC. During these ca. 500 years of human pres-
ence on that rocky hill, dominating the bay of Sesimbra, a mighty defensive system
was built, using large blocks of locally available hard limestones, with an ellipsoidal
plan and surrounding the highest part of the hill. This walled line defended an area
occupied by several circular or ellipsoidal habitational structures, accompanied by
several combustion structures, in some cases used for copper metallurgy, a very well
documented economic activity at this site.
The joint analysis of the absolute chronology, the stratigraphic sequence, the typol-
ogy of the recovered archaeological assemblages and the construction sequence of
both habitational and defensive structures, supports the following correlations:
First cultural phase – Early Chalcolithic (2600–2500 cal BC): scarce metallurgical evi-
dence; ceramic production with uted decoration; absence of defensive structures;
habitational structures represented by sub-circular huts and structured hearths.
Short occupation hiatus (which might be only partial), perhaps of one or two decades,
following a major re that destroyed the most densely populated part of the settle-
ment, corresponding to the platform located on its eastern side.
Second cultural phase – Full/Final Chalcolithic (2440–2110 cal BC): strong evidence of
copper metallurgy; ceramics with ›acacia leaf‹ and ›cruciferae‹ decorative patterns;
defensive structures built during a single construction phase; ellipsoidal huts and
structured hearths.
KEYWORDS
Chalcolithic, fortied settlement, archaeological excavation, material study
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
35
1 Introduction
1 This paper summarizes the results of the excavations carried out under the
scientic direction of the author at the Chalcolithic fortied settlement of Outeiro Redon-
do (municipality of Sesimbra, District of Setúbal, Portugal). This work was undertaken
within the scope of two research projects: The rst was approved by the former ›Institu-
to Português de Arqueologia‹, the second by the ›Direção Geral do Património Cultural‹.
The archaeological excavations took place between 2005 and 2016, over eight yearly
eld seasons.
2 The knowledge obtained from the study of the remains, the stratigraphy, and
the archaeological structures added to the results of a systematic study of the materials
recovered and enabled us to gain essential information on the occupation periods and
to identify the construction phases as well as their absolute chronology and cultural
signicance. This paper aims to present a comprehensive appraisal of the main conclu-
sions drawn from the still ongoing work, preceding the nal and systematic publication
of the results.
2 Historiography
3 The fortied Chalcolithic settlement of Outeiro Redondo was identied by
Gustavo Marques in 1966, who shortly afterward made it known1. In the following
years, the same author continued his investigations, with the collection of surface mate-
rials and through the opening of small trenches, of which, however, no record is known.
The materials then obtained were the subject of a short mention2, and thus remained
unpublished until a systematic review of them was carried out3 within the scope of
a research project, which was approved and nanced by the Portuguese Institute of
1 Marques 1967.
2 Martín Socas 1975/1976.
3 Cardoso 2009a.
JOÃO LUÍS CARDOSO
The Fortied Chalcolithic
Settlement of Outeiro
Redondo (Sesimbra,
Portugal)
An Account of the Excavations Conducted
between 2005 and 2016
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro RedondoMM 62/2021, § 1–189
36
Archeology and the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation between 2004 and 2008. This
project continued into another Research Project, approved by the Directorate General
for Cultural Heritage, which was carried out between 2013 and 2016 with the logistical
and nancial support from the City Council of Sesimbra. This eldwork has resulted in
a large number of publications4.
4 The present work corresponds to a synthesis of the archaeological results ob-
tained and already published partially or comprehensively. Its presentation is justied
given the great diversity and richness of the information collected, with comparative
interest to other Chalcolithic sites of a residential nature in the southwest of the Iberian
Peninsula occupied throughout the second half of the third millennium BC.
5 It was possible to relate the evolution of the construction system of the defen-
sive and housing structures with the chronostratigraphic sequence and the predom-
inant domestic productions of this period of time. Following the general excavation
method in open area the location of the archaeological remains was recorded in relation
to the identied domestic and housing structures. The excavation, progressing in depth
according to horizontal planes related to the topography of the ground, allowed us to ob-
serve all the variations in the successive deposits, which were systematically registered
throughout the high number of stratigraphic cuts. Their correlation made it possible to
establish a general sequence valid for the entire excavated area.
6 No vegetal remains were identied, partly perhaps due to the remarkable
circulation of water in the subsoil, favored by the steep incline of the slope.
7 This article does not reproduce the results of specialized studies already pub-
lished, concerning, for example, the malacological fauna5, or the copper alloys collected
between 2005 and 20086. Other specialized works, currently in progress, will oer more
evidence for the primitive metallurgy developed at the site, just as the study of a remark-
able decorated gold leaf, which is presented here for the rst time.
3 Geographical Location and the Geological and
Geomorphological Setting
8 The archaeological site is located around the rocky summit of an elevation
consisting of whitish hard limestone from the Upper Jurassic (»Calcários de Azóia«),
reaching an altitude of 210 m, which, together with the hill of Moinho da Forca and
the castle of Sesimbra, forms a line of relief with northeast-southwestern orientation.
Its name (»Outeiro Redondo«) results from the shape of its summit, which, seen from a
distance, appears rounded.
9 Only the south-facing slope was suitable for the construction of defensive and
housing structures: most of the archaeological work carried out was concentrated there,
which continued progressing over the years to a platform located on the northeast side
of the village (Fig. 1). On the east side, the steep slope ends on a regular platform, which
was occupied by housing structures delimited by a walled line, while on the north side
there is a large escarpment over 20 m high that made this side practically inaccessible.
The only access to the village at that time would have been provided by the same foot-
path along the northwest-facing slope still in use today.
10 The top of the elevation may have been occupied at the time. From there came
the materials that accumulated further downhill, along the inner side of the wall that
4 The most important of these publications are: Cardoso 2010; Cardoso 2013; Cardoso 2019a; Cardoso 2019b.
5 Coelho – Cardoso 2010/2011.
6 Pereira et al. 2013.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
37
surrounds the entire elevation. The coordinates of the summit are as follows: 38º 27´ 16´´
lat. N; 9º 06´ 02´´ long. W Greenwich (Fig. 2).
11 From the hilltop, you can oversee a vast territory to the north, as far as Alma-
da; towards the east, the view extends to the Risco anticline, which can be seen in the
distance; the castle can be seen to the west; to the south, the view extends across the sea.
Overlooking the entire bay of Sesimbra, the site thus constitutes an excellent location for
the visual control of the adjacent coastline, the only stretch favorable for landing and
berthing, since, both to the east and to west of Sesimbra bay, the coast is rocky and rugged.
12 For those coming from the sea, the village would have been a visible and
monumental landmark, embodied by the presence of the fortied enclosure, which
featured the most massive constructions on the south side, implanted at the top of the
elevation already isolated and highlighted (Fig. 3, above), extending to the east, through
a wall made up of large stone blocks easily identied before the excavations (Fig. 3,
below). Interestingly, this kind of evidence was not recorded by Gustavo Marques. It was
noted by Octávio da Veiga Ferreira, however, who wrote it down in his eld notebook
in 1966, the same year the site was identied.
1
Fig. 1 Outeiro Redondo. Location
of the areas excavated between
2005 and 2016.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro RedondoMM 62/2021, § 1–189
38
13 Theimportanceofawideprospectisfullyconrmedbythelocationsofthe
mainChalcolithic settlements in theregion. The same can be noted forthe fortied
village of Moita da Ladra, Vila Franca de Xira7: As in Outeiro Redondo, the view here
extendsoverthevastinteriorestuaryoftheTagus,overseeingtherivertrac,inpar-
ticularthe movement of vessels from the left bank of the estuary.In the villages of
Penha Verde, Sintra8, Penedo do Lexim, Mafra9 and Leceia10, there is the same concern
aboutthecontrolofthenexistinglandroutesinthealreadydenselypopulatedBaixa
PenínsuladeLisboa.Inthecaseof PenedodoLexim,itwasthevisualcontrolof the
Cheleirosstreamthatseemedimportant,whileinthecaseofLeceia,theconcernabout
controllingthevalleyoftheBarcarenastreamwasevident.
7 Cardoso 2014a.
8 Cardoso 2010/2011.
9 Sousa 2010.
10 Cardoso 1997.
2
Fig. 2 Outeiro Redondo.
Location of the site in the Lower
Estremadura, its geographical
relation with the most important
fortied Chalcolithic settlements in
the same region.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
39
4 Stratigraphy and Cultural Phases of Occupation
14 Based on data gathered from various stratigraphic sections between 2005 and
2015 (Fig. 4), it was possible to dene a detailed stratigraphic sequence, which, from top
to bottom, can be described as follows:
3
Fig. 3 Outeiro Redondo. Above:
southeast general view of the
elevation and the archaeological
work carried out. Below: partial
view of Wall G, evidenced by
the alignment of large blocks
that were in sight before the
excavations began.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro RedondoMM 62/2021, § 1–189
40
Layer 1: chocolate-brown, slightly compacted vegetable earth, with very abundant
limestone clasts. Archaeological materials ascribable to various phases of the Early
and Full/Final Chalcolithic, including some very scarce Bell Beaker fragments. This
combination of archaeological materials is explained by the transport of the pieces,
originating from the highest part of the site, currently occupied by a rocky outcrop,
and the consequent mixing of the materials. This layer reaches a maximum thickness
of 0.10 m. Note that only prehistoric materials were found, an indication that the site
4
Fig. 4 Outeiro Redondo. General
plan of the defensive and housing
structures identied.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
41
was not occupied afterwards, at least not in ways likely to leave any traces. This fact
is essential for conrming that no anthropic major disturbance occurred after the
prehistoric occupation of the site.
Layer 2: earthy layer, lighter and more compact than the previous one due to a
higher percentage of clay, with sparse clasts, rarer and, in general, smaller than the
previous ones. This layer yielded ceramic materials that, according to their typology
and decoration, are almost exclusively related to the so-called Full/Final Chalcolithic
of Estremadura; the thickness of this layer is between 0.10 and 0.60 m.
Layer 3: light brownish layer, clay-marly, generally below a depth of 0.60 m, with
small limestone clasts and numerous dispersed carbonaceous particles, and ceramic
materials without any products from the ›acacia/cruciferae leaf‹ group, characteris-
tic of the Full/Final Chalcolithic of Estremadura. This layer has a lateral equivalent,
represented by a thick yellow-grey ash deposit, which corresponds to a widespread
re that burned the hut or huts located in the areas excavated in 2014 and, partially,
in 2015, which is an extension of the former. It is, therefore, a deposit corresponding
to the destruction by re of the habitational structures installed in the eastern plat-
form during the nal phase of the Early Chalcolithic (Fig. 5). Full/Final Chalcolithic
5
Fig. 5 Outeiro Redondo.
Stratigraphic cut 13 (2013) made
in the accumulated deposits
above Hut R (Early Chalcolithic)
and up to the external side of
Cabana O (Full/Final Chalcolithic),
visible in the background on the
left. Note the important layer of
ash, corresponding to the re
that hit Hut R and the adjacent
structures (see Fig. 4).
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro RedondoMM 62/2021, § 1–189
42
remains may occur atop this ash deposit, albeit exceptionally; their penetration is
easily explained by their soft and porous consistency. This layer reaches a maximum
depth of 0.40 to 0.50 m.
The foundations of the defensive structures are invariably situated in this layer, or
in the lower part of the previous layer, thus belonging, without exception, to the
Full/Final Chalcolithic, even to a relatively late period of this chrono-cultural phase.
Layer 4: reddish-brown, with abundant small blocks. This layer has an average
depth of 0.20 m, sometimes reaching 0.30 m, due to the lling of rocky cavities in the
geological substrate. Partly owing to the chemical and mechanical disaggregation
of this basement, this layer is almost devoid of archaeological remains, being exclu-
sively related to the Early Chalcolithic. It corresponds to the rst human occupation
of the site, prior to the construction of the defensive structures. This layer contains
the bases of the huts and of the combustion structures assigned to the oldest archae-
ological occupation.
Altogether, it reaches a maximum depth of 0.20 m, and the associated archaeological
nds are chronologically diagnostic (ceramics with uted patterns, dating exclusive-
ly to the Early Chalcolithic).
Layer 5: bedrock, very irregular, that constituted the surface at the time of the rst
archaeologically tracable occupation. It is composed of hard, white Upper Jurassic
limestones (›Azóia Limestones‹) with incipient ›lapias‹ whose cavities are occasion-
ally and partially lled by a reddish sandy-clay deposit.
15 The oldest dates obtained for Outeiro Redondo, corresponding to the material
recovered at depths of more than 1.0 m, in Layer 4, indicate late moments within the
Early Chalcolithic, about 2600/2500 BC. Therefore, the rst occupation can be generally
related to Layer 3; however, the beginning of its occupation was registered in Layer 4.
16 The Full/Final Chalcolithic phase, which corresponds to the majority of the
materials recovered in Layer 2, would have lasted, at this archaeological site, roughly
until 2100 BC, with a 95 % condence level.
5 Absolute Chronology
17 Through a research program, led by António Manuel Monge Soares, at the
Instituto de Tecnologia Nuclear (Nuclear Technology Institute/IST), ca. 30 samples were
dated, taken from the marine biosphere, namely shells of Patella sp., Pecten maximus,
Ruditapes decussatus and Cerastoderma edule; and from the terrestrial biosphere, i. e.
mammalian fauna that constituted part of the prehistoric populations diet.
18 The conventional results obtained (Fig. 6)11, led to the following conclusions:
the sum of the probability distributions of the various calibrated dates in each ›phase‹
supported the denition of two main sets: (i) the oldest, between 2540–2480 cal BC (1 σ)
or 2610–2460 cal BC (2 σ), corresponding to the end of the Early Chalcolithic; and (ii) the
most recent, between 2340–2180 cal BC (1 σ) or 2440–2110 cal BC (2 σ) for the Full/Final
Chalcolithic occupation.
11 Cardoso et al. 2010/2011.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
43
19 These chronometric results were compared, in the above-mentioned study,
with results from other inhabited sites of Estremadura dated to the third millennium BC,
including some highly relevant informations, published in the meanwhile, and related
to the fortied settlements of Moita da Ladra (Vila Franca de Xira)12 and Leceia13.
12 Cardoso et al. 2013b.
13 Cardoso – Soares 1996.
6
Fig. 6 Graphical probability
distributions of the Outeiro
Redondo radiocarbon dates,
using the IntCal09 and Marine09
curves (Reimer et al. 2009) and
the OxCal 4.1.3 software (Bronk
Ramsey 2009); dates obtained
from samples of the terrestrial
and the marine biospheres
(Cardoso et al. 2010/2011).
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro RedondoMM 62/2021, § 1–189
44
6 Defensive and Domestic Structures
6.1 Defensive Structures
20 The excavations resulted in the identication of several defensive structures.
The most important structure is a defensive wall surrounding the entire rocky outcrop
7
8
Fig. 7 Outeiro Redondo.
Partial view of the plateau
located on the eastern
side of the rocky outcrop,
where several Early and
Full/Final Chalcolithic huts
were installed, delimited
by Wall G, interrupted by
a large door (Entrance L,
see Fig. 4), considered
over-dimensioned for
only practical purposes.
Fig. 8 Outeiro Redondo.
Detail of the western side
of Wall G, corresponding
to the longitudinal
overlap of several
stretches, forming
parapets along the steep
slope.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
45
9
Fig. 9 Outeiro Redondo.
Partial view of Wall G,
surrounding the
settlement. Note the
construction technology,
dened by wall facings
made of large blocks,
with an internal lling
of smaller blocks, tted
together.
(Fig. 4). Much of the area enclosed by this walled structure, especially a large plateau
located on the eastern side of the hill, has adequate conditions for human occupation
(Fig. 7). The characteristics of this defensive structure may vary according to the topog-
raphy of the terrain.
10
Fig. 10 Outeiro Redondo.
Partial view of Barbican C,
built on the external side
of Wall G (see Fig. 4).
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro RedondoMM 62/2021, § 1–189
46
11
Fig. 11 Outeiro Redondo.
Above: northern side of the
defensive enclosure; in the
rst plane the large blocks
belonging to Wall G; in the
second plane, Wall V, forming
together a wide and closed
space with the function of
a barbican. Below: Wall V;
in the left, the inner space
formed by this wall and Wall G,
corresponding to the oor of
the barbican.
21 Thus, in the eastern sector of the hill, where the steepest slope is situated,
this structure is constituted of successive, longitudinally juxtaposed massive walls, like
large, tidily arranged blocks of modern support walls (gabions) (Fig. 8). In fact, its main
function was to ensure, by its own weight, the stability of the platform situated above,
where habitational structures would have been located. Thus, in the occidental sector of
the settlement, this structure was not exactly a wall, in the traditional sense of the term,
but rather a rocky ›parapet‹ with a single face, oriented towards the slope.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
47
22 By contrast, along the other sectors of the defensive cir-
cuit, where the slope is less pronounced, it was possible to build
upward, following the contour lines.
23 The construction technology shows great dierences,
since the objectives to be achieved were also dierent. Thus, while
in the eastern sector one observes the simple placement of large,
coarsely aligned blocks in successive, longitudinally arranged
walls, in the central and western sectors, the technology used to
build the wall followed the procedures usually adopted in the con-
struction of similar Chalcolithic structures. These consisted in the
prior denition of the outer and inner walls, using large, roughly
aligned blocks, and the lling of the interior space thus dened
using smaller blocks tted together (Fig. 9).
24 In 2015, the possible existence of a second defensive line
was investigated. If it existed, it would have been built in front of
and parallel to the already known defensive line, on its southern
side. This possibility, however, was not conrmed.
25 Therefore, the main defensive structure consists of a sim-
ple linear structure, which would have surrounded the hill, except
perhaps on the north-facing sector, where the abrupt slope did not
enable the preservation of any remains of such a wall. It is more
likely, however, that the defence of that sector was composed of
wooden abutments, dominating the rocky cli.
26 The architectural simplicity of this defensive wall is only
broken, on the southern side, by the existence of a structure with a
sub-circular plan. This structure was already identied during rst excavation season
in 2005. It protrudes in relation to the adjacent entrance in the wall, being thus able to
perform the function of a barbican (Fig. 10). Another structure that would have had the
same purpose, although showing a completely dierent set of features, was identied
in 2015 in the northern sector of the wall. It consists of an external wall parallel to the
main wall, both dening an elongated, closed and empty space (Fig. 11).
27 Access to the enclosed space was assured by several entrances, with dierent
architectural features. The rst identied entrance is associated with the protruding
semi-circular barbican mentioned above (Fig. 12).
28 Another, more complex entrance, identied in 2013, is related to the internal
arrangement of the enclosed space, which was delimited, on both sides, by rectilinear,
parallel walls, one of them with an orthogonal lateral extension (Fig. 13). This arrange-
ment, built during the last construction phase of the settlement, confers a degree of
monumentality to an entrance whose excessive width reinforces its lack of functional-
ity, from a defensive perspective. The foundations of the orthogonal walls situated on
the inner side of this entrance were unearthed from an archaeological layer that yielded
Full/Final Chalcolithic materials, unlike the wall itself, whose foundations were built
directly onto the bedrock or on a residual layer with Early Chalcolithic remains. A clear
expression of this fact is the existence of a structured hearth underlying the orthogonal
walls of this monumental entrance belonging to the Early Chalcolithic.
29 A third entrance leading into the defensive structure was identied in 2015,
facing north. It is a simple structure, with the particularity of taking advantage of one
side of the natural alignment of the geological outcrop. Large blocks placed on either
side also contributed to the denition of this entrance.
30 The chronology of this single defensive structure built around the hill can
be entirely ascribed to the Full/Final Chalcolithic, regardless of the foundations being
situated in Layer 2, or in Layer 3. Its relative young age is interesting, since, until the
12
Fig. 12 Outeiro Redondo. View
of Wall G on the sector adjacent
to Entrance B, visible in the
foreground.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro RedondoMM 62/2021, § 1–189
48
excavation of Leceia, it was thought that the majority of the defensive structures of
Estremadura had their peak before the rst half of the third millennium BC.
31 However, the results from Outeiro Redondo match the conclusions of the ex-
cavations conducted at the fortied settlement of Moita da Ladra (Vila Franca de Xira)14,
which indicate the continuous construction of large defensive structures throughout the
second half of the third millennium15, as already indicated by the results obtained at
Zambujal, where important defensive structures continued to be built16.
32 The study of the defensive wall’s foundations also led to interesting conclu-
sions. This structure was either built directly onto the geological substrate, especially in
the sectors with a steeper slope, or into Layer 4, corresponding to the Early Chalcolithic;
it was also based in some cases in Layer 3, and even in the lower part of Layer 2. It
can be concluded that its construction is relatively late in the overall sequence of the
settlement, corresponding to an advanced phase of the Full/Final Chalcolithic, although
the beginning of the site’s occupation dates back to Early Chalcolithic.
6.2 Domestic Structures
33 The most important sector was completely excavated between 2013–2015.
It is situated on a plateau at the eastern side of the settlement (Fig. 7), with remains of
habitational structures and important evidence of daily activities, particularly copper
metallurgy.
34 The oldest dwelling structure is represented by a sub-circular hut, incorporat-
ed in Layer 4 of the stratigraphic sequence (Early Chalcolithic), with a structured hearth,
also sub-circular, made up of small blocks, over the geological substrate (Fig. 14). A few
14 Cardoso 2014a.
15 Cardoso et al. 2013b; Cardoso 2014a.
16 Kunst 1987; Kunst 1996; Kunst – Lutz 2010/2011.
13
Fig. 13 Outeiro Redondo. In the
foreground, section of Wall G,
adjacent to Entrance L, in the
background, dened by two
rectilinear and parallel walls,
from a very late period within the
dened construction sequence
(end of the Full/Final Chalcolithic).
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
49
14
Fig. 14 Outeiro Redondo. In the
foreground, view to the south over
Hut R (Early Chalcolithic), with a
combustion structure inside. In
the background, Wall G (Full/Final
Chalcolithic).
fragments of uted vessels were recovered, which leaves no doubt as to the cultural
integration of this structure in the Early Chalcolithic. This hut was completely destroyed
by a re, which created a thick ash layer, the lateral equivalent of Layer 3.
35 It was, therefore, a destructive episode that was at the origin of the rst aban-
donment of at least this part of the settlement by the middle of the third millennium
BC. Indeed, if the reconstruction had followed immediately, one would expect this thick
deposit of ashes to have been removed, which did not happen.
36 Actually, the archaeological layer that rests upon it (Layer 2) is dated to the
Full/Final Chalcolithic. The very abundant materials, particularly the ceramic products
with ›acacia leaf‹ and ›cruciferae‹ decorations support this dating. These decorations
were applied especially to large globular vessels, which were used for storing provi-
sions. It was on this layer that one ellipsoidal hut was built, above the previous one, as
evidenced by some alignments of small blocks. Similar structures have been observed
in Leceia, in the two Beaker huts built in the area outside the walls17, and also in some
large huts that were identied in the inner part of the fortication.
37 Several structured sub-circular hearths of this late phase of occupation were
identied. One of them, excavated in 2015, was associated with copper metallurgy, as
concluded by the prill and furnace residues recovered from its contents. The existence
of these huts, in the intramural area, could justify the coeval fortication of the settle-
ment, given the important economic activities developed here, especially metallurgy.
38 It can thus be concluded that the occupation of the site features two distinct
chrono-cultural phases: the end of the Early Chalcolithic of Estremadura, around
2600–2500 BC; and the Full/Final Chalcolithic, which extended roughly until the end
of the third millennium BC. The latter phase corresponds to the fortication of the site
by means of a single, surrounding defensive wall. There may have been a period of
17 Cardoso 1997/1998.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro RedondoMM 62/2021, § 1–189
50
16
Fig. 16 Outeiro Redondo.
Possible grain storage silo, taking
advantage of the outer face of
Wall G (Full/Final Chalcolithic),
subsequently lled with
sediments.
15
Fig. 15 Outeiro Redondo. Example
of an orthogonal housing unit:
Hut AA, from the end of the Full/
Final Chalcolithic.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
51
abandonment of the settlement between the two occupations, which might not have
been total, that is, it might not have occurred over the entire inhabited area.
39 One of the most interesting architectural features and hitherto unknown in
the domestic architecture of the Chalcolithic in Portugal was identied in the rst exca-
vation campaign and conrmed conclusively in 201618. These are orthogonal plan huts,
made up of straight walls, dated to the end of the occupation of the site (Fig. 15). They
have parallels in the Chalcolithic of the peninsular Southeast, in Los Millares, where
archaeologists identied a hut dedicated to the practice of metallurgy with the same
characteristics.
40 Another structure, located like the previous one in the western sector of the
village and also excavated in 2016, appears to have been designated for storage – al-
though it is unknown for which product; it takes advantage of the external face of a
pre-existing wall on one side, subsequently naturally lled, as illustrated by the strati-
graphic sequence registered (Fig. 16).
7 Archaeological Remains
41 An exhaustive study of all the archaeological remains recovered between
2005 and 2016 has already been published19. The results obtained support the following
general conclusions.
7.1 Polished Stone Tools
42 The assemblage of polished stone tools made of hard rocks, recovered from
stratied contexts of the Outeiro Redondo settlement, is abundant and includes various
types, represented by 86 items, distributed as follows:
• Layer 3 (end of Early Chalcolithic): 18 items;
• Layer 2 (Full/Final Chalcolithic): 68 items.
43 Noteworthy is the relative scarcity of polished stone artefacts in Layer 3, par-
ticularly in the westernmost area of this prehistoric settlement, a situation which can
be easily explained by the fact that Layer 3 is covered by Layer 2, including various
archaeological structures that obviously could not be removed. On the other hand, it
is quite clear that the area initially occupied was much smaller than the area of the
more recent occupation, during which there was a considerable increase of domestic
structures, associated with abundant remains.
44 Axes: The cutting edges of the axes are shaped like symmetrical, converging
double bevels. They can be divided into three distinct formal groups, also according to
their considerable heterometry, which emphasises the various specic functions they
were intended for, related to wood cutting and working:
a) totally polished axes with rectangular sections, in some cases with a attened ten-
dency, evoking the shape of the coeval metallic artefacts;
b) massive axes with sub-quadrangular to sub-rectangular sections, generally well-pol-
ished, which constitute the most numerous set (Fig. 17, 3. 8);
c) small cylindroid to fusiform axes, with ellipsoidal to sub-circular sections, polished
only on the edge and with pecked butt ends, traditionally ascribed to Neolithic
18 Cardoso 2019a.
19 Cardoso 2019b.
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productions but which, in the present case, were recovered exclusively from the
Full/Final Chalcolithic occupation (Fig. 17, 5–7). These features probably reect
the nature of the raw material of which these tools were made. In fact, all these
axes were made of basic rocks of dolerite type, locally available in the vicinity
of the site, related to the Sesimbra diapir. This suggests local procurement by a
community that used this type of rock at the same time as the best quality rocks of
amphibolite type originating from Alto and Baixo Alentejo and supplied through
transregional trading. The other possibility is the reuse of older artefacts recovered
in the vicinity, ultimately as relics, from Early to Late Neolithic sites, especially
funerary caves.
17
Fig. 17 Outeiro Redondo. Polished
stone artifacts from Layer 2.
Axes, adzes and chisels. Note
the presence of a small brolite
artefact of a ritual/votive nature
(2).
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45 In fact, at this site no signicant presence was recognized that could be re-
lated to any of these older periods, so, discarding the possibility that such archaic types
continued to be produced until the end of the Chalcolithic, there is only one explanation
for their occurrence.
46 The axes recovered from Layers 3 and 2 are mainly made of amphibolite. This
is a good example of the intense transregional circulation of the raw materials necessary
for the daily life of these populations, originating from several primary sources located
in the Hercynian massif. Actually, this situation has already been duly described at other
Chalcolithic sites of the same region, particularly at Leceia20, where the economic inten-
sication that occurred throughout the third millennium BC has been demonstrated,
based on the increasing presence of amphibolite artefacts in the archaeological record.
Broadly speaking, axes occur in the same proportions as adzes, without considering the
pieces that were reused as hammerstones.
47 Adzes/hoes: These are artefacts with bevelled and asymmetrical section cut-
ting edges. The overall shape is generally attened, sometimes arching, contrasting with
what is usually seen in axes with carefully polished surfaces. Besides amphibolite, as
represented by the example (Fig. 17, 1), the majority of these tools are made of blackish
micro-crystalline or aphanitic rocks, with a lighter surface coloration, due to alteration.
The origin of these rocks, of meta-volcanic nature, may correspond to Palaeozoic basic
tus, and can be found in the South-Portuguese Zone (SPZ). But only a petrographic
analysis could clarify this attribution, as already mentioned in another paper21. In any
case, as far as Outeiro Redondo is concerned, the closest known sources for this type of
rocks are located in the Alcácer do Sal/Grândola region.
48 Two small adzes were classied as objects of a ritual, non-functional nature.
One specimen is apparently made of a greyish-green metasedimentary rock, with schis-
tosity and low hardness; the edge bears slight traces of use. The other piece, made of
a milky-coloured brolite (brous sillimanite) with dark grey streaks, is considered to
be a ritual object not only due to the raw material, but also on account of its small size
(Fig. 17, 2). Indeed, both axes and adzes, due to the important tasks with which they
were associated, would easily have acquired a symbolic meaning of their own in the
context of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic agrarian societies22.
49 These connotations are illustrated throughout the Mediterranean basin by
abundant and expressive testimonies. A small milky brolite pendant was recovered
at the Late Neolithic settlement of Carrascal (Oeiras); it is shaped like an adze, with a
suspension hole23, clearly embodying the symbolic function of axes and adzes.
50 Hammerstones: These are reused polished stone artefacts, which for nonob-
vious reasons went out of use. The vast majority are amphibolite axes, bearing extensive
percussion marks, sometimes over their entire surface. The reason for abandoning the
primary use of these pieces is unknown, but one thing is clear: these are amphibolite
artefacts and therefore valuable items, due to their costly nature. The diculty in under-
standing the choice of reusing them is even greater considering that other rocks, such
20 Cardoso – Carvalhosa 1995; Cardoso 2004.
21 Cardoso 2014c.
22 Lillios 1997 and Lillios 2000 evaluates the presence in Estremadura of amphibolite tools to underline the
symbolic use of this rock in this region. In our opinion, the symbolic role of axes and adzes are independent
of their material (except in cases of exotic rocks, such as brolite), since they are essentially the result of the
economic importance of the activities associated with their use (see Cardoso – Gonçalves 2020). In the case
of amphibolites, their presence in the Portuguese Estremadura, where they were systematically used for
the manufacture of axes, can be explained by their exceptional mechanical characteristics of hardness and
resistance.
23 Cardoso 2011a, 50 g. 23; Cardoso et al. 2015, 220 g. 83, 2; 221 g. 84.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro RedondoMM 62/2021, § 1–189
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as quartzite or quartz cobbles, could be easily obtained locally and could have been
used with identical results. Thus, there seems to be a contradiction without a plausible
explanation between the intrinsic value of the raw material and its ultimate purpose,
in this case quite undierentiated.
51 Transverse hammers: This designation includes a number of items that
could easily be classied as axes or adzes if it weren’t for the fact that their distal ends
are shaped like narrow polished surfaces instead of cutting edges. This particularity
suggests that such tools would have been used for hammering more or less narrow
surfaces, requiring precision work. It has been previously hypothesised that they could
be related to the manufacture of copper objects. Similar artefacts have repeatedly been
found at some Chalcolithic settlements in the region24. However, the fact that one of
these items, rather small and made of a greenish rock, was recovered at Leceia, from a
Late Neolithic context25, requires us to consider other specialised uses, so far unknown.
In order to clarify this matter, a traceological study was carried out on the working
surfaces of the eight exemplars recovered at Outeiro Redondo26, but the results didn’t
reveal any adhering copper remains. The fact that this type of tool was only found in
the northeast area of the settlement27, exactly where the metallurgical structures were
located, reinforces the conclusion that they were directly related to that activity, i. e.,
to the plastic deformation of metals by hammering. On the other hand, the recorded
spatial distribution may indicate that this activity was restricted to only a part of the
population, as the spatial segregation in the distribution of this type of artefacts is com-
parable to what has been observed concerning other metallurgical evidence at some
other Chalcolithic settlements, such as Cabezo Juré, Huelva (Spain)28.
52 Chisels: As in other important Chalcolithic settlements of Estremadura, the
polished stone tool kit includes a limited number of certain specialized artefacts, such
as those included in this functional category. These tools are generally elongated, with a
sub-quadrangular section and carefully polished, and can be used as they are, or hafted
in bone, wood or antler handles (Fig. 17, 4. 5. 9).
7.2 Roughstone Implements
53 Fishing net sinkers: Four examples were recovered, made of dierent rocks,
all of local origin, with longitudinal or transversal grooves, always executed by pecking
(Fig. 18, 2. 4. 5). The use of longitudinal grooves was probably intended to prevent these
parts from hindering the free movement of the nets to which they were attached.
54 Their use as shing net sinkers was discussed in a previous paper, which
compiled the examples known until then29. In the meantime, similar artefacts were
recovered at settlements located close to the coast, such as the single example from
the Final Neolithic and Chalcolithic settlement of Travessa das Dores, in Lisbon30. It is
interesting to note that they appear, albeit exceptionally, in graves, e. g. a piece with a
longitudinal groove, found in one of the articial caves of Palmela31, and another one in
24 See Cardoso et al. 2013a, covering all cases.
25 Cardoso 1989, 105 g. 102, 3.
26 Cardoso et al. 2018b.
27 Cardoso – Martins 2018, 220 g. 7.
28 Nocete Calvo et al. 2004.
29 Cardoso 1996.
30 Neto et al. 2015, 249 g. 20, 1; 252 g. 22, 3.
31 Cruz 1906, pl. 7, 61.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
55
the collective tomb of Bolóres, Torres Vedras32. The fact that they are almost exclusively
related to habitational contexts reinforces their functional character.
32 Lillios 2015, g. 5.20.
18
Fig. 18 Outeiro Redondo. Rough-
stone implements. Sandstone
polisher, net weights, anvil and
int striker. Layer 2 (1–4) and
Layer 3 (5. 6).
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro RedondoMM 62/2021, § 1–189
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55 It is important to stress the signicant dierences in sizes and production qual-
ity, undoubtedly as a result of their dierent purposes. Thus, while the larger exemplars
would probably have been used in vertical shing nets, the smaller one could very well
have served as an angling sinker. Actually, angling is quite well documented at Outeiro
Redondo by the presence of copper hooks, which shall be addressed further on.
56 Sandstone sharpeners: Several sandstone blocks were collected in the
outcrops of the Lower Cretaceous, with deep grooves resulting from the aection of
bone tips (Fig. 18, 1). Similar pieces were identied in the fortied settlement of Leceia,
Oeiras33.
57 Anvils/dormant sandstone strikers: Certain artifacts have a central de-
pression (Fig. 18, 3), resulting from continued and localized percussion that can be relat-
ed to the production of chipped stone artifacts. But another possibility is to admit their
use as hand mill movers, such a depression would then have been intended to allow
better adherence of the grains during the operation. It should be noted however that the
movers identied have larger dimensions, sporting a convex face perfectly adjustable
to the concave face of the respective dormant, made of arenites of close origin.
58 Strikers: It is worth mentioning the abundant occurrence of int strikers
(Fig. 18, 6) of spheroidal shape and with extensively striked surfaces. The fact that they
are produced in int attests to the ease with which this rock was obtained, in this case
from the Cretaceous outcrops of the Lisbon region, as evidenced by the gray coloration
of the collected specimens.
7.3 Knapped Stone
59 Flint artefacts dominate by far, with 122 identied artefacts in Layer 3 and
450 in Layer 2; their prevailing petrographic characteristics indicate that the main or-
igin of the int was the Lisbon region, about 30 km to the north. Near the former right
bank of the Tagus estuary, on the upper Cenomanian reef limestone outcrops of the
Alcântara valley, there are large masses of predominantly grey int, in the form of
nodules, sometimes of large dimensions. This does not rule out the hypothesis of more
distant origins for the examples with more pinkish or even reddish colourations, which
may, quite likely, originate from the Rio Maior region. At Leceia, Oeiras, situated ›over‹
the int cretaceous sources, the same situation was observed34.
60 Arrowheads (Fig. 19): These are the most abundant group of artefacts in the
settlement, although their presence in Layer 3 does not exceed 17.2 %, rising to 24.4 %
in Layer 2.
61 There is a signicant amount of arrowheads in both layers, both inside the
settlement and next to the defensive wall. Most examples were found in the central
area of the settlement, in Layer 3 (42.9 %), while in Layer 2, in the northeast sector of
the settlement, they are clearly predominant at 57.3 %. This may partly be the result of
possible conict situations, with projectiles being concentrated in the most vulnerable
areas of the defensive system. One of these locations is undoubtedly the northeast sector
of the settlement, as it would have been most exposed to a surprise attack, given the lack
of visibility due to the considerable slope existing on that side of the settlement.
62 The recovered arrowheads are mostly complete, the most numerous type be-
ing the concave base type with straight edges. There is an increase in the variety of ar-
rowheads in Layer 2, which yielded the at base and ›Eiel Tower‹ int types (Fig. 19, 1.
2), which do not exist in Layer 3.
33 Cardoso 1989, 108 g. 104.
34 Cardoso – Martins 2013.
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63 The presence of eleven examples made of jaspoid schist (Fig. 19, 7), all recov-
ered from Layer 2, is also noteworthy. This type of artefact, completely nished, with no
traces of knapping by-products at the settlement, indicates commercial relations with
the Alentejo territory, encouraged at that time by the increased demand for amphibolites
and the full establishment of copper metallurgy at Outeiro Redondo, using ores from
Alentejo. It is very likely that these examples may have belonged to the paraphernalia
of one or several travellers coming from this region.
64 The abundance and variety of arrowheads recorded at the site shows the
importance that this settlement must have had in terms of hunting and/or warfare.
65 It is interesting to note that there was an activity of nishing arrowheads
in the village, as indicated by the presence of some workpieces, unnished exemplars
(Fig. 19, 11. 12).
66 Two concentrations of arrowheads stand out in Layer 2, in the northeast
sector of the settlement: the rst one, around hearth U, with nine pieces, which may
correspond to a storage area, and the second one between the walls G and V (see Fig. 4),
19
Fig. 19 Outeiro Redondo.
Arrowheads. No. 7 is of jaspoid
int. Layer 2. Nos. 11 and 12 are
sketches.
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with four examples, possibly related to an area with defensive functions (possibly a
barbican, as mentioned above).
67 Foliate blades (Fig. 20. 21): The second most numerous group of tools are
the leaf blades, which amount to 19.7 % of all lithic tools in Layer 3, decreasing slightly
in Layer 2, at only 18 %. However, it is important to stress that, in absolute terms, only
24 exemplars were recovered from Layer 3, in contrast to the 81 specimens from Lay-
Fig. 20 Outeiro Redondo. Leaf
blades. Layer 2.
20
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59
er 2, where blades with an ellipsoidal contour predominate (at 34.3 %), featuring bifa-
cial covering retouch and covering aking/retouch on one face and invasive/marginal
retouch on the other. The typological diversity of foliate blades also increases, as one
would expect, in Layer 2, with ›D‹ shaped, lunate, sub-rectangular and sub-trapezoidal
foliate blades, which are absent from Layer 3. The number of rejuvenated foliate blades
also rises in Layer 2, but this may simply be due to the larger number of samples.
68 It is also worth mentioning the large number of fractured pieces in the settle-
ment, in both layers. Breakage possibly took place during knapping or already during
use.
69 As observed for the arrowheads, the local production of these pieces was
veried, given the occurrence of unnished specimens (Fig. 21, 1. 5. 6).
Fig. 21 Outeiro Redondo. Leaf
blades. Layer 3.
21
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70
A recent study based on the traceology of similar specimens from the prehistoric set-
tlement of Leceia, Oeiras, reinforces the hypothesis that these specimens were mainly
used as parts of sickles35. They would have been embedded in curved wooden handles,
35 Cardoso – Gibaja 2019.
22
Fig. 22 Outeiro Redondo.
Punchers. Layer 2 (2–16) and
Layer 3 (1).
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an hypothesis already put forward in the 1940s, based on the specimens collected in the
prehistoric settlement of Vila Nova de S. Pedro, Azambuja36.
71 Borers (Fig. 22; 23, 1. 2. 6. 8. 11): The third most represented group within the
lithic assemblage are borers, at 13.8 % of the total, decreasing from 28.7 % in Layer 3
to 13.8 % in Layer 2. This group, unusually abundant at this site, mostly features ake
blanks, in both layers, with high percentage values (80.4 %), followed by blade blanks,
at 19.6 %.
36 Jalhay – Paço 1945; Paço 1964.
23
Fig. 23 Outeiro Redondo. Drills,
endscrapers, denticulates and
notches. Layer 2 (1. 2. 4–8. 10–14)
and Layer 3 (3. 9).
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72 Thick borers are predominant in Layer 3, at 54.3 %, when compared to thin
borers, at 45.7 %, as opposed to Layer 2, where there is a slight dominance of the latter:
thick borers at 48.3 % and thin borers at 51.7 %. In both layers, the combination of two
contiguous lateral notches is the dominant strategy for obtaining a borer-tip, with high
percentage values: 85.7 % in Layer 3 and 77.4 % in Layer 2.
24
Fig. 24 Outeiro Redondo. Blade
and bladelet cores; retouched
blades and coverslips. The
bladelets 21 to 24 are made of
hyaline quartz; blades 24 and 28
are made of oolitic int; blades 30
and 31 are made of chert. Layer 2
(1. 3–5. 8–13. 15. 16. 19. 25–29.
31) and Layer 3 (2. 6. 7. 14. 17. 18.
20–24. 30).
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73 Endscrapers (Fig. 23, 7. 10. 12. 13): Scarcely represented in Layer 3, at 6.6 %,
their number increases slightly in Layer 2 reaching 7.3 % of the total lithic assemblage.
The most used blank in both layers are akes, at 75 % in Layer 3, and 66.6 % in Layer 2.
74 Denticulates and notches (Fig. 23, 3. 4. 5. 9. 14): These two artefact types are
considered together. They represent a residual group in the context of chipped stone
production in Outeiro Redondo, with two specimens identied in Layer 3 (1.6 % of the
tools in this layer), and nine specimens in Layer 2 (corresponding to 2.0 % of the tools
of this layer).
75 Blades and bladelets (Fig. 24, 6–31): In broad terms, blades and bladelets con-
stitute the fourth most abundant lithic tool group, with a slight predominance of bladelets
over blades, the presence of both types increasing in Layer 2. Bladelets reach 9 % in Lay-
er 3, rising to 15.1 % in Layer 2, while blades increase from 11.5 % to 14 %, respectively.
76 The presence of six hyaline quartz bladelets, four recovered from Layer 3 and
two from Layer 2, is noteworthy (Fig. 24, 21–24).
77 Other exogenous raw materials were identied as well: One specimen in Lay-
er 3 (Fig. 24, 30) and three pieces in Layer 2 specimens are made of oolitic int (Fig. 24, 28).
The material probably originates from the Betic mountain ranges
37
and probably be-
longed to the personal objects of travellers from this region, which would explain the
presence of such objects at the site. Three blades are made of rhyolite (Fig. 24, 30. 31), a
material associated with acid Palaeozoic rocks of the South Portuguese Zone (SPZ).
78 Unretouched bladelets are predominant while blades are dominated by ex-
emplars featuring continuous or discontinuous marginal retouch on both lateral edges.
79 Blade and bladelet cores (Fig. 24, 1–5): Cores are residual in both layers. In
total, only eight bladelet cores and two blade cores were identied, all int, greyish and
brownish coloured, except for one example made of a whitish translucent chalcedony,
a bladelet core recovered from Layer 2.
80 The low presence of cores suitable for obtaining blades and bladelets suggests
that these were not produced in the dwelling area. Nevertheless, local manufacture
of other types of artefacts is clearly demonstrated by the presence of akes and medi-
um-sized blocks of raw int, as well as by the unnished pieces like arrow points and
foliate blades mentioned above.
7.4 Bone Industry
81 Bone tools (Fig. 25) are particularly abundant due to the favourable geochem-
ical conditions of the site, which have enabled the preservation of the pieces in good
condition. A total of 236 bone tools were identied, 61 of which originated from Layer 3
and 175 from Layer 2.
82 Layer 3 features a large amount of bones made of the diaphysis of long bones,
usually sectioned at one or both ends, commonly interpreted as handles (thirty-two
items, 52.5 % of the total assemblage), as well as a signicant number of borers (eleven
items, 18 %) (Fig. 25, 1–4).
83 It is commonly assumed that these pieces were intended for hafting small
copper borers, based on a few complete examples found at various Chalcolithic settle-
ments of Estremadura and previously inventoried38, to which we can add a few more
nds from the settlement of Vila Nova de São Pedro, Azambuja39.
37 Cardoso et al. 2018a.
38 Cardoso 1980.
39 Paço 1960, 108 g. 2, 5. 6.
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84 However, similar ndings in the layer corresponding to the Neolithic occupa-
tion of the Leceia settlement indicate that they could also have had other uses40. In Lay-
er 2, out of 175 recovered tools, 105 are handles, which reects an increase in relative
terms, compared to the situation previously described (60 % and 52.5 %, respectively).
85 The second most representative group are needles/awls (Fig. 25, 6. 10. 13)
with 33 exemplars (17.1 % in Layer 2, 11.5 % in Layer 3). However, the borer group
decreases from 18 % in Layer 3 to 9.1 % in Layer 2, with 16 pieces only.
86 Some artefacts recovered from Layer 2 deserve a more detailed analysis.
These are the arrowheads, represented by six items (Fig. 25, 7–9), a larger number than
40 Cardoso 2003a.
25
Fig. 25 Outeiro Redondo. Bone
industry. Cables, holes, chisels,
arrowheads and a box fragment.
Layer 2 (1–5. 7–10. 12. 13) and
Layer 3 (6. 11).
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
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the four items recovered at Moita da Ladra, Vila Franca de Xira41. These are robust
pieces, with a circular cross-section, fusiform body, thoroughly worked, the lower part
being shaped like a tang, equally conical but narrower than the body, for hafting pur-
poses. Although always scarce, this type of tool is known from several Chalcolithic sites
of Estremadura42.
87 Other, rarer artefacts that must be mentioned are endscrapers or chisels
(Fig. 25, 5. 12) and small boxes made of the diaphysis of large bones (Fig. 25, 11). Both
groups are also represented in Leceia, Oeiras43.
41 Cardoso 2014a, 271 g. 32, 15–18.
42 Cardoso 2014a.
43 Salvado – Cardoso 2001/2002; Cardoso 2003a.
26
Fig. 26 Outeiro Redondo.
Decorated vessels. Layer 3.
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88 Another noteworthy item, also from Layer 2, is a bi-pointed piece, completely
polished, of small dimensions, which can be classied as a needle/awl, just like the
example recovered from the Poço Velho caves, in Cascais44.
89 The artefacts referred to above clearly demonstrate the richness and variety
of the bone industry of Outeiro Redondo, which shows no major dierences, from a
typological point of view, to other Chalcolithic stratigraphic contexts of the Portuguese
Estremadura, such as the prehistoric settlement of Leceia45.
7.5 Ceramic Vessels
90 Non-decorated vases: In the three main areas considered within the settle-
ment, i. e. the western, central (facing south) and eastern (facing northeast) part, there
is little variation in the typology of undecorated ceramics. In all three areas, open forms
are more abundant than closed forms, both in Early Chalcolithic and Full/Final Chalco-
lithic contexts. It is important to mention the greater abundance of non-decorated con-
tainers in the northeast area of the settlement, as compared to the number of fragments
recovered in the other two areas, which probably results from the greater intensity of
its occupation.
91 It is also important to address the plentitude of undecorated vessels in com-
parison to the decorated ones. Thus, both ceramic groups were quantied, by area (the
three main areas of the settlement mentioned above) and by layers, i. e. the two main
archaeological layers identied at these areas.
92 Overall, from Layer 3 there are 3.439 undecorated fragments corresponding
to edges allowing the graphic reconstruction of the containers, while the decorated
fragments amount to only 185 pieces. In comparison, in Layer 2, a much higher number
of edges were collected, reaching 6.542 specimens, including 454 decorated fragments.
93 In view of the results obtained, it can be broadly stated that the numerical
ratio between the decorated and undecorated ceramics is the following: 1 to 18.6 in
Layer 3 and 1 to 14.4 in Layer 2. This indicates an increase in the number of decorated
vessels over time, between the Early and the Full/Final Chalcolithic.
94 Decorated vases: The decorated assemblage includes a total of 639 frag-
ments with the following stratigraphic distribution:
• Layer 3: 185 fragments (of which 153 are edges);
• Layer 2: 454 fragments (of which 251 are edges).
95 The analysis of this assemblage focused on the characteristics of the predom-
inant vessel types in both layers, in terms of the variety of decorated forms, techniques
and decorative patterns.
96 Six vessel types were identied, in addition to a group of indeterminate forms.
The sequence was ordered from closed to open shapes, as follows:
• Form 1: Large spherical vessels (›storage vessels‹) (Fig. 27, 3);
• Form 2: Medium-sized spherical vessels (Fig. 27, 1. 2. 4);
• Form 3: Cylindrical vessels (›copos‹) (Fig. 26, 2. 5; 27, 5–7);
• Form 4: Spherical and hemispherical bowls (Fig. 26, 1. 3. 4; 27, 8; 28, 2);
• Form 5: Low bowls with thickened rim, with internal decoration (Fig. 28, 1);
• Form 6: Bell Beaker productions (Fig. 29);
• Form 7: Others; indeterminate.
44 Paço 1941, pl. XXI a–c. e.
45 Cardoso 2003a.
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27
Fig. 27 Outeiro Redondo.
Decorated vessels. Layer 2.
97 There are some changes in the use of decorated ceramic vessels between Lay-
er 3 and Layer 2.
98 In Layer 3 (see Fig. 26) the open forms are predominant, with cylindrical
vessels, the so-called copos, reaching 33 % of the analysed assemblage, followed by
hemispherical bowls, at 25.9 %. The third most represented ceramic group are the low
bowls with thickened rim and internal decoration, at 18.9 %. The decorations of this
assemblage consist mainly of smooth utes made on the sun-dried surface by means
of a blunt tip, probably made of wood or bone, giving rise to parallel utes in the cups
and bowls and geometric decorations on the inner surfaces of the bowls. These fea-
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tures – shapes, decorative patterns and techniques are typical of the Early Chalcolithic
assemblages of the Portuguese Estremadura46.
99 In Layer 2 (see Fig. 27) there is a clear dominance of the large spherical vessels
(›storage vessels‹), at 36.8 % of the total assemblage. The second most abundant form
is the cylindrical vessel, at 27.8 %, followed by the hemispherical bowls at 12.8 %. The
46 Cardoso 2006.
28
Fig. 28 Outeiro Redondo. Two
vessels decorated with the uted
technique, deposited ritually with
the opening downwards, in the
western sector of the settlement,
embodying an abandonment
ceremony of the local population.
Layer 2.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
69
characteristic decorations of the large spherical vases correspond to the ›acacia leaf‹
pattern and associated motifs, typical of the Full/Final Chalcolithic of the Portuguese
Estremadura, which is also observed in the ›cups‹ and in the hemispherical or spherical
cups, where they substitute the typical uted decorations of the Early Chalcolithic.
100 A small set of carefully manufactured spherical vessels was identied, the
ne incised decorations apparently executed by a blade or a metallic tip associated with
raised cords (Fig. 27, 1. 2. 4), which are also present in Leceia47.
47 Cardoso 2006.
29
Fig. 29 Outeiro Redondo. Bell-
Beaker ceramics. Layer 2.
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101 The Bell Beaker group stands out due to its importance, being concentrated in
the western sector, but only amounting to 5.5 % of the decorated ceramics. The sporadic
presence probably corresponds to a single habitational unit existing in the periphery of
the fortication, as observed at Leceia48.
102 The choice of the vessels' forms essentially depended on their practical use.
In Layer 3, the ›copos‹ would have been used preferably for the consumption of liquids,
while the hemispherical/spherical bowls could have been used both for drinking and
the individual consumption of solid foodstus. And the large bowls with thickened rims
would have been used both for the preparation of foods (such as ›migas‹ [fried bread
crumbs] or cereal dishes, for example) and for its consumption.
103 In Layer 2, drinking vessels continued to be represented by ›copos‹, less care-
fully manufactured than those from Layer 3, and, above all, by hemispherical bowls;
at the same time, there is a noticeable increase in the number of large vessels, which
would have served to store liquids, including water, and foodstus, such as cereals, or
dried legumes like peas and beans. The increased presence of storage vessels may be
related to economic intensication, leading to the accumulation of surpluses, which in
turn would have been indispensable for a population undergoing a continuous demo-
graphic growth.
104 When comparing the presence of the same forms among decorated and un-
decorated vessels, there is always a noticeable decrease of the latter. In Layer 3, the
undecorated ›copos‹ only reach 1.7 %, contrasting with the large amount of decorated
exemplars, at 33 %.
105 In Layer 2, the spherical forms of large dimensions dominate the decorated
items, at 36.8 %, contrasting with the scarcity of undecorated pieces, at only 2.1 %. This
is an interesting observation, since it contravenes the ›law of least eort‹, suggesting
that the high degree of decoration in certain forms and not in others was related to their
contents or functionalities, not resulting, in any case, from the free will of the potter.
106 The fact that all forms, either decorated or not, are in general represented in
both stratigraphic layers, albeit in dierent quantities, reinforces the idea not of sudden
material ruptures, but rather of a continuous replacement of forms, highlighted in pre-
vious works, such as the one dedicated to the prehistoric settlement of Leceia49. In fact, it
is essentially the change of decorative techniques and patterns over time, which enables
a better characterization of the two phases of the Chalcolithic at Outeiro Redondo.
107 The presence of Bell Beaker ceramics is particularly relevant (Fig. 27). Only
26 fragments were recovered, of which only a single, isolated small fragment was re-
covered from Layer 3, in the central sector of the settlement. The remaining 25 frag-
ments were found in Layer 2 (5.5 % of all decorated ceramics selected from this layer),
albeit only in the central sector and the western sector of the settlement; no Bell Beaker
fragments at all were found in the northeastern sector, the most intensely inhabited
part of the settlement. Among these 25 fragments, dotted decoration is predominant
(twenty-one items), the remainder showing incised decoration (four items).
108 ›Maritime‹ vessels are predominant (Fig. 29, 2. 5), followed by fragments
of ›caçoilas‹ with smooth shoulders, decorated with dotted horizontal zigzag bands
(Fig. 29, 1. 4) or reticulates, a decorative motif also present in the local no-Beaker pro-
ductions related to the ›acacia-leaf‹ pattern (Fig. 29, 3), challenging the traditional phas-
ing of the Bell Beaker ›phenomenon‹ in the Lower Estremadura50, as it was dened in
the 1970s51.
48 Cardoso 1997/1998.
49 Cardoso 2006.
50 Cardoso 2014d; Cardoso 2014/2015; Cardoso 2017.
51 Soares – Silva 1975.
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109 Thus, it can be admitted that the scarcity of Bell Beaker products at Outeiro
Redondo, including the near absence of Palmela bowls, is one of the most interesting
aspects for the discussion of the status and occurrence of such ceramics in the Lower
Estremadura.
110 Seventeen Beaker fragments were recovered from a circumscribed area in
the settlement's western sector, all belonging to productions associated with the ›mari-
time‹ style. These ndings suggest the sporadic presence at the site of bearers of this type
of vessels, perhaps only one family group that built their hut at a peripheral location of
the settlement, just like at Leceia, as mentioned above. In any case, this is indicative of
an extremely low preference for this type of ceramics on the part of the site's occupants.
111 Considering the hypothesis that these ceramic types were associated with a
certain community with well-dened cultural connotations, represented in the region
of the Lower Estremadura by small groups scattered throughout the territory, one must
assume that the inhabitants of Outeiro Redondo did not keep permanent contact with
these groups. This would necessarily have been deliberate, given that the region where
the site is located features one of the most intense occurences of Bell Beaker productions
in the whole of Europe, its peak coinciding precisely with the occupation of the Outeiro
Redondo settlement. This was also observed at another Chalcolithic fortied settlement
of the Lower Estremadura, the Penedo do Lexim site, in Mafra52, but Bell Beaker vessels
are also frequent in the surrounding regions of these two sites53.
112 Thus, the non-homogenous distribution of Bell Beaker productions across the
region's fortied settlements attests to the dierent choices the respective inhabitants
made in regard to the appropriation of Beaker ceramics for their daily use, as a result
of the interactions established with the original Beaker bearers. In this regard, it is also
important to bear in mind, as previously demonstrated54, the fact that the production of
the ›international group‹, featuring a large number of ›maritime‹ vessels, are broadly
coeval with the types belonging to the other two groups present in the Lower Portu-
guese Estremadura55, particularly the ›incised group‹, since the ›Palmela group‹ has a
more circumscribed regional distribution, as its name implies.
113 This conclusion is underlined by the frequent coexistence of typical produc-
tions of the said groups, throughout the second half of the third millennium BC, in
short-lived structures, such as habitational units like the FM hut of Leceia56.
114 Furthermore, in this region, the ner Beaker productions, represented by the
›international group‹, are more frequently found in the hill settlements, often fortied,
while the generally coarser productions, associated with the ›incised group‹, are typical
of the smaller, open and rural settlements. Thus, as the Chalcolithic corresponds to the
emergence of a complex society, the highest and better defended locations would have
been occupied by an embryonic social elite, thus explaining the presence of the ner
Bell Beaker productions, while the adjacent sites would correspond to the segment of
the community dedicated to agro-pastoral productive activities, with limited social rel-
evance57.
7.6 Industrial Ceramics
115 This section will address ceramics related to the production of various goods,
involving industrial activities of an artisanal and domestic nature.
52 Sousa 2010.
53 Cardoso – Carreira 1996; Sousa 2013; Sousa 2017.
54 Cardoso 2014d.
55 Soares – Silva 1974–1977.
56 Cardoso 1997/1998; Cardoso 2017.
57 Cardoso 2014d; Cardoso 2017.
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116 Loom weights (Fig. 30): The Outeiro Redondo site yielded a considerable
number of loom weights. Their functionality was previously discussed in papers deal-
ing with the assemblage recovered at this site58. They are sub-rectangular to sub-quad-
rangular clay slabs with perforations near the vertices.
117 The assemblage includes a total of 101 items, 27 of which were complete, the
remainder being fragmented, with the following stratigraphic distribution:
• Layer 3: 40 items, 15 of which are decorated;
• Layer 2: 61 items, 18 of which are decorated.
58 Cardoso 2013; Cardoso – Martins 2016/2017.
30
Fig. 30 Outeiro Redondo. Loom
weights. Layer 2 (1. 2. 8. 9) and
Layer 3 (3–7).
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
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118 Thus, the majority of the loom weights were recovered from the Full/Final
Chalcolithic contexts, but the number of items recovered from the Early Chalcolithic
contexts is nevertheless remarkable; weaving was a very signicant activity, carried out
in the intramural space, mainly in the attest area of the settlement, i. e. the northeast
sector, where the largest number of exemplars was recovered.
119 This conclusion contrasts with that from other sites, such as Leceia, Oeiras,
where, despite the much larger size of the settlement, only eight specimens, almost
always very incomplete were collected in Layer 3 (Initial Chalcolithic) and ve, less
fragmented, in Layer 259.
120 Regarding Layer 3, two concentrations of weights were recorded in the north-
east sector of the settlement (see Fig. 4), including a noteworthy set of eight loom weights
found inside hut R, in contact with the bedrock; another set of ve weights was also
found near structure S, at a depth of between 80 and 120 cm. It is very likely that the
presence of these two sets in two circumscribed areas with an overall high densitiy of
such nds corresponds to the location of two looms.
121 As for Layer 2, no such concentrations were identied. The dispersion of
the weights recovered from this layer reects the phenomena of transportation and
redeposition of materials, ultimately more intense than the processes that aected the
underlying Layer 3.
122 According to their morphology and wear, the weights would have been sus-
pended from only two holes at a time, as already mentioned in recent papers60; the
other two holes might have kept left in reserve. This is proven by an exemplar from
Layer 3, which was sawn transversally from both sides, approximately along the middle
of the original piece, and therefore had only two holes, which would still be sucient
to ensure its functionality as a weight (Fig. 30, 7). As the function of these pieces de-
pended solely on their weight, the reasons for sawing this particular item apart may be
related to the need for less tension in the yarns, which required a less heavy piece. It
is important to point out that this situation is not unique: In the Chalcolithic settlement
of Outeiro de São Mamede (Bombarral) three loom weights with similar features were
also recorded61. Indeed, Roman looms used weights of dierent sizes, depending on the
type of fabrics to be manufactured. In fact, only two holes would be used at a time, as
suggested by the wear traces observed near each pair of holes.
123 Thirty-three decorated weights were recorded, most of them fragmented: f-
teen items on Layer 3 and eighteen items on Layer 2. Most pieces show decorations on
one side only; only ve pieces (16.1 %) are decorated on both sides.
124 The majority of these decorations were made in incised technique; only seven
items show the use of a denticulate stamp to impress the soft unred paste. Interestingly
enough, loom weights bearing this type of decoration may occur both in Bell Beaker
and in similar contexts. Pieces bearing zigzag patterns and wavy lines are the most
abundant in both layers: 20 % in Layer 3 and 22.2 % in Layer 2.
125 The meaning of these decorations, clearly distinct from the usual decoration
of other coeval ceramic types and, on the other hand, their hasty, even apparently
careless execution, underlines their symbolic character, enhancing the meaning rather
than the formal quality (Fig. 30, 9). The fact that a number of pieces repeatedly display
the same motives in the manner of a symbolic code suggests that these motifs had an
explicit meaning understood by all, and did not result merely from the potter's whim or
will. It is likely that the wavy lines evoke running water, in which the ax was washed,
then cultivated as evidenced, among others, by the remains collected in Vila Nova de
59 Cardoso 2006.
60 Cardoso 2013; Cardoso – Martins 2016/2017.
61 Cardoso – Carreira 2003, 218 g. 62, 1, 2; 226 g. 70, 1.
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74
São Pedro, Azambuja62. Let us recall that this association of wavy lines with water and
ax was proposed long ago63, and, more recently, regarding an exemplar recovered at
Leceia64.
126 Besides Vila Nova de São Pedro, undoubtedly the site where the largest assem-
blage of weight looms has been recovered, other examples can be mentioned, without
being exhaustive, e. g. the Chalcolithic fortied settlements of Pedra de Ouro65 and Moita
da Ladra66.
127 The reticulates are another symbolic representation, probably related to the
warp and weft of the loom (Fig. 30, 6). Observed on two examples from Outeiro Re-
dondo, they can be also ultimately associated with ploughed elds; strong parallels are
found in Vila Nova de São Pedro67.
128 Astral representations may be related to the sun, a source of energy that was
at the origin of the growth of ax and other vegetables used in weaving (Fig. 30, 2. 7).
This motif bears three wavy lines inside the circle. Identical representations have often
been observed on exemplars from Vila Nova de São Pedro68, but also at other important
Chalcolithic fortied settlements, such as Pedra de Ouro69, in addition to their presence
on the outer or inner surfaces of vessels, usually hemispheric bowls. The interesting
thing about the Outeiro Redondo exemplar is that the sun is associated with wavy lines,
perhaps representing running water, two essential elements of life.
129 Besides the most common motifs, there are others whose specic symbology
is more obvious: this is the case of three items discovered in Layer 3, bearing represen-
tations suggestive of vulvae (Figs. 30, 3–5), very similar to those engraved on the lips of
two bowls (›taças‹) recovered from the Early Chalcolithic contexts of Leceia70, in turn
comparable to the representation engraved on a small limestone cylinder from the same
site71. There is no need to go back any further in time, to the Palaeolithic pictograms
studied by André Leroi-Gourhan, but let us mention here that part of a loom from Vila
Nova de São Pedro, bearing an identical representation, has been known for a long
time72.
130 Some pieces bear two parallel curved lines, which could represent the Moon
in one of its phases (Fig. 30, 8). At Vila Nova de São Pedro, Alfonso do Paço associated
circular incised motifs with the Moon. The circle is surrounded by impressed circular
crowns, executed with a small hollow stem. This is a peculiar decorative technique,
although it has been observed on other items from Pedra de Ouro73 and Vila Nova de
São Pedro74.
131 These motifs, along with deer and sun-like representations, embody a sche-
matic gurative group of evident symbolic nature75. In fact, the rst representation of
this type, decorating a loom element, was identied by Vergílio Correia on an exemplar
from the settlement of Outeiro de São Mamede, Óbidos, who described it as »a stone
62 Paço – Arthur 1953; Paço 1954.
63 Paço 1964, 144.
64 Cardoso 1981.
65 Gomes – Domingos 2005, 119.
66 Cardoso 2014a, 287 g. 48, 2; 288 g. 49, 2, 4.
67 Jalhay – Paço 1945, 71 g. 9, 4–9.
68 Paço 1940, 239 g. 1, 8–18; Jalhay – Paço 1945, 75 g. 11, 4–6.
69 Gomes – Domingos 2005, 119.
70 Cardoso 2009c, 78.
71 Cardoso 1995c, 255 g. 2; 257 g. 3, 1.
72 Jalhay – Paço 1945, g. 11, 7, inverted.
73 Gomes – Domingos 2005, 119.
74 Jalhay – Paço 1945, 73 g. 10, 7.
75 Paço 1940.
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75
axe, hafted, complete, drawn in simple lines«76. This piece, redrawn afterwards77, was
also considered a representation of an axe by Leite de Vasconcelos78, who highlighted
the symbolic connotation of the axe to everyday tasks.
132 Thus, and in agreement with José Morais Arnaud79, it can be accepted that
these pieces, while having an obvious practical purpose, in this case weaving, would
also have a communicational aspect, by means of the symbols or ideograms inscribed
on them. These symbols were naturally understood and valued by their users, and
could, at least in some cases, be associated with the artefacts’ functions.
133 ›Cheese moulds‹ (Fig. 31, 1–3): ›Cheese moulds‹ are represented by only nine
exemplars, contrasting with the abundance of loom weights. These are bottomless ves-
sels, with densely perforated walls that formally evoke associations with such a function,
although biochemical studies on their true use have not yet reached denitive conclu-
sions (work in progress at the University of Évora). Their stratigraphic distribution is
restricted to Layer 2, ascribed to the Full/Final Chalcolithic, in accordance with the data
recorded at Leceia, where such pieces were found in the same chrono-cultural phase
80
.
134 The small number of these items indicates that the production of milk-derived
substances, like cheese, was not a signicant activity at this settlement, a conclusion
corroborated by the limited importance of sheep and goats, based on the recovered
faunal remains.
135 In comparison with other settlements, reference should be made to the 25 ex-
amples (21 of which are rims) recovered at Leceia, the 23 pieces, with rims, from Moita
da Ladra81, and the 132 fragments (33 of which are rims) from the Penedo do Lexim
settlement82.
136 These data illustrate what has already been said, based on the dierentiated
presence of loom weights in the most important settlements of the region, i. e. that each
site had specic characteristics, as reected in the clear dierentiation of its economic
activities. Thus, as far as the production of cheese moulds is concerned, their importance
is only apparent at Penedo do Lexim: although the excavated area is the smallest among
the four fortied Chalcolithic settlements under consideration, it yielded the largest
number of ›cheese moulds‹. Outeiro Redondo lies on the opposite end.
137 It seems important to emphasize that the presence of ›cheese moulds‹ in the
settlements of Portuguese Estremadura is exclusively limited to the Full/Final Chalco-
lithic occupations. This corroborates the fact that the ›Secondary Products Revolution‹
was still in full development and diversifying the productions during the second half of
the third millennium BC83.
138 Fireplace supports (Fig. 31, 4): Several fragments of these pieces were col-
lected: nine in contexts of the Early Chalcolithic and seven in contexts of the Full/Final
Chalcolithic.
139 In a previously published study dedicated to this archaeological site, it was
demonstrated that these pieces were associated with contexts relating to the manipula-
tion of re84, having an evident functional nature.
76 Correia 1914, 3.
77 Cardoso – Carreira 2003, 224 g. 68, 4.
78 Vasconcelos 1922.
79 Arnaud 2013.
80 Cardoso 2006.
81 Cardoso 2014a, 289 g. 50; 290 g. 51.
82 Sousa 2010, 136 g. 138; 137 g. 139.
83 Sherratt 1981.
84 Cardoso 2013.
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140 All specimens have, when preserved, a wide and at base, in order to secure
the support of the containers that were placed on the re; although very fragmented,
seven specimens show traces of a mesial cylindrical perforation, in order to facilitate
the heat circulation.
141 In the western sector of the village, no specimens were collected; the east-
ern and northeastern sector of the village provide the largest number of specimens,
in three cases in close proximity to combustion structures
85
. This evidence supports
the functional character of these pieces, directly associated with the domestic use of
re, as has been repeatedly mentioned. This is the case at the fortied Chalcolithic
85 Cardoso 2019b.
31
Fig. 31 Outeiro Redondo. ›Cheese-
moulds‹, replace supports,
melting pots and forge tubes.
Layer 2 (1–3. 6) and Layer 3 (4. 5.
7–9).
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
77
settlements of Vila Nova de São Pedro
86
, Penha Verde
87
, Outeiro Redondo
88
, Leceia
89
and Moita da Ladra
90
.
7.7 Metallurgy
142 Crucibles: The importance of copper metallurgy carried out at the site,
initially recognized due to the presence of a copper ingot in the collection assembled
by Gustavo Marques91, was further underlined with the foundry crucibles recovered
during the excavations. The respective copper alloys have already been addressed, in a
paper dedicated to their study, based upon the pieces collected in the rst phase of the
excavations (2005–2009)92.
143 The evidence for metallurgy increased following the discovery, mainly during
the 2013 to 2016 eld seasons, of abundant fragments of crucibles of various shapes
and types, all incomplete, some with small portions of molten copper adhering to them.
These items were mostly found in Layer 2 and in the northeast sector of the inhabited
space.
144 Layer 3 crucibles are mostly sub-rectangular and deeper than those from
Layer 2 (like the exemplar of Fig. 31, 9). Some of them have cylindrical feet, (like the ex-
emplar of Fig. 31, 5). Crucibles with feet were also found at Zambujal, in Torres Vedras93,
where they were also scarcer than those without feet. Moreover, the crucible shown
in gure 31, 5 is quite similar to the recently published exemplars from the Travessa
das Dores settlement, in Lisbon94, and from Chibanes, Palmela95. At Leceia, the only
recovered exemplar came from Layer 3 (Early Chalcolithic) and also features cylindrical
feet96.
145 In some cases, Layer 2 crucibles tend to be ellipsoidal to sub-circular in shape,
shallow (Fig. 31, 6) and similar to those found at Zambujal, in Torres Vedras97, while
others show a sub-rectangular tendency and are deeper, like those from Layer 3, but all
with a at base, without supporting feet.
146 Regarding the association of crucibles with habitational structures, the follow-
ing evidence stands out, pertaining exclusively to the northeast area of the settlement
(see Fig. 4):
Two concentrations of crucibles were identied in Layer 3: a set of three crucibles
inside the enclosure of hut R, near the base of the large ash dump, surrounded by
a reddish layer, certainly related to the R1 hearth; and another set near structure S.
Regarding Layer 2, two exemplars were found next to structure O1 and another set
of two next to structure X, perhaps belonging to the same piece.
147 ›Tuyeres‹ (furnace tubes) (Fig. 31, 7. 8): Six more or less complete ›tuyeres‹
(furnace tubes) were recovered, all from the northeast sector of the settlement, evenly
distributed between both layers.
86 Jalhay – Paço 1945; Paço – Arthur 1952.
87 Cardoso – Ferreira 1990.
88 Cardoso 2013; Cardoso – Martins 2016/2017; Cardoso – Martins 2018; Cardoso 2019b.
89 Cardoso 2006.
90 Cardoso 2014a.
91 Cardoso 2009a.
92 Pereira et al. 2013.
93 Sangmeister 1995, pl. 14, 9. 10.
94 Neto et al. 2015, 259 g. 29, 13.
95 Silva – Soares 2014, 142 g. 33.
96 Cardoso 2006, 124 g. 85, 10.
97 Sangmeister 1995, pls. 12. 13.
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148 The three furnace tubes from Layer 3 (Fig. 31, 7. 8) were found at the same
spot, associated with hut R, embedded in the ash layer and close to a crucible; there is
no doubt that their occurrence is related to a copper smelting furnace.
149 Regarding Layer 2, the presence of a mesial fragment of a furnace tube asso-
ciated with hearth U stresses the importance of metallurgical activities carried out in
combustion structures integrated in domestic contexts. In the absence of this type of
evidence, such combustion structures could simply be related to cooking or heating.
150 The rarity of ›tuyeres‹ in Portuguese Chalcolithic settlements is indicated by
the scarce reference made to such items in scholarly literature: an incomplete exemplar,
corresponding to the distal end, from the settlement of Moita da Ladra was recently
published98; an almost complete example, very similar to those of Outeiro Redondo,
came to light at Vila Nova de São Pedro99; another one, shorter and more solid, was also
found at Pedra de Ouro100; and, nally, a further exemplar was recovered at the Três
Moínhos settlement, in the cupriferous region of Baixo Alentejo (Beja)101.
151 Interestingly enough, some ›tuyeres‹ found at the Chalcolithic metallurgical
settlement of Cabezo Juré (Huelva, Spain) show dierent characteristics, being shorter
and with larger diameters. This settlement yielded abundant combustion structures
and, in some cases, even the ttings of the ›tuyeres‹ were recorded102. Moreover, the
Cabezo Juré crucibles are similar to those recovered from the Chalcolithic contexts of
the Perdigões site103.
152 It is worth pointing out the small diameter of most Portuguese ›tuyeres‹, per-
haps with the purpose of generating an oxygenated air ow, well directed and tailored
according to the size of the respective combustion structures; actually, the diameters
generally do not exceed 0.50 cm. Note that, to ensure the required adherence of the
leather bellows that were adjusted to the internal face of the two better preserved piec-
es, they feature a regular crenulation, clearly visible in cross section. Finally, two of them
(Fig. 31, 7. 8) may have originally belonged to the same bellows, given their similarity
and spatial proximity thus forming a pair of tubes working in combination, like some
present-day African metallurgical bellows104.
153 Prill and slag (Fig. 32, 1–20): Another testimony of copper smelting are the
prill and slag that were recovered from both stratigraphic layers: Layer 3 yielded ve
items related to hearth J, and there is even one item from the interior of the hearth;
Layer 2 yielded fteen pieces of prill and slag from the interior of hearth U, besides the
parts collected in other places on the site.
154 Utilitarian copper artefacts: A total of 109 metal artefacts were recovered,
of which thirteen belong to Layer 3 and 96 to Layer 2. They were concentrated, in both
layers, in the northeastern sector of the settlement, as this is the best suited area for
domestic occupation. Small utilitarian artefacts dominate in both layers, e. g. awls,
punches, and small chisels with sub-quadrangular to sub-rectangular cross sections
(Fig. 32, 21–25), spatulate knives, sometimes featuring two side notches for hafting,
some undetermined fragments as well as seventeen irregular strips with no denite
shape, perhaps intended for remelting, some with cutting marks along the edges.
98 Cardoso 2014a, 290 g. 51, 11.
99 Jalhay – Paço 1945, pl. 21, 4; Müller – Soares 2008, 99 g. 1.
100 Paço 1966, g. 13 b.
101 Soares 1992, 314 g. 10, 9.
102 Nocete Calvo et al. 2004, 282 g. 13, 8; Nocete – Nocete 2015, 24.
103 Valera – Basílio 2017, 95 g. 8, 11. 12.
104 Chirikure et al. 2009.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
79
32
Fig. 32 Outeiro Redondo.
Metallurgical products. Foundry
drops and slag, awls, chisels and
an intentionally sawn axe edge.
Layer 2 (1–6. 9–17. 19. 21–23.
25–27) and Layer 3 (7. 8. 18. 20.
24).
155 Among the larger artefacts, there are saws or scythes, made from copper
sheets serrated on one side (Fig. 33, 9–12); in some cases, the teeth are dulled, a sign of
intense use. One of these saw blades was found broken, with the two parts juxtaposed, a
sign of intentional folding, probably related to the future reuse of the metal (Fig. 33, 11).
156 Hooks are one of the most interesting objects found at the site; a total of ten
exemplars were recovered (Fig. 33, 1–8). This is the most numerous set ever found at
a prehistoric settlement in Portuguese territory. Moreover, this set includes hooks of
several dierent sizes, intended for the capture of dierent species, a previously unob-
served aspect, now evidenced for the rst time.
157 Three intentionally cut axe edges deserve some consideration as well
(Fig. 32, 26. 27). The reason for sawing o the axe edges is unknown. This is common
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro RedondoMM 62/2021, § 1–189
80
practice in many other Chalcolithic sites, both in Estremadura and in Southwestern
Iberia. Yet, the items concerned show wear marks, as a result of their use. If the purpose
was reshaping the cutting edges, it would not have been necessary to saw them o,
as this is a time-consuming operation with the further disadvantage of progressively
reducing the mass of the pieces, which is essential to their eectiveness. Hammering,
either cold or hot, would be much easier and more appropriate, with the added ad-
vantage of increasing the hardness of the edge. The alternative would be to consider
the so-called at copper axes as ingots, from which raw material could be obtained as
Fig. 33 Outeiro Redondo.
Metallurgical products. Hooks and
saws/sickles, with jagged edge.
Layer 2.
33
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needed. However, there are also some objections to this alternative, rstly because real
ingots, with more or less regular and well-dened shapes, are known from these sites,
e. g. the one recovered by Gustavo Marques prior to the start of the Outeiro Redondo
excavations105; secondly, because the edges of these sawed-o axes often show wear
marks, contrary to the hypothesis that the original artefacts from which they were de-
tached were only simple ingots. Thus, this increases the diculty in explaining why
such edges were produced intentionally and then separated from the axe, as well as the
use marks that some of them clearly show, indicating an eective use of the original
piece. There is, therefore, still a considerable number of aspects to be claried regarding
these enigmatic artefacts.
158 The meaning of this practice was discussed in previous papers and some of
the many known parallels were presented, some of them recently published, e. g. the
exemplar from Moita da Ladra, encompassing Chalcolithic settlements of the Estremad-
ura area and Southwestern Iberia106. Once again, the objectively observed situation can
support two alternative readings: one emphasizing the putative symbolic act of cutting
the edge o a functional object which, due to its importance in daily life, could easily
have gained a particular value in the cognitive superstructure of these populations,
hard to evaluate nowadays; and another, opposite reading, of a strictly functionalist
nature, which sees these copper artefacts, particularly the larger ones, as simple ingots,
from which portions could be cut-o as required, from the distal end, i. e. the cutting
edge.
159 Copper weapons (Fig. 34. 35): Three particular artefacts deserve to be high-
lighted; they were recovered from Layer 2 in 2013, in the northeast sector of the settle-
ment, close to structure N (see Fig. 4):
tanged halberd, with a robust midrib (Fig. 34, 2; 35, 2), an exceptional item in the
context of the Final Chalcolithic production of western Iberia. In fact, the oldest
known halberds in this vast region, represented by the ›Carrapatas‹ type, can be
ascribed to an immediately subsequent period, corresponding to the so-called Mon-
telavar Horizon. The non-tanged halberd, the xation to the cable being ensured
by usually three rivets in the proximal extremity, occurs throughout the Portuguese
Estremadura, and is represented e. g. by the halberd from the Baútas site, near
Lisbon107. Yet another example of this type is the halberd found at the Bell Beaker
necropolis of Humanejos (Madrid, Spain), also featuring a midrib and a three-rivet in
the convex proximal extremity, similar to the Baútas exemplar108, further conrming
the occurrence of this type of halberds in Chalcolithic contexts.
In these terms, the exemplar recovered at Outeiro Redondo in 2013 embodies a
new type of halberd with midrib in western Iberia, more archaic than the examples
referred to above, given the presence of a prominent tang without rivets, corre-
sponding to a clearly Chalcolithic form. This is a unique exemplar, with an absolute
date of 2440–2110 cal BC, at 2 σ109.
double dewlap and spyke arrowhead (Fig. 34, 1; 35, 1) is another piece worth discuss-
ing. Indeed, this exemplar, discovered in 2013 not far from the halberd mentioned
above, could be considered one of the oldest examples of this type of arrowhead.
Bearing in mind the generally accepted morphological evolution of Palmela points,
with the most recent exemplars being lanceolate, with a narrower blade and tending
105 Cardoso 2009a, 86 g. 11, 6.
106 Cardoso 2014a, 291 g. 52, 1.
107 Brandherm 2003, pl. 97, 1380.
108 Blasco Bosqued et al. 2016, 26 g. 6; Garrido-Pena et al. 2019, 45 g. 44.
109 Cardoso et al. 2010/2011.
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to be smaller than the older ones, it is possible to conclude that the barbed and
tanged points might correspond to the nal stage of this evolution. In fact, the nding
of a hybrid exemplar from the Huelva region110, not really much dierent from a
Palmela point, except for the two small basal notches, does support this conclusion.
If this is the case, it would seem reasonable to ascribe the double dewlap and tanged
point from Outeiro Redondo to the nal stage of the site’s occupation, in the last
quarter of the third millennium BC, thus coexisting with the last Palmela points,
which have not been identied at this site. On the other hand, in Outeiro Redondo no
further evidence was identied postdating the end of the Chalcolithic period, which
reinforces the conclusion that this arrowhead is one of the oldest representatives of
this type of point, whose direct aliation to the Palmela points seems to be illustrated
by the exemplar published by Francisco Nocete. This conclusion does not rule out
the possibility that, in other cases where isolated specimens have been recovered at
fortied Chalcolithic settlements, the sites were actually being reoccupied, as in the
case of Vila Nova de São Pedro, Azambuja111 and, probably, also Zambujal112. Thus,
the existence of hybrid examples of metallic weapons is a clear way of demonstrat-
ing phylogenies that would otherwise be less evident.
The third copper artefact that should be highlighted here is the distal part of a sword,
with a slightly curved tip and sectioned by an intentional transversal cut (Fig. 34, 3).
Unfortunately, as the handle part has not been preserved, it is not possible to deter-
mine the type of sword to which this blade section belonged. In any case, this piece
is contemporaneous of a well-known sword with a short-tanged handle from Pinhal
dos Melos, an exceptional product that can be ascribed to the Montelavar Horizon,
dating back to the beginning of the second millennium BC113.
In the case of the Outeiro Redondo exemplar, the intentional sectioning of the blade
would be enough, if the archaeological context was dierent, to connect it with a
ritual, given the deliberate and denitive lack of functional utility of the said piece. In
the domestic context in which it was found, it is not hard to admit that this section of
a sword, along with other intentionally cut items, such as the axes' edges mentioned
above – hence also considered ingot-axes by several authors114 – could have been
intended for local remelting. This hypothesis is well supported by the considerable
evidence for metallurgical activities at the site.
160 With regard to copper alloys, the arsenic content of Chalcolithic copper arte-
facts is deemed unintentional115. A recently published paper dedicated to the Outeiro
Redondo archaeological site already included some considerations on this matter116,
commented by the author117, and this conclusion was recently rearmed with regard
to the 145 Chalcolithic artefacts discovered at Leceia (Oeiras)118.
161 It is possible that, in Estremadura, Chalcolithic copper metallurgy has progres-
sively beneted from dierent sources of raw material. This notion was forwarded for
the rst time in the study of the metallic assemblage from Moita da Ladra, Vila Franca
de Xira119. Thus, in addition to the exploitation of small mineralizations associated with
110 Nocete – Nocete 2015, 46.
111 Soares 2005.
112 Sangmeister 1995, pl. 10, 5.
113 Brandherm 2003, pl. 19, 287.
114 Soares 1992.
115 Cardoso – Guerra 1997/1998.
116 Pereira et al. 2013.
117 Cardoso 2013.
118 Cardoso et al. 2020.
119 Cardoso et al. 2013b.
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late-Hercynian quartz veins widespread over the Ossa Morena Zone120, there would
have been a gradual exploitation of the supergene mineralizations of polymetallic sul-
des of the South Portuguese Zone. Therefore, the pieces with higher levels of arsenic
would have resulted from the growing diversication of the procurement of minerals,
extending, from a certain moment in the second half of the third millennium BC on-
wards, to the cupriferous deposits of Baixo Alentejo and to the exploitation of the ›iron
hats‹ of the pyrite belt121.
120 Müller – Cardoso 2008; Müller – Soares 2008.
121 Pereira et al. 2017.
34
Fig. 34 Outeiro Redondo. Spike
and dewlap arrowhead, tanged
halberd and distal portion of
intentionally sawed sword. Layer 2.
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162 However, the results of the analyses of all recovered materials should be
awaited in order to draw more substantiated conclusions.
163 In short, the data collected so far suggest that this settlement served as an
important metallurgical center. The presence of exceptional weapons further indicates
a dierent social reality from that observed in the large settlements of the same region,
such as Leceia or Zambujal. One should bear in mind the geographical location of the
settlement, away from the main commercial axis connecting Alentejo and Estremadura,
which would be located further east. There was, therefore, an economic reason that
made Outeiro Redondo relevant on a regional scale, to the point where raw materials
imported from other regions, like copper and amphibolite, owed into the settlement,
in order to be transformed and used there.
7.8 Objects of Adornment
164 In the context of the Early Chalcolithic, a single object of adornment was col-
lected; it is a perforated shell of Luria lurida (L., 1758) (Fig. 38, 3) from the northeast
platform, next to the N structure (see Fig. 4).
165 The most likely origin of this adornment is the Algarve coast. Augusto Nobre
reports that he collected rolled shells of this species in Cabo de Santa Maria (Faro)122.
122 Nobre 1932, 129.
35
Fig. 35 Outeiro Redondo. 1 Spike
and dewlap arrowhead; 2 tanged
halberd.
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More recently, the species’ distribution has been extended to the Olhão
estuary, being especially mentioned in Tavira and surroundings123,
presuming, in the absence of other indications, that they were living
specimens. This conclusion is added to that obtained on the origin of
other shells used as adornments in Estremadura in contexts of the Late
Neolithic or Chalcolithic as the two beads of Conus mediterraneus Bru-
guière, 1792124, collected in the caves of the Poço Velho, Cascais125.
166 In contexts of the Full/Final Chalcolithic there were ve neck-
lace beads, four in green mineral, discoid in shape and with double
troncoconic perforations, made from both sides, all collected in Layer 2
(three in the northeast sector and two in the western sector of the set-
tlement). This set of green stone beads must have similar origins as the
majority of specimens collected in the Chalcolithic sites of the region
(Penha Verde, Leceia and Moita da Ladra), namely the Zamora region
(mines of Palazuelo de las Cuevas126).
167 One piece stands out in the context of Chalcolithic gold produc-
tion in the Iberian Peninsula. It is a ne plate of beaten gold, later wrin-
kled, with a geometric reticulated decoration forming horizontal lines
of lozenges apparently obtained by hammering a narrow and elongated punch, and
laterally topped o by two thin, wider, parallel lines (Fig. 36). It was collected between
Wall G and Wall V, in the northeast sector of the settlement, next to the rocky substrate,
in a Full/Final Chalcolithic context. It is a very rare specimen within the peninsular
framework, with similarities to the La Pijotilla (Badajoz) specimen127, which comprises
a set of ve plates of nely beaten gold, also decorated with thin lozenges lled inside.
In this respect, it also approaches the deformed tube plate, collected in the village of
Moita da Ladra128. It is worth emphasizing now, and while the respective detailed study
has not been completed, the conformity between its decorative pattern and the patterns
present in the Chalcolithic ceramic production in the region.
123 Macedo et al. 1999, 148.
124 Nobre 1932, 73.
125 Cardoso – Guerreiro 2001/2002.
126 Odriozola et al. 2013.
127 Celestino Pérez – Blanco Fernández 2006.
128 Cardoso 2014a, 293 g. 54, 13.
Fig. 36 Outeiro Redondo. Beaten
and folded gold leaf, decorated by
rows of lozenges lled internally
by lattice. Layer 2.
36
37
Fig. 37 Outeiro Redondo. Head of
a naturalistic anthropomorphic
statuette, made of bone or ivory
darkened by heat. Layer 2.
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7.9 Ideotechnic Objects
168 Among all the objects that can be included in this category there is an anthro-
pomorphic statuette, of which only the head, made of bone or ivory darkened by heat,
was preserved. It was recovered from Layer 2, in the western sector of the settlement.
This is a major gure, clearly dierent from the objects recently discovered at the Per-
Fig. 38 Outeiro Redondo.
Adornment and symbolic-
religious objects. Perforated
shell of Luria lurida (L.,
1758); limestone and basic
rock cylinders (10), one of
them bearing ›facial tattoos‹
(9), anthropomorphic head
of a statuette made of bone
or darkened ivory (4) and
the rst phalanx of Equus
caballus L., 1758, whose
polishing accentuated its
anthropomorphic shape.
Layer 2 (1. 2. 4–8. 10. 11)
and Layer 3 (3. 9). 38
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digões archaeological complex, Reguengos de Monsaraz129, which have clear aliations
with the numerous known Andalusian examples, like the gurines found at Valencina
de la Concepción (Seville, Spain)130, with large eyes, facial tattoos and sometimes well-
marked eyebrows.
169 By contrast, the Outeiro Redondo exemplar has a distinctive naturalist ap-
pearance, with a straight nose, straight and well-marked supraciliary arches and a small
mouth, which suggests this unique exemplar represents a new type (Fig. 37; 38, 4).
170 Other ideotechnic objects deserve to be mentioned as well:
• A rst phalanx of horse (Equus caballus L.) well polished, in order to enhance its
natural anthropomorphic outline, recovered at the northeast end of the settlement
(Fig. 38, 11). Such pieces are common in Chalcolithic necropolises of Estremadura
and Southwestern Iberia, and are less frequent in settlements. In the Portuguese
Estremadura, several instances are known from Leceia, Olelas and Vila Nova de São
Pedro131 and, more recently, Alcalar, Portimão132, in the Algarve region.
The Outeiro Redondo exemplar indicates the existence of domestic altars dedicated
to a Chalcolithic female deity. It could have been painted, the paint thus replacing
the anthropomorphic engraving of the characteristic attributes, as they are remark-
ably evidenced by the two phalanges discovered at Lapa da Bugalheira, in Torres
Novas133, which, along with completely undecorated specimens, just like the Outeiro
Redondo one, belonged to a sanctuary located on
one side of the cave. The specimens of Lapa da
Bugalheira are identical to several decorated rst
phalanxes from Perdigões134, evidencing the broad
geographic distribution of these pieces of ritual
character, or at least of the artistic conception that
underlies them, bringing together very dierent
worlds, the western peninsular and the Guadiana
basin.
• The cylindrical limestone idols, not-decorated
(but possibly painted) or bearing the well-known
facial tattoos, present in both chrono-cultural
phases recorded at Outeiro Redondo, emphasize
the existence of small domestic altars within the
inhabited space (Fig. 38, 5–10). The larger idol, the
only one made from diorite rock, with traces of
reuse (Fig. 38, 10), deserves to be highlighted, as
it demonstrates the loss of the original symbolic
meaning of the representation to which it was ini-
tially associated. A similar incident was recorded
at the Leceia settlement, where a limestone cylin-
der with facial tattoos was transformed into a pes-
tle/hammerstone, causing the partial mutilation of
the tattoos135.
• Two small fragments of schist plaques (Fig. 38, 1. 2)
both collected in the northeast area of the settle-
129 Valera – Evangelista 2014; Valera 2020.
130 Hurtado 1980.
131 Cardoso 1995a.
132 Morán Hernández 2018, 173.
133 Cardoso 1995b.
134 Valera 2020.
135 Cardoso 1989, 116 g. 110, 8.
Fig. 39 Outeiro Redondo. In
the foreground, partial view of
the pavement of Hut R (Early
Chalcolithic), where a small hole
was dug to receive a large shell of
Mytilus sp. In the background the
stratigraphic sequence observed,
formed from bottom to top by
a layer of ash resulting from the
re that reached this sector of
the settlement, overlaid by a dark
brown earthy layer with spoils
of the Full/Final Chalcolithic, on
which the Hut O is founded,
represented by the alignment of
blocks that occupy the top of the
cut (see Fig. 4).
39
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ment and in a context of the Full/Final Chalcolithic. They are very worn and frag-
mented, evidence of a long domestic use, probably as amulets or relics connected
with ancestor worship, as the funeral character of these pieces is evident.
Fragments of reused shale plaques in funerary and domestic contexts in Estremad-
ura and Alentejo are good indicators of the maintenance of their symbolic mean-
ing136. Three pieces were recently published from the necropolis of Lapa do Fumo,
Sesimbra, located next to Outeiro Redondo137.
In domestic Chalcolithic contexts the presence of reused slate plaques has recently
been inventoried138. Being scarce, its occurrence is not rare, as is the case of the for-
tied site of Vila Nova de São Pedro139. Complete plaques are the exception, such as
the example found at the settlement of Pedrão, Setúbal140. Most of the extant plaques
are reduced to very small sizes with a sometimes rounded contour, like one of the
pieces collected in the fortied site of Zambujal, Torres Vedras141.
As relics, their use extends well beyond the time when they were manufactured, but
their production must have continued, in some cases, throughout the Chalcolithic.
A fragment (Fig. 38, 2) shows a decorative pattern which is rare among this type
of artefact, but very similar to the one seen on a Chalcolithic limestone cylinder,
collected in the Correio-Mor cave, Loures142.
8 Rituals
171 Despite the remarkable assemblage of ideotechnic objects recovered at the
site, none of them can be directly associated with any domestic place of cult. However,
such practices are well documented in the settlement by two contexts that we were able
to isolate.
172 One of them, ascribed to the Early Chalcolithic, involved the placement of
a mussel shell (Mytilus sp.), of exceptional dimensions, inside a small sub-trapezoidal
shallow pit dug into the Upper Jurassic limestones of the bedrock (Fig. 39) located inside
hut R, in the northeast sector of the settlement (see Fig. 4). As this ritual deposit would
necessarily be covered by the ground oor of the hut, it is not unreasonable to think
that it was related to a foundational ceremony, ultimately of the settlement itself. In
fact, this practice would encompass not only the habitational structure to which it was
directly related, but also the very settlement space to be occupied, the hut itself being
the rst stage. In these terms, the decision to bury a large mollusc from the nearby coast,
of high dietary interest and of exceptional size, more than 12 cm long, can be explained
by stressing the importance of the sea and the resources obtained from it in the daily
dietary economy of the community that settled here.
173 In fact, the gathering of shellsh and other marine resources played an im-
portant role in the diet, despite their low protein content. The identied species re-
veal the exploitation of various types of coastal environments, from rocky to sandy or
sandy-muddy sea oors, accessed directly or using devices handled from boats or by
diving. The procurement of the various species of molluscs identied at this site could
be conducted with varying intensity and frequency according to subsistence needs,
distance-to-time ratios, or exploitation costs and benets depending on the quantity and
136 Gonçalves et al. 2003; Lillios 2010; Cardoso – Vilaça 2020.
137 Cardoso – Vilaça 2020.
138 Andrade et al. 2015.
139 Jalhay – Paço 1945, 44 g. 5, 1. 3. 4.
140 Soares – Silva 1975.
141 Kunst 2017, 206 g. 11.
142 Cardoso 2003b, 290 g. 30, 3.
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quality of the available resources. And also depending
on the traditions, habits and dietary preferences of
the various communities that successively inhabited
Outeiro Redondo, according to the conclusions al-
ready published143.
174 Some coeval parallels are known from oth-
er residential contexts of Estremadura: at Vila Nova
de São Pedro, a ritual ceremony was held involving
the burial of at least one bovine animal or parts of
it144, and at the settlement of Carrascal, in Oeiras, two
portions of domestic ox hemimandibles were de-
posited at the bottom of a circular ditch dug into the
Cretaceous limestones and marls145, highlighting the
dietary importance of this animal, thus ritualized, in
the economy of the communities living at these two
settlements. This can easily be paralleled with the role
played by marine resources at Outeiro Redondo.
175 Two decorated ceramic vessels (Fig. 28) rit-
ually placed side by side in an inverted position and at
a depth of only 10 cm, were recovered at the western
sector of the settlement, on the inner side of one of
the alignments of large blocks (forming a parapet) of
Wall G (Fig. 40). One is a large globular vessel with an
inverted and thickened rim, bending inwards, and
uted geometric decoration on the body. The second
one is a large bowl, with a thickened rim and a prom-
inent, strongly convex lip, with uted geometric dec-
oration on the inner wall. Both feature good quality
pastes, with a medium texture, hard and red in oxidizing-reductive environments.
Due to their low depth and position, these vessels can be related to the nal phase of
occupation of the Chalcolithic settlement, and thus to a ceremony of abandonment of
the archaeological site itself. This ritual deposition was compared with other sites and
other periods, and widely discussed in a paper dedicated to this particular nd146.
176 We would thus have recorded the two key moments in the life of this pre-
historic settlement: its possible foundation, marked by a ritual that enhanced marine
resources, essential to the daily life of the settlers, and its abandonment, symbolically
embodied by the way in which two vessels, of excellent manufacture indeed, were
deposited, expressing the ultimate loss of their usefulness.
9 Conclusive Synthesis
177 The main conclusions obtained from the series of excavations carried out
between 2005 and 2016 at the fortied Chalcolithic settlement of Outeiro Redondo can
be summarized as follows:
143 Coelho – Cardoso 2010/2011.
144 Paço 1943.
145 Cardoso 2009b, 363 g. 7.
146 Cardoso 2011b.
Fig. 40 Outeiro Redondo.
View of the western sector of
Wall G, formed by successive
longitudinally adjoining panels,
on which the two containers were
inverted (see Figs. 4. 28).
40
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1) The importance of various economic activities, closely linked to daily life, has
been demonstrated147. A wide range of raw materials supporting the elaboration
and/or use of artefacts at the Outeiro Redondo settlement was identied, revealing
an optimised exploitation of the territory and an ecient resource management.
This also supported the evident interactions with other, more or less remote regions,
through the acquisition/reception of goods, from a local level to a supra-regional
scale. The presence of exogenous elements such as amphibolite, jasper or oolitic
int (and rhyolite), must be considered within this resource procurement logic, or,
as consequence of a high mobility of a segment of this population, although nothing
indicates the use of these resources within a scheme of ›sumptuous consumption‹ of
›prestige goods‹ reserved for ›local elites‹. On the contrary, evidence shows that these
artefacts were integrated in undierentiated domestic activities, as demonstrated by
the use-wear marks that some of them bear.
2) Metallurgical practices have been documented since the earliest occupation of the
site, by the end of Initial Chalcolithic, increasing during the Full/Final Chalcolithic.
The importance of these practices is one of the dominant aspects of the economic ac-
tivities documented at this site. In this regard, the recovery of a considerable number
of crucibles of dierent types, along with several ›tuyeres‹, is noteworthy. Indeed,
this is one of the most important assemblages ever recorded in contemporaneous
contexts in Portuguese territory.
In order to support this intense metallurgic activity, carried out in domestic combus-
tion structures, the copper supply to the settlement would have to be constant, and
it is quite plausible that the required ores were procured in the Alto Alentejo region,
like in the case of Leceia, but it cannot be ruled out that the diversication of sources
already included Baixo Alentejo.
3) Other specialized domestic activities were documented as well, such as weaving;
eight weights, indicating the presence of a loom, were identied in the northeast
sector of the settlement, inside hut R. The abundance of loom weights at this settle-
ment conrms the relevance of weaving activities, while the limited production of
dairies is evidenced by the meagre number of only nine ›cheese mould‹ fragments
recovered at the site, exclusively dated to the Full/Final Chalcolithic (Layer 2), as
usual in the Chalcolithic contexts of Estremadura.
178 Fishing is expressively represented by several copper hooks; for the rst time,
selective shing was documented through the dierences in the size of the recovered
hooks, notwithstanding the use of shing nets, evidenced by the presence of several
grooved stone net sinkers.
179 Among the recovered ornaments, the highlights are the small set of green
rocks, probably variscite beads, and a bead made from a Luria lurida L. shell. Concerning
the perforated shell, its provenance from the Algarve is the most likely, since this is the
only region where this species has been recorded so far in Portuguese territory; some
specimens are known from other Chalcolithic sites, such as Porto Torrão (excavations
performed by the Neoépica, Lda. Archaeology Company).
180 The analyses carried out so far on beads made from the same mineral, found
at neighbouring settlements (Moita da Ladra, Leceia and Penha Verde), indicate the
Palazuelo de las Cuevas mine, in Zamora (Spain) as the raw material source, contrary
to what might be expected, given the greater proximity of the Encinasola mine, in Pico
Centeno, Badajoz (Spain). The nding of a gold leaf decorated with incised geometric
motifs, which will be the subject of a future study, should be emphasised, since it em-
bodies the existence of a local elite, associated with a small but very signicant set of
artefacts related to the emerging warrior segment of society, expressively represented
147 Agriculture is indirectly present by some artifacts discussed above.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
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by the remarkable halberd and the distal end of a sword, sectioned by sawing, possi-
bly the oldest exemplar ever found in Portugal. Both pieces, like the gold jewel, were
recovered in the northeast sector of the settlement, corresponding to the only existing
platform within the inhabited space.
181 The religious superstructure is documented by the occurrence of cylindrical
limestone idols, which support the existence of domestic altars, as in other coeval settle-
ments. Other types of ideotechnic objects were recovered as well, the most outstanding
one being the head of a substantial anthropomorphic statue, which can be ascribed to
the most recent occupation of the site. The typology of its face is quite unique, making
it an extremely relevant object in the context of the ideotechnic production of Western
Iberia.
182 The social status of the Chalcolithic population that occupied Outeiro Redondo
explains these facts. In addition to an intense metallurgical activity, which would be
practiced by specialized craftsmen, weaving, another specialized activity, was also very
important, as evidenced by the abundance of loom weights, countering the scarcity
of these elements in settlements of larger dimension and higher importance, such as
Leceia, where loom weights are very scarce, even though they were known since the
Initial Chalcolithic148.
183 This fact suggests that, between the Early and Full/Final Chalcolithic, the Out-
eiro Redondo settlers were the specialized elite of a community, whose main population
would have lived outside the walled enclosure. In fact, besides artefacts related to the
warrior elites, such as a copper halberd of a new typology, the fauna of mammals indi-
cates an essentially hunting-related subsistence. This fact also suggests a dierent way
of life, as compared to what is usually found in settlements such as Zambujal, in Torres
Vedras149, Penedo do Lexim, in Mafra150 and Leceia, in Oeiras151, among others, in which
livestock played a relevant role in the subsistence of its populations. The predominance
of hunted fauna has been documented in the Bell Beaker contexts of Monte da Tumba,
corresponding to the nal stage of the site’s occupation152, and can be explained, as in
Outeiro Redondo, by the presence of a specic segment of the community with a higher
social status.
184 Thus, the prestige of the small Outeiro Redondo community would be reect-
ed in the captured species, dominated by deer but also including aurochs, an animal
that, due to its large dimensions and aggressiveness, would have been a coveted prey.
185 When discussing these issues, one must also take into account the almost
absolute absence of Bell Beaker ceramic productions. Considering Outeiro Redondo’s
location and time frame, i. e. a region and a period where these productions were of
prime importance, the fact that the inhabitants of Outeiro Redondo did not adopt such
ceramic productions in their everyday life, can only be explained by the fact that they
deliberately rejected them153, as it also happened at Penedo do Lexim, Mafra154.
186 This means that, contrary to what has been stated so far, the genesis and
development of such ceramics in the region did not follow a linear path. In terms of
such a modality, it would be expected that their presence would gradually increase over
time, following the production of the ›acacia leaf‹ and ›cruciferae‹ group.
187 Instead, several dierent modalities may have been followed and some pro-
ductions could have been adopted by certain communities and not by others, even
148 Cardoso 2006.
149 Driesch – Boessneck 1976.
150 Driesch – Richter 1976; Moreno-García – Sousa 2015.
151 Cardoso – Detry 2001/2002.
152 Antunes 1987.
153 Cardoso 2017.
154 Sousa 2010.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro RedondoMM 62/2021, § 1–189
92
though they were neighbours and contemporaneous155. See, for example, the abundance
of Bell Beaker productions both in the fortied Chalcolithic settlement of Rotura156, and
Chibanes157. This would indicate a considerable exibility and variety, in terms of times
and modes, in the way the Bell Beaker ceramics were incorporated into the material
culture of the populations inhabiting the Lower Estremadura region.
188 Lastly, let us highlight the practice of two rituals, one possibly related to the
foundation of the Chalcolithic settlement itself, the other probably related to its aban-
donment.
Acknowledgements
189 The excavation works that started in 2005 at Outeiro Redondo were only pos-
sible thanks to the support of several institutions and people that must be mentioned
here. Noteworthy, is the collaboration provided over the years by dozens of Archaeol-
ogy students from dierent Universities, to whom the results are due: Universidade de
Lisboa, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Universidade de Coimbra, Universidade Aberta
(Lisboa) and Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa. The former Instituto Português de Ar-
queologia (IPA) and the Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian partly supported the 2005 to
2007 and 2008 eld seasons, respectively; works carried out between 2013 and 2015
were fully supported by the Sesimbra Municipality. The author wishes to express his
gratitude to Mr. João Pinhal, retired municipal employee of this local authority, for his
commitment, dedication and the aection he has always devoted to the archaeological
works carried out since 2013. Finally, I would like to thank Filipe Martins for the support
he gave me, both in carrying out the eld work and in the oce work, owing him all the
drawings that make up the present work.
155 Cardoso 2014b.
156 Gonçalves 1971.
157 Silva – Soares 2014.
João Luís Cardoso The Fortied Chalcolithic Settlement of Outeiro Redondo MM 62/2021, § 1–189
93
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