Article

Unravelling the Interconnections of Immigration, Precarious Labour and Racism Across the Life Course

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Abstract

This paper contributes to the growing body of work on precarious labor, immigration, and social gerontology by examining the racialization of precarious employment across the life course. In particular, the authors examine the impact of precarious employment and discrimination among racialized older immigrants in Canada. Racialized older immigrants are more likely to be disadvantaged by the effects of lifelong intersections of economic and social discrimination rooted in racialization, gender, ageism, and socio-economic status. Drawing from a narrative-photovoice project that focused on the life stories of older immigrants living in Quebec and British Columbia, this paper presents the in-depth stories and photographs of four participants to highlight how intersections of race, gender, age, immigration status, and ability shape and structure experiences of aging, labor market participation and caregiving relationships.

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... Il ne faut pas manquer de souligner le fait que l'éducation acquise dans d'autres parties du monde n'est pas habituellement reconnue par les employeurs et le gouvernement canadiens, ce qui limite fortement la mobilité socioéconomique des personnes immigrantes. Cette réalité oblige les immigrants à occuper des emplois mal payés, trop souvent dangereux, et à cumuler plusieurs emplois ou à travailler de longues heures (ou les deux) pour joindre les deux bouts (Ferrer, Brotman, & Koehn, 2022). ...
... En général, en matière d'emploi, les gouvernements doivent se pencher sur les droits des travailleurs âgés, en accordant une attention particulière au marché du travail secondaire et au travail domestique où travaillent de nombreux immigrants âgés. Il faut notamment veiller à améliorer la rémunération, les conditions de travail, l'accès aux prestations pour le remplacement des revenus en raison d'infection ou effets économiques de la COVID-19, et le respect des règles de santé et de sécurité au travail (Ferrer et al., 2022). Le gouvernement fédéral doit également envisager d'améliorer le processus et la rapidité avec lesquels les personnes obtiennent le statut de résident permanent. ...
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Résumé Malgré l’attention renouvelée de plusieurs médias sur la question des risques liés à la COVID-19 au sein de diverses communautés marginalisées au Québec, nous entendons encore très peu parler des personnes âgées immigrantes et de leurs proches. Dans cette note sur les politiques et pratiques, nous aborderons l’expérience du contexte pandémique chez les personnes âgées immigrantes montréalaises et leurs réseaux. Nous présenterons d’abord quelques données sociodémographiques sur les immigrants âgés montréalais. Nous exposerons ensuite nos constats sur les impacts de la COVID-19 sur les personnes âgées immigrantes, en particulier en ce qui concerne l’accès aux soins de la santé et aux services sociaux, la proche-aidance, l’emploi et le logement, à partir de nos travaux et de la littérature en gérontologie sociale. Nous terminerons en proposant quelques recommandations qui permettraient d’améliorer l’inclusion sociale des personnes âgées immigrantes et de leurs proches, autant en matière de politiques publiques que de pratiques sur le terrain.
... Accessing services and settling in Canada pose multiple challenges for older adult INRs from Arabic-Speaking communities and this is mirrored in other studies on INR populations [7,[21][22][23][24][25][26]. Participants in our study, despite being connected to a social service organization, reported insufficient support in several areas. ...
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... Common concerns are devaluation in the labour market in terms of education and skills and discrimination (Akkaymak, 2016;Premji & Shakya, 2017;Salami et al., 2020). Prior Canadian research indicates concerns with employment (Liu, 2019), in particular for older immigrants (Ferrer et al., 2022), African immigrants (Salami et al., 2020), and immigrant women (Premji & Shakya, 2017;Wing et al., 2019). Overall, immigrants often fare worse than non-immigrants in terms of poverty (Kazemipur & Halli, 2000, 2001a, 2001b. ...
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In Canada, many immigrants and migrant workers face multiple levels of exploitation as employers further reduce costs of production. This article considers the proliferation of temporary labour recruitment agencies hiring migrant and immigrant workers as well as current organizing and campaigning against the exploitative practices of the temporary recruitment agency industry in Québec. Drawing from critical labour scholarship and the authors' engagement in immigrant labour justice struggles, we argue that, given the expansion of temporary foreign worker programs and continued attacks on unions, temp agency work and other forms of precarious work can no longer be seen as being at the margins of labour. The presence and proliferation of agency work in the context of the ongoing restructuring of work, and the existence of a pool of precarious migrant and immigrant workers acts as a de-regulatory force in labour markets. We argue that temporary agency workers' conditions and struggles for labour justice must be contextualized in relation to broader historical and contemporary trends in national and global labour as well as immigration and economic policymaking. Finally, we place in dialogue knowledge and learning arising from a Montreal immigrant workers' centre with strategies to defend agency workers' and day labourers' rights in other contexts.
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Different migration theories generate competing hypotheses with regard to determinants of return migration. While neoclassical migration theory associates migration to the failure to integrate at the destination, the new economics of labour migration sees return migration as the logical stage after migrants have earned sufficient assets and knowledge and to invest in their origin countries. The projected return is then likely to be postponed for sustained or indefinite periods if integration is unsuccessful. So, from an indication or result of integration failure return is rather seen as a measure of success. Drawing on recent survey data (N = 2,832), this article tests these hypotheses by examining the main determinants of return intention among Moroccan migrants across Europe. The results indicate that structural integration through labour market participation, education and the maintenance of economic and social ties with receiving countries do not significantly affect return intentions. At the same time, investments and social ties to Morocco are positively related, and socio-cultural integration in receiving countries is negatively related to return migration intentions. The mixed results corroborate the idea that there is no uniform process of (return) migration and that competing theories might therefore be partly complementary.
Article
Over the last two decades, women have organized against the almost routine violence that shapes their lives. Drawing from the strength of shared experience, women have recognized that the political demands of millions speak more powerfully than the pleas of a few isolated voices. This politicization in turn has transformed the way we understand violence against women. For example, battering and rape, once seen as private (family matters) and aberrational (errant sexual aggression), are now largely recognized as part of a broad-scale system of domination that affects women as a class. This process of recognizing as social and systemic what was formerly perceived as isolated and individual has also characterized the identity politics of people of color and gays and lesbians, among others. For all these groups, identity-based politics has been a source of strength, community, and intellectual development. The embrace of identity politics, however, has been in tension with dominant conceptions of social justice. Race, gender, and other identity categories are most often treated in mainstream liberal discourse as vestiges of bias or domination-that is, as intrinsically negative frameworks in which social power works to exclude or marginalize those who are different. According to this understanding, our liberatory objective should be to empty such categories of any social significance. Yet implicit in certain strands of feminist and racial liberation movements, for example, is the view that the social power in delineating difference need not be the power of domination; it can instead be the source of political empowerment and social reconstruction. The problem with identity politics is not that it fails to transcend difference, as some critics charge, but rather the opposite- that it frequently conflates or ignores intra group differences. In the context of violence against women, this elision of difference is problematic, fundamentally because the violence that many women experience is often shaped by other dimensions of their identities, such as race and class. Moreover, ignoring differences within groups frequently contributes to tension among groups, another problem of identity politics that frustrates efforts to politicize violence against women. Feminist efforts to politicize experiences of women and antiracist efforts to politicize experiences of people of color' have frequently proceeded as though the issues and experiences they each detail occur on mutually exclusive terrains. Al-though racism and sexism readily intersect in the lives of real people, they seldom do in feminist and antiracist practices. And so, when the practices expound identity as "woman" or "person of color" as an either/or proposition, they relegate the identity of women of color to a location that resists telling. My objective here is to advance the telling of that location by exploring the race and gender dimensions of violence against women of color. Contemporary feminist and antiracist discourses have failed to consider the intersections of racism and patriarchy. Focusing on two dimensions of male violence against women-battering and rape-I consider how the experiences of women of color are frequently the product of intersecting patterns of racism and sexism, and how these experiences tend not to be represented within the discourse of either feminism or antiracism... Language: en
Article
The life course has emerged over the past 30 years as a major research paradigm. Distinctive themes include the relation between human lives and a changing society, the timing of lives, linked or interdependent lives, and human agency. Two lines of research converged in the formation of this paradigm during the 1960s; one was associated with an older "social relationship" tradition that featured intergenerational studies, and the other with more contemporary thinking about age. The emergence of a life course paradigm has been coupled with a notable decline in socialization as a research framework and with its incorporation by other theories. Also, the field has seen an expanding interest in how social change alters people's lives, an enduring perspective of sociological social psychology.
Article
In this article we develop a theoretical framework attuned to the relationship between discourses of security, race/racialization, and foreignness. Applying this framework to three historic instances of Canadian national insecurity (Japanese-Canadian internment, the Front de libération du Québec crisis, and the Kanehsatake/Oka crisis), we argue that “foreignness” is produced and regulated in historically specific ways with consequences for how “the nation” is viewed. We demonstrate how this is especially evident in relation to racialized constructions of “internal dangerous foreigners.” Our framework and findings invite larger disciplinary consideration of the post-September 11 security environment both in and outside Canada.
Article
Shifts in Canada’s immigration policy, most recently linked to the Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP) with the US and Mexico, have created an increased reliance on temporary migrant workers, who constitute a disposable workforce, driven from their own countries by the same forces of neoliberal capitalism which foster their super-exploitation in the Canadian labour market. In this article, the operation of two migrant worker programmes, the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP) and Live-in Caregiver Program (LCP), are considered in the context of the province of British Columbia. The various means by which migrant workers are maintained in a state of vulnerability, available as a pool of cheap labour but excluded from belonging to the nation, are discussed. The article concludes by examining examples and further possibilities of alliances across social movements in BC in order to advance the struggle for human dignity.
Article
This qualitative study explores the international migration patterns and the family lives of older adults. Informants (N = 54) reported that they came to the United States to help out their grown children with housekeeping, child care, and domestic economizing. They described how they strategically navigated U.S. immigration laws choosing to visit, immigrate, or naturalize in order to balance their ties to the United States and their homeland. Their transnational loyalties sometimes led to lives that did not strictly match their visa categories. There were “permanent” temporary visitors, U.S. permanent residents who maintained a “permanent” home elsewhere, and U.S. citizens who had naturalized in order to spend more time abroad. Implications of the findings for immigration policy and family practice are discussed.
Escape, retreat, revolt: Queer people of colour living in Montreal: Using photovoice as a tool for community organizing
  • E O Lee
Lee, E.O. (2012). Escape, retreat, revolt: Queer people of colour living in Montreal: Using photovoice as a tool for community organizing. In A. Choudry; J. Hanley, and E. Shragge (Eds.), Organize! Building from the local for global justice. PM Press. 82-95.
The history of immigration and racism in Canada: Essential readings
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Canada's economic apartheid: The social exclusion of racialized groups in the new century
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The economic exclusion of racialized communities: A statistical profile
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Niche employment or occupational segmentation? Immigrant women working in the settlement sector in Germany and Canada. Ryerson Centre for Immigration and Settlement
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Jayaraman, S., & Bauder, H. (2013/2014). Niche employment or occupational segmentation? Immigrant women working in the settlement sector in Germany and Canada. Ryerson Centre for Immigration and Settlement.
True test of reconciliation: Respect the indigenous right to say no
  • P Palmater
Palmater, P. (2018). True test of reconciliation: Respect the indigenous right to say no. Canadian Dimension, 52(1), 6-7.
Return migration as failure or success? the determinants of return migration intentions among Moroccan migrants in Europe
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de Haas, H., Fokkema, T., & Fihri, M. F. (2015). Return migration as failure or success? the determinants of return migration intentions among Moroccan migrants in Europe. Journal of International Migration and Integration, 16(2), 415-429. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-014-0344-6