ArticlePDF Available

Come As You Are: Examining Autistic Identity Development and the Neurodiversity Movement through an Intersectional Lens

Authors:

Abstract

Singer intended for neurodiversity to be a new category of intersectionality. However, intersectionality has been neglected in autism research and practice. This paper aims to inform an intersectional approach to autism by exploring autistic identity development in relation to other marginalized identities. We reviewed literature about neurodiversity, intersectionality, discrimination, and the identity development of autistic people, racial/ethnic minorities, and gender and sexual minorities. We discuss minority stress and evidence that cultural traditions alleviate it. Autistic culture can reframe personal difficulties as a politicized struggle. While the stereotype of autism is one of withdrawal, the history of autistic people coming together for justice defies this notion. Intersectionality teaches us that we must understand differences within the autistic community if we wish to help all autistic people experience the dignity they deserve. Using an intersectional lens, we can become more flexible in our understanding of positive autistic identity development and strategies to promote it.
1
Come As You Are: Examining Autistic Identity Development and the Neurodiversity
Movement through an Intersectional Lens
Monique Botha1 & Kristen Gillespie-Lynch2
1Division of Psychology, University of Stirling, Stirling, FK9 4LA, Scotland. ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5935-9654
2Department of Psychology, College of Staten Island & The Graduate Center, CUNY, Staten
Island, NY 10314, USA
Address for correspondence:
Monique Botha
Division of Psychology
University of Stirling
Stirling
FK9 4LA
Scotland UK
Email: m.d.botha@stir.ac.uk
Kristen Gillespie-Lynch
Department of Psychology, 4S-103
College of Staten Island, CUNY
2800 Victory Boulevard
2
Staten Island, NY 10314
Phone: (718) 982-4121
Keywords: Autistic identity, Cultural development, Development, Family relations,
Intersectionality, Neurodiversity
3
Abstract
Singer intended for neurodiversity to be a new category of intersectionality. However,
intersectionality has been neglected in autism research and practice. This paper aims to inform
an intersectional approach to autism by exploring autistic identity development in relation to
other marginalized identities. We reviewed literature about neurodiversity, intersectionality,
discrimination, and the identity development of autistic people, racial/ethnic minorities, and
gender and sexual minorities. We discuss minority stress and evidence that cultural traditions
alleviate it. Autistic culture can reframe personal difficulties as a politicized struggle. While
the stereotype of autism is one of withdrawal, the history of autistic people coming together
for justice defies this notion. Intersectionality teaches us that we must understand differences
within the autistic community if we wish to help all autistic people experience the dignity they
deserve. Using an intersectional lens, we can become more flexible in our understanding of
positive autistic identity development and strategies to promote it.
4
Come As You Are: Examining Autistic Identity Development and the Neurodiversity
Movement through an Intersectional Lens
“We must, then, assume that these children have come into the world with innate
inability to form the usual, biologically provided affective contact with people” (Kanner,
1943, p. 250). Thus concluded the paper that was erroneously lionized as the origin of the
diagnostic category “autism” for over 50 years. Although increasingly critiqued (e.g., Jaswal
& Akhtar, 2019), Kanner’s assumption animated stereotypes about autism that were once so
widespread that the first autistic people to share their experiences being autistic initially
introduced themselves as “recovered” from autism (Pripas-Kapit, 2020). Over the last decade,
we have learned that Kanner potentially plagiarized aspects of his “new” diagnostic category
from Asperger and that Asperger sent autistic children to be “euthanized” on the basis of
perceived burdensomeness in Nazi-governed Austria (Sheffer, 2018; Silberman, 2015).
Asperger may also have plagiarized aspects of his account of “autistic psychopathy” from a
paper written by a Russian female psychologist, Sukhareva, in 1925 (Zeldovich, 2018).
Contemporarily, the diagnostic category “autism” is still reified within the DSM-5 as a social-
communication disorder which must involve some degree of suffering, and which, according
to some, should be prevented, cured, and eradicated (Chapman & Carel, in press; Jellett &
Muggleton, 2022; Orsini & Smith, 2010).
As we learn more about the twisted origins of the diagnostic category “autism,” it
becomes increasingly unsurprising that many autistic people have called for a fundamental
shift in how autism research and practice are conducted. A central premise of our paper is that
autistic people have reframed the diagnostic category “autism,” once conceptualized as an
5
innate inability to connect socially, into a social identity which they use as a rallying call for
collective action, often under the banner of the neurodiversity movement (Kapp, 2020).
In the late 1990s, Singer (2017) and Blume (1998) coined the term neurodiversity, or
the uniqueness of all brains, in an autistic-run online group, InLv (Dekker, 2020). “Just as
biodiversity is essential to ecosystem stability, so neurodiversity may be essential for cultural
stability” (Singer, 2017, loc. 1079). Singer intended for neurodiversity to be used as a new
category of intersectionality, a term coined by Crenshaw in 1989 to show that people with
more than one marginalized identity (e.g., Black women) experience and lack legal protection
from compounded forms of discrimination. By providing a framework to critique
discrimination based on “neurological differences,” the term neurodiversity called forth a new
rights-based movement, the neurodiversity movement.
The neurodiversity movement challenges the notion that autistic people experience
innate social impairments, highlighting the relational nature of social difficulties and
reframing autism as a valuable minority identity that needs no cure (Kapp et al., 2013; Kapp,
2020). Unlike the social model of disability, which attributes disability-related challenges
solely to oppressive societal attitudes and structures, the neurodiversity movement frames
neurological diversity as invaluable for societal progress and yet inherently challenging at
times, meaning that autism can both be an identity, and an embodied disability with aspects of
impairment (Baker, 2011; Bailin, 2019; Ballou, 2018).
The neurodiversity movement calls for recognition of the fundamental humanness of
autistic people and the ways in which autistic people’s perspectives and rights continue to be
disregarded and transgressed (Botha, 2021; Chapman & Carel, in press; Milton, 2012;
Davidson & Orsini, 2013). It decries efforts toward autism eradication, calling instead for
6
societal transformation to increase accessibility for all in a “Nothing About Us Without Us”
tradition (Fletcher-Watson et al., 2019; Kapp, 2020; Nicolaidis, 2012). However, autistic
people who are diverse in multiple ways, such as people with co-occurring disabilities and/or
racial, ethnic, sexual, and/or gender minorities, may face unique barriers to full societal
inclusion (Alyward et al., 2021; Iacono et al., 2022; Jones et al., 2020; Mallipeddi &
VanDaalen, 2021; Peña, 2019; Singh & Bunyhak, 2019). Therefore, the often-limited degree
to which autistic people with additional marginalized identities are represented by existing
autistic and non-autistic advocacy efforts, research, and practice is a major concern.
Aims: Integrating Intersectionality, Neurodiversity, Minority Stress, and Identity
Development
Our aim with this paper is to inform an intersectional approach to autism research and
advocacy by exploring autistic identity development in relation to the development of other
marginalized identities. We do this by integrating literature on intersectionality,
neurodiversity, minority stress, and social identity development. Minority stress refers to the
additional stress burden which minoritized individuals have to cope with, in addition to the
general life stress everyone must process (Meyer, 2003). People with marginalized identities
often experience socio-cultural disadvantages which both shape, and are shaped by their
identities. We aim to explore how oppressions, structural advantage and disadvantage
intersect, diverge, and otherwise interact to produce commonalities and differences in the
factors that shape identity development for autistic people and people who are marginalized in
other ways in order to draw forth strategies for addressing structural inequalities that we can
use to improve autism research, practice, and advocacy going forward. By doing this, we hope
7
to highlight that we cannot understand autistic people without recognizing their multifaceted
identities and the contexts that shape people and communities.
We believe that the sustainability and utility of the neurodiversity movement is reliant
upon engaging deeply with other rights-based movements and communities to ensure that the
complexity of human development at the intersections of multiple identities is both
acknowledged and celebrated. It is vital to ensure that the neurodiversity movement does not
become another analytical tool for disability and identity that is wrapped up in and reproduces
white supremacy, cis-heteronormativity, classism, cisgenderism, or sexism. Emancipation
from any system of oppression means working to undo all systems of oppression, because
although they are in some ways distinct, they are inseparable, and work to maintain each other
(Lorde, 2003).
To accomplish our aims, we reviewed and theoretically integrated literature about
intersectionality, discrimination, and the identity development of autistic people, racial/ethnic
minorities, and gender and sexual minorities. We used keyword searches on Google Scholar,
PsychInfo, APAPsych (e.g., aut, race, ethnic, sexual, gender + identity, stigma,
discrimination, intersectionality) and then expanded our web of inquiry through forward and
backward searches from texts that provided potentially generalizable insights. Our literature
review was far from exhaustive as some of the research traditions we hoped to understand
were quite vast; we do not intend this to be a complete, systematic, or all-encompassing body
of work, but instead hope for it to be a contribution (however minor), which begins to address
the lack of intersectional action and thinking in autism research.
In the upcoming sections of this paper, we first explore intersectionality, as a core
principle underlying this work, followed by neurodiversity and how it can be a lens for further
8
consideration within intersectionality. Then, we explore the minority stress model as a way of
understanding the cumulative effects of marginalization. Next, we draw key insights from
literature about racial/ethnic socialization, sexual and gender identity development, and their
intersections with one another. Lastly, we focus on autistic identity development, autistic
culture, and autistic community using the previously introduced literature addressing
marginalized groups to contextualize our insights about the development of autistic identity
and the neurodiversity movement in particular.
Psychology has tended to both generalise and universalize experiences, overlooking
systemic forms of oppression in general and intersectionality in particular (Coll et al., 1996).
It has also been responsible for the perpetuation and maintenance of systems of oppression
such as racism (Teo, 2011), homophobia (Mohr, 2009), genderism (Ansara & Hegarty, 2012),
and ableism (Scully & Shakespeare, 2019; Ansara & Hegarty, 2012; Teo, 2011); this
responsibility necessitates radical change and adjustment. Therefore, in opening this paper, we
first want to acknowledge that where we make comparisons it is not in any way meant to
generate false equivalences by overlooking how each identity is shaped by unique social,
historical, and cultural factors (i.e., oppressions are not directly comparable and it is both
redundant and unethical to equate the experience of racism and ableism). It is redundant
because oppressions, while intertwined in each other, have evolved with unique contexts and
historical traumas, meaning that while the surface level outcome from oppression may appear
similar (e.g., health disparities), the root of them is not the same because of unique social and
cultural contexts. Direct comparisons are unethical because they ignore how one can
experience multiple forms of marginalisation (hooks, 1981; Whitfield et al., 2014; Young-
Bruehl, 1998), the unique way marginalized identities compound to create experiences, and
9
lastly, because they can be used to erase the complicity of one minority group subjugating
another (racism in the LGBTQI+ community or Transphobia in the Disability community),
whereby people equate experiencing one form of oppression with another, to silence other
minorities. Instead, we aim to highlight the (often-ignored) complexities faced by autistic
people who are also additionally disabled, Black, people of color, gender and/or sexual
minorities, or from low-income backgrounds. The literature for autistic people from these
communities is sparse (as highlighted in recent reviews by Moore et al., 2022; Mallipeddi &
VanDaalen, 2021), so it is important to draw from the vast literature that exists elsewhere.
Introducing Intersectionality
Intersectionality “is a lens through which you can see where power comes and
collides, where it interlocks and intersects” (Crenshaw, 2018, para. 5). It is the stories we tell
about who we are individually and collectively (Yuval-Davis, 2006). An understanding of
intersectionality is always rooted in specific social, historical, and cultural contexts (Strand,
2017). Indeed, the very idea of intersectionality drew from a history of advocacy by people
who experienced intersectional marginalization. For example, Sojourner Truth’s “Ain’t I A
Woman” speech in 1851 called for recognition and respect for the experiences of Black
women. Intersectionality also served as a foundation for subsequent advocacy, including
ongoing work to ameliorate the pronounced under-representation of Black autistic people and
other autistic people of color in leadership roles (ASAN, 2021; Brah & Phoenix, 2004; Strand,
2017). Similarly, the term neurodiversity grew from a history of advocacy, such as the birth of
the first autistic-led advocacy organization in 1992, Autism Network International (ANI;
Sinclair, 2010), and sparked subsequent collective action, including the formation of the
Autistic Self Advocacy Network (ASAN) in 2006.
10
We are not the first to point out that exploring intersectionality and neurodiversity in
relation to one another can strengthen both while also supporting coalition building (e.g.,
Mallipeddi & VanDaalen, 2021; Strand, 2017). Although Crenshaw’s early work did not
explore disability as a dimension of intersectionality, it highlighted a key point that is
increasingly recognized in work about autistic identity development (Botha et al., 2020): that
marginalized identities are shaped by both domination and collective action to empower those
who have been disempowered. For example, Crenshaw wrote (1991):
Race, gender, and other identity categories are most often treated in mainstream liberal
discourse as vestiges of bias or domination––that is, as intrinsically negative
frameworks in which social power works to exclude or marginalize those who are
different. According to this understanding, our liberatory objective should be to empty
such categories of any social significance. Yet implicit in certain strands of feminist
and racial liberation movements, for example is the view that the social power in
delineating difference need not be the power of domination; it can instead be the
source of social empowerment and reconstruction. The problem with identity politics
is not that it fails to transcend difference, as some critics charge, but rather the
opposite—that it frequently conflates or ignores intragroup differences. (p. 1242)
According to Crenshaw, we must understand differences within marginalized
communities if we wish to effectively engage in the type of collective identity making and
advocacy that transforms an identity from a mark of stigma to a banner for collective action.
A very common critique of the neurodiversity movement is that it fails to represent the full
diversity of the spectrum (or within category variation). According to Baron-Cohen (2019),
neurodiversity-aligned perspectives frame autism as a difference rather than a deficit and are
11
applicable only to autistic people who face less severe challenges. In contrast, autistic people
who are intellectually disabled, who have limited speech, and/or who experience pronounced
comorbidities may require a medical model orientation where their form of autism is
recognized as a “disease” rather than a “difference.” In response, Bailin (2019), an autistic
self-advocate, reminded Baron-Cohen that the neurodiversity movement recognizes intrinsic
challenges associated with autism, as many neurodiversity advocates experience such
challenges and that co-occurring conditions should not challenge the applicability of the
neurodiversity movement, but instead are embraced by it. At its core, neurodiversity is about
the deserving dignity which should be afforded to all people despite neuronormative ideas of
functioning and traditional constructions of independence and productivity.
Neurodiversity as a Lens for Intersectionality
As noted earlier, when Singer coined the term neurodiversity, she intended for it to be
used as a new category of intersectionality. While there have been pockets of intersectional
thinking in both the autism and autistic community1 (Baggs, 2016; Barnett, 2017; Hannon,
2017; de Hooge, 2019; Giwa Onaiwu, 2020; Mandell et al., 2007; Mallipeddi & VanDaalen,
2021; Moore et al., 2022; O’Dell et al., 2016) with particular attention given to issues of
representation of autistic people with co-occurring disabilities (e.g., Baggs, 2010; Chapman &
Veit, 2020), the majority of the work in both communities has suffered from a lack of
engagement with intersectional issues. Collectively, we are only beginning to grapple with the
degree to which intersectionality has been neglected in autism practice, research, and activism
(e.g., ASAN, 2021; Cascio et al., 2021; Jones et al., 2020). To date, the narratives and rhetoric
1 Here, we define the autistic community as being only autistic people, while the wider autism community
includes parents of autistic people, researchers, clinicians, and practitioners who work with autistic people and
their families. This distinction is important because the autistic versus wider autism community can have
different histories, goals and/or motivations.
12
surrounding autism and autistic people have been intertwined with a pervasive and persisting
whiteness, cis-gender, middle-class, straight, maleness (de Hooge, 2019; Giwa Onaiwu, 2020;
Wright, 2021). These are stereotypes that autistic people acknowledge and often feel trapped
by (Botha et al., 2020).
Although the idea of neurodiversity has been adopted to varying degrees by other
disability communities: for example, stuttering, dyslexia, mood disorders, anxiety, ADHD,
intellectual and learning disabilities, and schizophrenia, who should be included within the
neurodiversity movement remains highly contested (e.g., Chapman & Veit, 2020; Gillespie-
Lynch et al., 2020). Ongoing debates about who the neurodiversity movement represents
demonstrate the immense assumptions that go into attempting to make identity categories
more homogenous. Attempts at homogeneity are often carried out by naturalizing differences
or describing them as expressions of biological destiny (Yuval-Davis, 2006). Baron-Cohen is
not alone in attempting to naturalize autism. Autistic self-advocates often embrace essentialist
conceptions of autism, describing autism as arising from biological causes and reflecting
shared brain differences (Kapp et al., 2013; Ortega & Choudhury, 2011). While the idea that
autistic people share a “different type of brain” from others is intuitively appealing, attempts
to find brain differences that are consistently associated with autism have been far from
successful (Gernsbacher, 2015; King et al., 2019). Inconsistencies in the brain imaging
literature are unsurprising given the vast diversity of autistic people and the limited number of
people represented in early brain imaging studies. Recent large-scale collaborations suggest
that small and individualized differences in the ways that the brains of autistic people are
structured may only become apparent when the fact that autistic people are very diverse is
accounted for in analyses (e.g., Floris et al., 2021).
13
The lack of a clear, or singular biological basis for autism has led an increasing
number of researchers to assert that the diagnostic category autism is, at least partially,
socially constructed (Chapman, 2020; Grinker, 2015; Lord et al., 2020); that is, autistic people
are grouped together by very real characteristics which have been assigned meanings that
change across time and cultures. Thus, even if the focus on genetic aetiology provides a
specific set of genes that are predictive of autism (which it has not yet) one still could not
understand autism without understanding how it is socially constructed.
This emerging recognition that autism is, at least partially, socially constructed moves
our understanding of autism closer to intersectionality theory. As Crenshaw (1991) and others
have noted, just because categories are socially constructed does not mean that they do not
have a powerful impact on people’s lives (e.g., money is a social construct that has a very
powerful influence on people's lives). As many Black scholars have pointed out, the fact that
race does not exist as a natural category in no way weakens the pernicious effects of
racialisation. In Racecraft: The Soul of Inequality in American Life, sisters Barbara J. and
Karen E. Fields write:
The more dutifully scholars acknowledge that the concept of race belongs in the same
category as geocentrism or witchcraft, the more blithely they invoke it as though it
were both a coherent analytical category and a valid empirical datum… Race belongs
to the same family as the evil eye. Racism belongs to the same family as murder and
genocide. Which is to say that racism, unlike race, is not a fiction, an illusion, a
superstition, or a hoax. It is a crime against humanity.
Through claims of biological determinism of intelligence, morality, and other
characteristics, scientific racism has a long history of twisting data to categorize people who
Comment [MOU1]: Please add page number for this
quote.
14
are not white as “separate” and “inferior” races (Gould & Gold, 1996)—a tradition which is
rooted in eugenics and academically sanctioned (Teo, 2011). Not only is the research
supporting these distinctions deeply flawed, the idea that race is hereditary is far from
universal. For example, diverging strategies for maintaining white power over the large
population of formerly enslaved people of African heritage in the United States and Latin
America led to very different ways of thinking about race (Telles & Paschel, 2014). White
people in the United States created laws to ban intermarriage and the “one drop rule” whereby
people were considered Black if they had any African ancestry. In contrast, whites in Brazil
encouraged intermarriage as a strategy to “dilute” the power of the large Black population. In
Brazil, race was considered a relatively permeable category and people could rise in status by
whitening themselves (e.g., individual mobility). Consequently, Brazilian people have been
more likely to evaluate race based on the color of a person’s skin while people from the
United States have been more likely to classify race based on information they receive about
purported ancestry (Chen et al., 2018). Although these patterns are changing through contact
and as Black consciousness movements rise in Brazil, they clearly illustrate the social
construction of race (Davenport, 2020).
Intersectionality, Neurodiversity and Resisting “Normality”
The idea that there is such a thing as a “normal” person or a “normal” path through
development is also a socially defined construct (Fenton & Krahn, 2007). The idea of
“normal,” modern statistics, and eugenics share a common root. Sir Francis Galton, who
coined the term eugenics, was the first to use statistics to study differences in human
intelligence (Stephens & Cryle, 2017). He transformed the idea of “normal” from a state of
dynamic functional health to a fixed statistical relationship. Early proponents of eugenics used
15
vague and poorly defined conceptions of “normal” to advocate against immigration and for
the forcible sterilization of people with disabilities, poor, and “immoral” people—a eugenic
tradition which persisted with Herrnstein and Murray’s 1994 text The Bell Curve: Intelligence
and Class Structure in American Life. Its authors used a statistical distribution to determine
who was “worthy” of full consideration within American society, and while not advocating
for forced sterilization, argued for mandates and policy which indirectly controlled
populations.
Similar generalizations about intelligence have been applied to autistic people. For
years, autism researchers claimed that the majority of autistic people were “retarded”
(Goldberg Edelson, 2006). Research led by an autistic scholar (who does not identify as a
member of the neurodiversity movement) revealed that intelligence tests often vastly
underestimate the intelligence of autistic people (Dawson et al., 2007). More recently, after
substantial changes were made to the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (a test often
used to measure IQ in autistic children) the degree to which the revised measure also
underestimated autistic intelligence was tested and the researchers found that it continues to
underestimate autistic children's intelligence (Nader et al., 2014). Beyond this, attempts to
hierarchize the intelligence of groups of people are fundamentally at odds with Binet’s
intention in developing his IQ test anyway. His original intention was to identify children who
would benefit from special education. Binet cautioned that his IQ scale does not measure
intelligence itself “because intellectual qualities are not superposable, and therefore cannot be
measured as linear…” (as cited in Gould & Gold, 1996, p. 181). He was justifiably worried
that people would use his measure to assign people to supposedly natural categories rather
than for his intended purpose of helping educators effectively teach their diverse students.
16
Further, recent mixed-method research investigating autism researchers’ attitudes towards
autistic people found that for some researchers perceived IQ and/or dependence on support for
activities in daily living was a key indicator of the value of a person (Botha & Cage, in
preparation), meaning that important moral judgements are drawn from this problematic and
erroneously used concept.
Rather than oversimplifying complicated constructs like autism, race, or intelligence
into binary natural categories, intersectionality attempts to understand how different identity
dimensions, each of which has its own unique and culturally specific history, enmesh and co-
construct one another and the stories we tell about who we are as individuals and collectively
(Yuval-Davis, 2006). In Anatomy of Prejudice, Young-Bruehl (1998) argues that
psychology’s search for one root cause for all forms of prejudice was doomed from the start
because each form of prejudice arises from different motivations and has different
consequences. She asserts that the idea that there is a generalized underbelly to all forms of
prejudice (e.g., Allport’s work) is rooted in a research tradition driven by men which has
overlooked the unique history of each form of prejudice, as well as people who are affected by
multiple prejudices and victims of prejudice who discriminate against others. Similar critiques
of the applicability of theories of development derived from primarily male samples have
emerged across many communities, including the LGBTQI+ community and the autism
community (Bilodeau & Renn, 2005; Strang et al., 2020).
Autistic People, Intersectionality, and the Many Axes of Marginalization
Intersectionality takes into account how the complex and multifaceted nature of
people’s identities, including other disabilities, race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality, and class,
impact experiences and development across the lifespan. Diagnoses and support can hinge
17
upon these intersecting identities to produce unique, intersecting, interactional, and additive
spaces of marginalization. Autistic people of color, women, Trans and/or Non-binary people,
and people with fewer resources are underdiagnosed, under-served, and underrepresented
(Durkin et al., 2017; Strang et al., 2020). Biases contribute to these inequalities. For example,
autistic females may be under-identified partially because they express autism differently than
males; females may exhibit greater social motivation and/or less obvious “restricted and
repetitive” behaviors and interests than autistic males (Whitlock et al., 2020); yet this is not
suggestive of a “female autism phenotype” necessarily, and instead a failure of research to
truly appreciate the vastness of the autistic community across intersections of gender, meaning
that when we think of “autism,” we tend to only think of cisgender boys and men.
In the United States, where Black children are more likely to be labeled with
stigmatized and racially charged diagnoses than white children (Fadus et al., 2020), Black
children are much more likely to receive a stigmatizing diagnosis like conduct disorder prior
to receiving an autism diagnosis than white children (Mandell et al., 2007). Some, but
definitely not all, racial/ethnic differences in access to an autism diagnosis in the United States
are attributable to differences in socioeconomic status (Durkin et al., 2017). Similarly, in the
United Kingdom, children of ethnic minorities and/or children from less educated families
were less likely to receive an autism diagnosis than others (Kelly et al., 2019).
Intersectionality should not only be considered in terms of access to diagnosis, but
across the entire lifespan, and in light of the co-occurring conditions and identities autistic
people are more likely to experience. Medical racism can pervade clinical practice and
determine the quality and type of care received (Dovidio & Fiske, 2012). Partially due to
difficulties accessing responsive health care (Nicolaidis et al., 2015), autistic people face
18
heightened likelihood of early mortality (Hirvikoski et al., 2016), chronic physical health
conditions (Weir et al., 2021), and poor mental health (Lai et al., 2019). In a population-based
cohort study, autistic people were more likely than their non-autistic peers to experience early
mortality at a mean age of between 53–58 compared to a mean age of 70 from causes ranging
from suicide to endocrine, circulatory, nervous system, and digestive disorders (Hirvikoski et
al., 2016). This aligns with findings from a study of 2,368 people (of which 1,156 were
autistic) which found that autistic people were more likely to have non-communicable disease
including, but not limited to, cardiovascular disease, type 2 diabetes, and arrhythmia (Weir et
al., 2021). Furthermore, autistic people are more likely to have depression, anxiety, and post-
traumatic stress disorder (Lai et al., 2019).
Autistic people are also more likely to be a sexual minority (meaning that they do not,
or at least do not exclusively, desire sexual partners of a different gender), for example,
Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, Queer, Pansexual, or Asexual, and/or a gender minority
(meaning that their gender identification does not align with the typically binary sex they were
classified into at birth), for example, Trans and/or Non-binary. Ableism can be a unique
barrier for disabled people looking for gender affirming care; autistic people may have their
gender identity dismissed specifically because of being autistic. For example, some
researchers argue that gender presentation may simply be a manifestation of “restrictive and
repetitive thinking” and advocate not necessarily affirming the autistic person’s gender
(Parkinson, 2014). Indeed, Trans autistic people face greater barriers accessing gender-
affirming care and are more likely to have engaged in self-harming or suicidal behavior than
non-autistic Trans people (Strauss et al., 2021). These elevated mental health difficulties are
particularly concerning given that Trans people are already at much higher risk for mental
19
health issues than the general population (Scandurra et al., 2021), as will be discussed in more
detail in the next section.
The Minority Stress Model
“Minority stress” refers to the cumulative effect of many types of social stressors
relating to the social marginalisation experienced by minority groups, in addition to the
everyday stress of life experienced by the general population (Meyer, 2003). This excess
stress burden can result in health inequalities due to chronic stress strain. The term sexual
minority stress was first coined by Virginia R. Brooks (1981) who conceived of minority
stress as a “culturally sanctioned, categorically ascribed inferior status, resultant prejudice and
discrimination, the impact of these forces on the cognitive structure of the individual, and
consequent readjustment or adaptational failure” (p. 84). Brooks focused on the systemic
disadvantage afforded to lesbian women who were in “chronic jeopardy of reaching the upper
limits of their adaptive range owing to excessive and persistent stress and to the absence of
substantial mediating resources, which would sufficiently reduce the condition of chronic
stress” relative to heterosexual women (p. 84). In doing so, Brooks challenged
heteronormative biases which assumed that negative health outcomes for sexual minorities
arose from sexuality-based pathology (Rich et al., 2020).
Sexual minorities (for example) are exposed to a panoply of forms of discrimination,
including heteronormativity, homophobia, biphobia, and queerphobia, which are associated
with worse mental and physical health, including higher suicidality (Kiekens et al., 2020; Lick
et al., 2013). Trans and/or Non-binary people (as well as Intersex people, also known as
people with variable sex characteristics) experience pervasive gender normativity,
transphobia, and exorsexism (the assumption that gender and sex only exists in a male/female
20
binary). Greater exposure to these minority stressors is related to worse well-being, higher
psychological distress, and suicidality (e.g., Bockting et al., 2013).
The minority stress model distinguishes between distal and proximal minority
stressors (Meyer, 2003). Distal stressors are events such as discrimination, victimization, or
stigmatization, while proximal stressors are internalizing processes involved in processing and
responding to these stressful events, including concealment of a minority identity, the
expectation of rejection which minorities can become embroiled in, and internalization of
stigma. According to Rich et al. (2020), Brooks (1981) also included systemic economic
marginalization as a contributor to well-being.
Minority stress literature was advanced by Meyer, who built upon it with a far-
reaching body of work, first examining its applicability to gay men (Meyer, 1995), and then to
the wider group of sexual minorities (e.g., Frost et al., 2020). The minority stress model has
been used across a wide array of studies as a critical lens to understand the health inequalities
experienced by sexual, gender, and racial/ethnic minorities (e.g., Bränström & Pachankis,
2021; Erving et al., 2019).
Importantly, the minority stress model also focuses on coping strategies that minorities
and their communities utilize to cope with the additional stress burden (Meyer et al., 2003).
Meyer notes that a focus on individual and collective coping strategies is rooted in social
identity theory (Tajfel et al., 1979). Social identity theory starts from an obvious supposition,
that people want to feel good about who they are, and describes the strategies people use to
accomplish this. These include individual strategies aimed at social mobility, which involve
separating oneself from the marginalized group so as to realign themselves (like the whitening
Black people in Brazil were encouraged to demonstrate) and collective strategies aimed at
21
social change in which one associates more with the marginalized identity, forming a
collective or group which reframes an identity to be positive (like the neurodiversity
movement). Strategies marginalized groups can use to enhance their collective self-esteem
include redefining what is desirable, being selective in which out-groups they compare
themselves to, and/or directly advocating for justice.
Perhaps the reader has noticed some commonalities between this description of the
strategies and consequences of collective identification and the neurodiversity movement.
Indeed, the minority stress model has also been applied to autistic people; in a sample of 111
autistic people from around the world, exposure to both distal and proximal minority stressors
predicted worse social, emotional, and psychological well-being, as well as higher
psychological distress, and explained a high proportion of well-being and distress scores
(Botha & Frost, 2020). Interestingly, both higher outness (disclosure to family, peers,
colleagues, and healthcare workers) and higher concealment (masking autistic behaviors)
were associated with significantly worse well-being in this cross-sectional analysis––a finding
aptly clarified in a qualitative study where an autistic participant said that when you are
autistic, you are “damned if you do, or damned if you don’t” (Botha et al., 2020). This
“double-bind” highlights that autistic people cannot escape minority stress by simply
attempting masking, hiding, or withholding disclosure, because that has its own unique cost.
It is important to understand that this is not unique, and that a “double-bind” has also
been documented in sexual minority and Trans and/or Non-binary communities. By
understanding how minority stress manifests for people who are sexual and gender minorities,
we can begin to build a strong theoretical base for understanding how autistic sexual and/or
gender minorities might experience the intersections of these identities. An online study of
22
373 LGB people revealed that both outness and concealing one’s LGB identity were
associated with heightened symptoms of depression (Riggle et al., 2017). In contrast, LGB-
specific authenticity (e.g., inner peace about and feeling able to be honest with others about
one’s LGB identity) was associated with higher well-being, fewer depression symptoms, and
lower stress. In a study of 7,816 LGBT secondary students in the United States, outness was
associated with higher victimization but greater self-esteem and lower depression symptoms
(Kosciw et al., 2015). Lastly, an innovative study examined associations between structural
stigma (or lack of protections for Trans people under the law) and life satisfaction among
6,771 Trans people from 28 EU countries showing that higher country-level structural stigma
was associated with lower life satisfaction, largely through concealment (Bränström et al.,
2021). The authors noted their lack of attention to intersectionality in analyses as a limitation.
Minority Stress: Intersectional, Interactional, and Additive
Like autism research, early research about sexual and gender minorities did not
examine intersectionality (e.g., Fassinger & Miller, 1997). More recent work has revealed
some evidence that LGBTQ+ people of color may face compounded discrimination relative to
white LGBTQ+ people and that this is both intersectional and additive (Kisler, 2013). This
means that there can be unique interactions between minority stress from different identities,
but also overall that increasingly minoritized status confers increasingly higher stress burdens
(Kisler, 2013; Szymanski & Gupta 2009). For example, a qualitative study with 19 Black
lesbians showed they rarely discussed sexism without also addressing racism (Bowleg et al.,
2003). A study with 1,093 transgender people in the United States revealed that Trans people
of color, younger Trans people, and people of lower socioeconomic status reported heightened
discrimination based on their gender identity relative to white Trans people (Bockting et al.,
23
2013). Family and peer support and pride in one’s Trans identity were all associated with
better mental health.
Furthermore, a study conducted with 3,854 participants in the United States revealed
that LGBTQ+ people of color reported heightened LGBTQ+ discrimination relative to white
LGBTQ+ people (Whitfield et al., 2014). Mallory and Russell (2021), in a study of 476 LGB
youth, found that youth who reported high LGB victimization experienced stronger
associations between racial discrimination and depression than young people who faced less
LGB victimization. In contrast, racial discrimination and LGB victimization contributed to
suicidal ideation in an additive rather than a multiplicative manner. Furthermore, a
longitudinal study of 170 Black, Latino, and multiracial gay and bisexual men found that the
interaction between racial discrimination and gay rejection sensitivity explained higher levels
of emotional regulation difficulties, which in turn predicted higher symptoms of anxiety and
depression at 6 months (English et al., 2018).
These findings support additive, interactional, and intersectional effects of multiple
marginalized identities. Collectively, these findings point to the need for autism research to
not only address the (many) identities which autistic people may have individually but also to
consider unique intersections that these identities combine to form, including the additive and
interactional impacts thereof.
Potential Conflicts with the Minority Stress Model
Despite a great deal of evidence for the minority stress model, there are conflicts with
the model. Both attitudes towards LGBTQ+ identities and laws to protect them have improved
over time in the United States and sexual and gender minorities are “coming-out” earlier now
than they did in the past (Meyer et al., 2021). Yet, a cohort study with 1,518 participants in the
24
United States revealed these progresses are associated with increasing rather than decreasing
psychological distress and suicidal ideations among younger LGBTQ+ people (Bishop et al.,
2020). Older cohorts reported more violent forms of discrimination, yet the younger cohort
reported more everyday discrimination, but also greater connectedness to the LGBTQ+
community. More participants in the younger cohort identified with non-monosexual
identities (e.g., pansexual or queer) which may confer different minority stress burdens due to
a less clear collective identity and/or discrimination from both straight and gay communities
(anti-bisexual prejudice as well as homophobia; Dyar & London, 2018). Russell and Fish
(2019) suggested a “developmental collision” wherein historical improvements in acceptance
have encouraged LGBTQ+ youth to come out earlier which means that young people are now
coming out during a developmental stage when the pressure to fit in is particularly intense and
coping mechanisms are weak.
In his early work, Meyer (2003) pointed to another surprising set of findings which did
not align well with his model, known as the Black-white mental health paradox. Despite
growing up in a very racist society (Anderson, 2016) and being subject to high levels of
minority stress, Black people in the United States experience similar or lower rates of mental
health difficulties than white people. For example, a study with 6,688 non-Hispanic whites
and 4,584 African Americans revealed that Black participants were less likely to be diagnosed
with a range of mental health conditions than white participants (e.g., depression, anxiety, and
social phobia; Erving et al., 2019). However, Black participants, particularly women, were
more likely to experience PTSD. Unexpectedly, evidence of fewer mental health diagnoses
was apparent among both Black men and women and, adjusting for socioeconomic status,
increased the Black mental health advantage. Possible explanations for the advantage include
Comment [MOU2]: It may be more appropriate to use
the term "Black people” here?
25
habituation to heightened stress (Tobin, 2021) and increased community support (Meyer,
2010). Perrin et al. (2020) developed a minority strengths model to explore the varied
strengths that minority communities may use to withstand stigma, including social support
from family and peers, pride in one’s personal identity, and collective identity. Although none
of the potential mechanisms put forth to explain the Black-white mental health paradox have
adequate evidence to be conclusive, evidence suggests that racial/ethnic socialization may
prepare Black youth to cope with anticipated stressors (Pamplin II & Bates, 2021). This
habituation itself, while protective, is disturbing because white supremacy should not be
something families should need to prepare future generations for; in essence, this should not
be the world Black people are born into.
Identity Development
Racial/Ethnic Identity Socialization
Perhaps due to a lack of intersectional consideration, the stereotypes associated with
autism (as a white, male, cisgender phenomenon), and because of white supremacy, little
literature has addressed identity development in Black autistic people or other autistic people
of color. Intersectionality demands understanding that autistic people also have racial/ethnic
identities which they are racialized into through social and cultural processes. Racial/ethnic
identity is a multidimensional construct that includes one’s attitudes and thoughts about
racial/ethnic group memberships and the processes by which one arrives at them (Umaña-
Taylor et al., 2014). Typically, racial/ethnic minorities are born into a community of others
like them, whereas for sexual and/or gender minorities and autistic people, other people in the
family might not share their identities. This may have important implications for material
outcomes, including for Black and/or other people of color who are autistic. The communities
26
and networks racial/ethnic minorities are born into may protect youth from some of the effects
of oppression, as a collective way of resisting white supremacy (Coll et al., 1996). Warm and
close relationships with family have been associated with more well-developed racial/ethnic
identity.
A number of theories have been proposed for racial identity development, including
Cross’ 1971 stage theory of nigrescence wherein racial minority young adults experienced a
consciousness-raising encounter which sparks a conflict between their old and new self, and
then commit themselves to their Black identity, with its culture and challenges, thus achieving
self-actualization despite oppressive circumstances (discussed by DeCuir-Gunby, 2009).
Racial/ethnic socialization is a set of mechanisms through which family members transmit
knowledge, values, and perspectives about minority identities to their children (Hughes et al.,
2006). In response to structural inequality which can profoundly impact the development of
ethnic-minority youth, families may develop goals, values, attitudes and behavior that
distinguish them from the dominant culture (Coll et al., 1996). Racial/ethnic socialization can
include teaching young people about their culture and history to impart traditions and promote
pride.
Family members often prepare racial/ethnic minority children to function in multiple
realms, including those where the child’s cultural heritage will not be respected (Coll et al.,
1996). Parents for whom race and/or ethnicity is a central part of their own identity and those
who have experienced increased discrimination are more likely to engage in racial/ethnic
socialization. Racial/ethnic socialization has been associated with identity exploration, more
positive attitudes toward one’s racial/ethnic identity, group-oriented behaviors, and active
rather than passive responses to discrimination. Although evidence remains insufficient,
27
racial/ethnic socialization may be a key factor contributing to the Black-white mental health
paradox––the collective agency and resistance of communities who have been combating
white supremacy and imperialism for centuries.
Research with First Nations people in Canada similarly shows that while they
experience high rates of youth suicide, socialization into a shared culture is a key factor
promoting positive outcomes for racial/ethnic minorities (Chandler & Lalonde, 2019). The
First Nations communities of Canada are diverse, with radically different languages and belief
systems and histories of interactions with neighbors and colonizers. Chandler hypothesized
that a pattern was hidden under apparently random differences in suicide rates across
communities, or that suicide rates were lower among First Nations communities that had
developed strategies to promote cultural continuity in the face of change (e.g., cultural centers
and self-governance). This was based on the insight that identity development involves both a
series of ruptures with the past and a desire to believe in a continuous sense of self. To be able
to envision a future after these ruptures, he believed that young people need something stable
to return to, or community traditions. Data from 29 tribal councils revealed that First Nations
communities that had lost touch with their cultural traditions had much higher rates of youth
suicide than communities that had maintained an empowered collective identity, and that
differences were not attributable to variations in poverty.
Wexler and colleagues (2009) used Chandler’s work and research about the
experiences of young people in two war-torn regions, Bosnia and Palestine, to assert that
group affiliation can provide a narrative that allows people to reframe personal difficulties as a
collective and politicized struggle. Although the war in Bosnia was more deadly than the first
Intifada in Palestine, Bosnian youth were blindsided by the conflict (Barber, 2009). Suddenly,
Comment [MOU3]: Should this include “and
Christopher”? Or is this a different reference and solely
attributable to Chandler? Please clarify.
28
their Serbian neighbors started trying to kill them, even though many had not even been aware
of ethnic and religious differences between themselves and their neighbors. In contrast,
Palestinian youth gained a historical perspective for the conflict with Israel from those around
them which gave them a framework with which to interpret the violence. Palestinian youth
were more politically involved and expressed more self-efficacy and belief that their
contributions to the conflict were meaningful than Bosnian youth. Wexler interpreted this
pattern, in conjunction with Chandler’s finding that the loss of cultural traditions led to
increased suicide, as evidence that research about responses to discrimination must recognize
that the impacts of trauma are very context specific, and a key context to consider is the
availability of cultural traditions to support collective meaning making. He asserted that a
politicized identity can give young people ways to understand their own experiences of
trauma as part of a collective struggle for justice. According to Wexler, resilience is far from a
one-size fits all classification. Instead, it is a context-dependent process of interpreting
experiences and drawing from collective wisdom in order to develop a sense of shared
purpose. But the development of identity and resilience may be very different for people who
share a minority identity with their families and other people in their communities, as
racial/ethnic minority youth usually do, than it is for sexual and gender minorities and autistic
people who may be the only person like them in their family or community.
Sexual and Gender Minority Identity Development
As noted earlier, autistic people are more likely to be sexual and/or gender minorities
which has implications for understanding outcomes for autistic people. In this section, we first
discuss the background of sexual and gender identity development, and then also make
reference to the intersection between racial/ethnic minorities, gender and sexuality. Like
29
autism, homosexuality and transexuality were once considered diagnostic categories.
Homosexuality was removed from the DSM in 1973, seven years before autism and gender
identity disorder (or incongruence between one’s assigned sex at birth and one’s gender)
joined the DSM as their own diagnostic categories (Bilodeau & Renn, 2005). Also, like
autism (and unlike race-ethnicity), identities as sexual and gender minorities are not
necessarily visible (further they are made invisible by societal structures); this puts them on a
spectrum of concealability (which as discussed earlier has implications for health and well-
being). Goffman (1963) asserted that people with visible stigmas manage situations while
people with invisible stigmas manage information about themselves.
Original research on sexual identity development proposed a linear development of
homosexuality which began with denial and suppression, moved through gradual acceptance
and exploration, until the grand finale of coming out as gay. But, early research about the
development of sexual minority identities was based on small samples of mostly white men
(Bilodeau & Renn, 2005). Research increasingly revealed this process to be much more
variable and context dependent; for example, many LGB women did not experience a final
commitment to one sexual identity, while identities continued to evolve even among those
who had come out (Diamond, 2006). The broader the literature has become, the more we have
come to conceptualise sexual identity processes as fluid and complex (Jamil et al., 2009). The
associated idea that development is a linear path toward an ideal endpoint (e.g., coming out)
was increasingly critiqued as an oversimplification rooted in failure to distinguish between
personal and collective identities and lack of attention to intersectionality (Parks et al., 2004).
This is especially the case given that not everyone has a social context in which they can “out”
30
themselves as a gender or sexual minority, or might exist within some contexts as out, while
preserving a contrary image elsewhere for protection.
Research with LGBTQ+ youth of color revealed that their LGBTQ+ and racial/ethnic
identities developed concurrently but largely independently of one another (Jamil et al., 2009).
Racial/ethnic identity development typically involved becoming aware of one’s cultural
heritage from others, while sexual identity development was initially a more private affair,
involving learning from one’s fantasies, discovering one’s sexual orientation, and connecting
to the associated community (not necessarily in that order). While family members helped
LGBTQ+ youth of color understand and feel pride in their racial/ethnic identity, community-
based organizations, peers and the Internet often served as the primary sources of information
about their LGBTQ+ identities (Moore et al., 2020). However, LGBTQ + youth of color may
face challenges connecting to LGBTQ+ communities due to heterosexism in their
racial/ethnic communities and racism in white-led LGBTQ+ communities, showing the
complex interplay of having multiple identities.
While early-stage models viewed sexual exploration as the foundation for LGB
identities, more recent research has revealed that the relative order of sexual identity
milestones, such as awareness of same sex attractions, sexual experimentation, and coming
out, is highly variable (Bishop et al., 2020). Younger generations (and women) may be more
likely to self-identify as LGB before exploring sexual activities with others. Race/ethnicity is
not consistently related to the timing of most sexual identity milestones. Rosario and
colleagues (2004) found that Black LGB youth did not differ from white youth in the timing
of sexual milestones but disclosed their LGB identity to fewer people. Grov and colleagues
(2006) also observed no racial/ethnic differences in the timing of milestones, though people of
31
color were less likely to be out to their parents. Younger cohorts (and males) tended to come
out earlier than older cohorts. More recent work indicates that LGB youth of color remain less
likely to be out to their families than white youth (Balsam et al., 2015; Moskowitz et al.,
2021). Perhaps because they already have experience with one minority identity (Parks et al.,
2004), Black and Latinx LGB youth may recognize their same sex attractions earlier than
white youth (Bishop et al., 2020; Haltom & Ratcliff, 2021).
Autistic Identity Development
Research about autistic identity development is relatively new; for so long autism was
categorized as antithetical to having rich social worlds. Thus far, it has generally ignored
intersectionality. Samples are usually predominantly white (e.g., Frost et al., 2019; Hickey et
al., 2018). Particularly in earlier work, ethnicity-race was often not even reported (e.g.,
Humphrey & Lewis, 2008; Jones et al., 2013). Autistic people face challenges making
meaning of their diagnosis or neurology within a neurotypically-oriented world; this often
involves balancing how one sees themselves versus how they believe society as a whole sees
them, which are often at odds with one and other (Botha et al., 2020). For example, 10 autistic
young people described trying to reduce stigma while also reporting a sense of pride in their
autism-related abilities and/or communities (Jones et al., 2015; Mogensen & Mason, 2015). In
contrast, autistic students with primarily negative views express a strong desire to be “normal”
(Humphrey & Lewis, 2008), while adults who might be categorized as displaying internalized
ableism try to dissociate from other autistic people by focusing on the ways in which they are
not “like” other autistic people (Botha et al., 2022). Support from others is often associated
with more positive perspectives about being autistic (e.g., Crane et al., 2020; Hickey et al.,
2018; Humphrey & Lewis, 2008; Jones et al., 2013; Tan, 2018).
32
The primary benefit of learning one is autistic is the potential to connect: to the self, to
people, to support, and to the world. Learning one is autistic provides the chance to
understand the self as autistic and not as a broken neurotypical, which can empower people to
explore and nourish their own self-identities. Knowing one is autistic can open opportunities
for connections with other autistic people (Hickey et al., 2018) who might share similar norms
and values with regards to sociality. This knowledge can help people understand the different
needs they might have. Self-understanding is often the first step toward seeking the support
needed to fully experience society and life. By recognizing oneself as autistic and as having
autistic needs, one can connect with communities that can help guide one towards ways of
fulfilling these needs. Realizing one is autistic can provide connection to autistic
communities, or invisible autistic infrastructures full of knowledge about navigating
neurotypical society and systems to achieve desired outcomes (Ryan Idriss, 2021). Autistic
people often feel more comfortable expressing themselves around other autistic people
(Crompton et al., 2020). Autistic people find community by sharing experiences with other
autistics (Jones et al., 2013).
However, autistic people do not always feel connected to an autistic community and
may avoid participating in groups that require disclosing a diagnosis (Frost et al., 2019). Eight
LGBTQ autistic university students expressed fluid and context-dependent variations in their
pride/shame and willingness to express their identities (Miller et al., 2020). Some students
sought out online communities where they felt that they could more fully explore the
complexity of their identities. Others reported a need to “pass” as “normal.” Autistic people
often attempt to camouflage autistic traits, with detrimental effects on mental health (e.g.,
Cage & Troxell-Whitman, 2019; Hull et al., 2017).
33
Autistic identity development is also often made difficult in that it may already be
happening prior to autistic people having words for it; parents might withhold the information,
the person might not have a diagnosis, or enough information to know that they are autistic,
and yet they may still internalize societal messages about their behavior. Indeed, autistic
people have described an enduring sensation of being bad, wrong, or out of place before
having the words to be able to describe their autisticness (Lewis, 2016). Many autistic people
do not receive their autism diagnosis until adulthood (Fusar-Poli et al., 2020). The experience
of receiving an autism diagnosis as an adult often has a strong and complex emotional impact,
which can include both relief and shock (Huang et al., 2020). By providing a new interpretive
lens, an autism diagnosis can confer self-understanding, self-compassion, and coping
strategies, yet also involves a complete overhaul of the more silent processes of identity
building which have been happening in the background through the imposition of prevalent
social and cultural norms. Many people diagnosed as adults interpret autism as a positive
difference. However, people also describe difficulty adjusting to their new identity, increased
susceptibility to discrimination, feelings of low self-worth, and grief for their pre-diagnosis
self (Leedham et al., 2020).
Parents may wait to tell a child that they are autistic until they feel the child is “ready”
(Smith et al., 2018). This delay can lead to shock, disappointment, and disbelief (Huws &
Jones, 2008). Parents indicate that talking openly with children about autism promotes self-
understanding and coping strategies (Smith et al., 2018). However, parents also express
difficulty processing their child’s diagnosis and concerns that their child will not understand,
that the diagnosis could confer stigma, and/or harm their child’s self-image and mental health.
Unlike non-autistic parents, 34 autistic parents in an online study did not focus on potential
34
negative impacts of disclosure (Crane et al., 2021). They indicated that their lived expertise
about autism gave them heightened empathy for their autistic children, contrasting their
everyday discussions with their children about autism with the more deficit-oriented
approaches used by professionals. Autistic parents recommended telling a child they are
autistic as soon as possible, emphasizing that honesty promotes’ better mental health and self-
understanding. Autistic college students have also reported that learning they were autistic
helped them understand themselves (Huws & Jones, 2008). Autistic adolescents whose
parents talked to them openly about being autistic tended to describe themselves and autism
more positively than teens whose parents did not tell them or did so involuntarily (Riccio et
al., 2020). Learning one is autistic earlier in development may be associated with better
psychological outcomes in adulthood (Oredipe et al., In press). Strongly identifying with
autism as an identity has been associated with both collective and personal self-esteem
(Cooper et al., 2017).
Autism as a Collective Identity and Culture
A community can be defined as a collective identity which reflects ideological and
affective solidarity (Frost & Meyer, 2012). Communities fulfill the potentially innate human
need to belong, providing meaning and well-being (Lambert et al., 2013). It is important to
differentiate between the “culture of autism” and “autistic culture” as well as the “autism
community” and the “autistic community” as they often denote competing conceptualisations
(Farahar, in print). The culture of autism often represents the pathologized paradigm of autism
as a disease or disorder which aims to combat and defeat “autism.” It often talks about
“autism” as a disembodied entity that can be removed from the individual or understood in a
social vacuum (McGuire, 2016) and describes autistic behaviors as “symptoms.” This culture
35
often leaves autistic people vulnerable to social isolation, including from other autistic people
because it fosters a sense of internalized stigma (Botha & Frost, 2020; Farahar, in print). The
autism community in this context includes everyone, autistic people, autism researchers,
practitioners, families of autistic people––anyone concerned with the concept of “autism.”
The goals of the autism community defined like this, tend more often (but not always) to align
with the earlier described “autism movement” which often seeks to remediate autism (Orsini,
2009).
According to Farahar, autistic culture defines autistic people not by their “symptoms”
but by their shared experience as a minority group (Botha & Frost, 2020; Straus, 2013).
Through autistic culture, one can develop a positive identity based on an understanding that
autistic people are deserving of acceptance, accommodation, and support––distinct from the
interventions and attempted cures often thrust upon autistic people in wider autism culture
(Farahar, in press). The autistic community, in this sense, is made up only of autistic people,
rather than the researchers, non-autistic parents, caregivers, or practitioners who have often
traditionally had a lot more control of the narrative than autistic people themselves. Autistic
culture often aligns with the “autistic movement” which focuses on the place of autistic
people within a disabling society (Orsini, 2009). Importantly, while the autistic community is
made up only of autistic people (regardless of their perspective), the autistic movement is
grouped together by a shared ideological stance towards autistic people meaning that non-
autistic researchers, parents, or others can be included (Orsini, 2009).
While the stereotype of autism is one of social withdrawal, the vibrant history of
autistic people coming together to support one another defies this notion (Kapp, 2020). While
there is a dearth of literature focusing on autistic community or autistic culture, what does
36
exist points to a network of like-minded people who are determined to secure a better future
for autistic people (Kapp, 2020; Botha et al., 2022). Ryan Idriss (2021) describes what they
observed in an ethnographic project investigating an autistic community group, as an enduring
“autistic sociality” of people coming together to build an “invisible autistic infrastructure” of
support. This is something that confounds deficit-based, reduced Theory of Mind
understandings of autism which construct autistic people as inherently socially disordered or
withdrawn. Like any other minority community, regardless of how little it is acknowledged in
formal systems, the autistic community has created cultures and “invisible” infrastructure
which works constantly to meet the needs of this minority group.
The roots of the autistic community are said to have started in the 1980s with autistic
adults coming together to seek the advancement of autistic rights, equal educational
opportunities and fair access to work (Ward & Meyer, 1999). This coming together was a
precursor to the establishment of the ANI in 1992 which was founded by and for autistic
people and operated mainly over the Internet (Bagatell, 2010; Sinclair, 2010). ANI began first
as a newsletter and pen pal list, followed by a shared forum. People would often travel vast
distances to meet as a group in someone’s home for a few days at a time. Sinclair (2010) has
described the power of this:
Some autistic people have written moving, dramatic accounts of immediately feeling
"at home" among other autistics, having a natural sense of "belonging," and
recognizing other autistics as "their own kind" of people (French, 1993; Williams,
1994; Cohen, 2006). My own words to describe the 1992 visit… during which ANI
was founded were "feeling that, after a life spent among aliens, I had met someone
who came from the same planet as me." This "same planet" metaphor, along with
37
metaphors about "speaking the same language"... are very common descriptions used
by autistic people who have had this experience of autistic space. One participant...
summed it up saying, "I feel as if I'm home, among my own people, for the first time. I
never knew what this was until now." (Challenges and Opportunities, para. 1)
Indeed, in a qualitative study investigating the experience of autistic community
connectedness with 20 autistic adults, participants described an immense feeling of belonging
with other autistic people which they did not tend to experience with non-autistic people, as
well as a social and political connectedness to the autistic community (Botha et al., 2022).
While participants experienced a belongingness to autistic people generally, they
differentiated between that feeling of belongingness and the social connectedness they
developed with specific autistic people, which needed to be facilitated by shared interests
beyond simply being autistic. This reflects what Sinclair (2010) referred to as the
overwhelming heterogeneity of autistic people even in autistic spaces; friendship is about
more than simply a collective identity, but collective identity can build a bridge towards it.
One participant described how while specific autistic people are his friends, all autistic people
are his comrades because autistic people share a collective struggle to advance the rights of all
autistic people to ensure they have access to basic human rights (Botha et al., 2022).
Furthermore, autistic individuals specifically mentioned the intersectionality of this struggle,
including the constant fight to have non-cisgender people, women, Black autistic people,
indigenous people, and other minorities recognized as autistic, as well as the solidarity that the
neurodiversity movement can provide by uniting with other minority movements (Botha et al,
2020).
38
This intersectional focus reflects that people do not have a single identity, or a single
community, and instead embody, juggle, and experience multiple ones, often at the same time.
Autistic spaces, identities, and communities often intersect with LGBTQ+ spaces, identities,
and communities. While clinical literature seeks to problematize autistic expression of gender
as manifestations of “restrictive and repetitive behavior” going as far as to seek to restrict
autistic people’s access to gender affirmation-based care, autistic people often have a much
more “radical” stance to gender which is inseparable from their autistic identity (Moore et al.,
2022). Some autistic people who are non-cisgender, specifically understand their gender
through their autistic identity, which is how the term “AutGender” was conceived; it is not
that autism is necessarily their gender, but rather that being autistic relates heavily to their
conceptualization of their own gender and wider constructs of gender. This is the case even
for some cisgender autistic women who do not consider themselves to be women in
neurotypical ways, but identify heavily with autistic expressions of womanhood. This is
highlighted in the work of Pyne (2021) who asserts that, in contrast to the clinical literature
which constantly tries to separate (and dismiss or deny) inter-relations of autism and gender,
autistic people often understand them as inseparable and co-constitutive. Autistic identities
provide an opportunity for radicalizing traditional notions of gender and sexuality and while
neurotypical clinicians may put this down to “social confusion” or a failure to “get” social
norms, instead it may point to the arbitrary nature of such dichotomizing norms. Autistic
communities and cultures thus, become a way of disrupting the culture of “normality.”
Emancipation for autistic people cannot happen without emancipation for Trans and/or
Non-binary people. The political and collective will of the autistic community towards
emancipation can be seen from the very beginning of the ANI, right up to the present day;
39
autistic people unite to resist deficit notions, deep inequality, stigmatization, and
marginalization (Botha et al., 2022; Farahar, in press; Kapp, 2020). Autistic people unite to
reclaim stigmatizing language and narratives (Botha et al, 2020), to challenge studies which
uphold the eugenic traditions of wider autism culture and through collective action against
stigmatizing media campaigns.
This is not to say that the autistic community is immune from perpetrating and
upholding structural and systemic oppressions. Much like other minority communities, the
autistic community can perpetuate the same oppressions; white supremacy (Giwa Onaiwu,
2020), discrimination against Black autistic people or autistic people of color, including by
tokenising them or asking them to ignore their other identities to prioritize autism-focused
advocacy priorities (Smith, 2021; Wright, 2021), ableism, cis-heternormativity (Miller et al.,
2020), sexism (Creece, 2018), jockeying for status, infighting and “purity policing” (Dekker,
2020; Brown, 2022) are all still apparent. Worse, the idea of autism has in some cases,
become a shield to hide behind in perpetration of such white supremacy and wider bigotries,
from defense of micro-aggressions against minorities, including other Black, gender minority,
or sexual minority autistic people (Creece, 2018), to full blown legal defenses in cases of
extreme violence such as the Charleston shooting, that white autistic people do not know
better by virtue of their autism (Tucker, 2021). Furthermore, the idea that autistic people lack
empathy facilitates the conflation of autistic people with violence or aggression (a stereotype
which generates great danger for autistic people of color, especially for Black autistic boys
and men when in interaction with police). Autistic people have pointed out that this sort of
violence is blamed on autism to prevent society having to deal with white supremacy and
toxic masculinity (Di Natale, 2018). While social, cultural, and historical structures both in
40
policy and research have facilitated and created an environment where autistic people are
regularly (in)fighting for a single seat at the table of the Establishment in order to be listened
to, instead, we should act jointly to abolish the status quo and Establishment in its entirety.
You cannot challenge neuronormativity without working to undo cisheteronormativity or
white supremacy, and ignoring the many identities of autistic people will result in
neurodiversity being a tool for upholding other systems of oppressions. This means
acknowledging, accounting for, celebrating, and appreciating the vastness of autistic people
and their identities when creating research or policy.
Conclusion
“Autism,” once pathologized as an innate inability to connect socially, has become a
social identity and a culture. Autistic culture provides accepting spaces for autistic people to
grow, role models, social support, ways to interpret a stigmatized identity positively, and
opportunities to develop an empowered collective identity. These opportunities can promote a
sense of purpose and well-being and help make society more just. Autistic culture is relatively
new and arose largely on the Internet (Kapp, 2020). The Internet provides opportunities to
connect across space and time which are invaluable for minorities who might not have access
to people like them in their physical communities. However, the Internet is also a space where
people are quick to publicly shame people who express viewpoints different from theirs
(Ronson, 2016).
Intersectionality teaches us that we must understand differences within the autistic
community if we wish to help all autistic people experience the dignity they deserve. Dekker
(2020) who founded InLv, where the idea of neurodiversity emerged, wrote that the
neurodiversity movement was never intended to exclude or shame autistic people who view
41
autism negatively and/or wish they are not autistic. As Chapman (2020) suggested, the
neurodiversity movement should embrace autistic diversity while seeking empirical support
for its central premise that diversity improves functioning (e.g., stronger evidence that more
diverse groups are more creative but also experience more conflict; Torchia et al., 2015).
To understand autistic identity development, including potential impacts of the
neurodiversity movement, we must study individual and group successes and struggles in
relation to shifting social contexts. Research should examine socialization and cultural factors
that could explain unexpected relationships between minority stress and outcomes, ideally
with longitudinal mixed-methods design. Such work should assess structural and everyday
stigma, family socialization practices and autistic cultural traditions in relation to mental
health outcomes, but also positive characteristics we know to be important for development,
like authenticity, pride, belonging, and collective advocacy. To honor the cultural traditions of
the neurodiversity movement, we must use an intersectional lens to become more flexible in
our understanding of positive autistic identity development and strategies to promote it.
42
Statement of Ethics
The literature review conducted for this paper complies with internationally accepted practices
for research ethics.
Conflict of Interest Statement
The authors have no conflicts of interest to report.
Author Contribution Statement
Both authors contributed equally to this manuscript. KGL conducted a broad literature review
and wrote the first draft of many of the manuscript sections. MB wrote the first draft of the
minority stress and autistic culture sections and played the primary role in addressing reviewer
feedback. Both co-authors revised and added substance to sections the other led.
Funding
No external funding was received for this manuscript.
Comment [MOU4]: Please confirm this funding
statement.
43
References
Aylward, B. S., Gal-Szabo, D. E., & Taraman, S. (2021). Racial, ethnic, and
sociodemographic disparities in diagnosis of children with autism spectrum disorder.
Journal of Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics, 42(8), 682–689.
https://doi.org/10.1097/DBP.0000000000000996
Anderson, C. (2016). White rage: The unspoken truth of our racial divide. Bloomsbury
Publishing.
Ansara, Y. G., & Hegarty, P. (2012). Cisgenderism in psychology: Pathologising and
misgendering children from 1999 to 2008. Psychology & Sexuality, 3(2), 137–160.
https://doi.org/10.1080/19419899.2011.576696
ASAN (2021). Working Towards Racial Justice in ASAN and the Autistic Community.
https://autisticadvocacy.org/2021/07/working-towards-racial-justice-in-asan-and-the-
autistic-community/
Bagatell, N. (2010). From cure to community: Transforming notions of autism. Ethos, 38(1),
33–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1352.2009.01080.x
Baggs, M. (201, March 7). Aspie Supremacy can kill. Ballastexistenz.
https://ballastexistenz.wordpress.com/2010/03/07/aspie-supremacy-can-kill/
Bailin, A. (2019, June 6). Clearing up some misconceptions about neurodiversity. Scientific
American. https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/observations/clearing-up-some-
misconceptions-about-neurodiversity/
Baker, D. L. (2011). The politics of neurodiversity: Why public policy matters. Lynne Rienner
Publishers.
44
Ballou, E. (2018, February 6). What the neurodiversity movement does—and doesn’t—offer.
Thinking Person’s Guide to Autism.
http://www.thinkingautismguide.com/2018/02/what-neurodiversity-movement-
doesand.html
Balsam, K. F., Molina, Y., Blayney, J. A., Dillworth, T., Zimmerman, L., & Kaysen, D.
(2015). Racial/ethnic differences in identity and mental health outcomes among young
sexual minority women. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 21(3),
380–390. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0038680
Barber, B. K. (2008). Contrasting portraits of war: Youths' varied experiences with political
violence in Bosnia and Palestine. International Journal of Behavioral Development,
32(4), 298–309. https://doi.org/10.1177/0165025408090972
Barnett, J. P. (2017). Intersectional harassment and deviant embodiment among Autistic
adults:(dis) ability, gender and sexuality. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 19(11), 1210–
1224. https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2017.1309070
Baron-Cohen, S. (2019, April 30). The concept of neurodiversity is dividing the autism
community. Scientific American.
https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/observations/the-concept-of-neurodiversity-is-
dividing-the-autism-community/
Bilodeau, B. L., & Renn, K. A. (2005). Analysis of LGBT identity development models and
implications for practice. New Directions for Student Services, 2005(111), 25–39.
https://doi.org/10.1002/ss.171
Bishop, M. D., Fish, J. N., Hammack, P. L., & Russell, S. T. (2020). Sexual identity
development milestones in three generations of sexual minority people: A national
45
probability sample. Developmental Psychology, 56(11), 2177–2193.
https://doi.org/10.1037/dev0001105
Blume, H. (1998, September). Neurodiversity: On the neurological underpinnings of
geekdom. The Atlantic.
https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1998/09/neurodiversity/305909/Bockti
ng, W. O., Miner, M. H., Swinburne Romine, R. E., Hamilton, A., & Coleman, E.
(2013). Stigma, mental health, and resilience in an online sample of the US
transgender population. American Journal of Public Health, 103(5), 943–951.
https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2013.301241
Botha, M. (2021). Academic, activist, or advocate? angry, entangled, and emerging: A critical
reflection on autism knowledge production. Frontiers in Psychology, 4196.
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.727542
Botha, M., Dibb, B., & Frost, D. M. (2020). " Autism is me": an investigation of how autistic
individuals make sense of autism and stigma. Disability & Society, 1–27.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2020.1822782
Botha, M., Dibb, B., & Frost, D. M. (2022). “It’s being a part of a grand tradition, a grand
counter-culture”: A qualitative investigation of autistic community connectedness.
Autism.Botha, M., & Frost, D. M. (2020). Extending the minority stress model to
understand mental health problems experienced by the autistic population. Society and
Mental Health, 10(1), 20–34. https://doi.org/10.1177/2156869318804297
Bowleg, L., Huang, J., Brooks, K., Black, A., & Burkholder, G. (2003). Triple jeopardy and
beyond: Multiple minority stress and resilience among Black lesbians. Journal of
Lesbian Studies, 7(4), 87–108. https:/doi.org/10.1300/J155v07n04_06
46
Brah, A., & Phoenix, A. (2004). Ain’t I A woman? Revisiting intersectionality. Journal of
International Women's Studies, 5(3), 75–86.
Bränström, R., & Pachankis, J. E. (2021). Country-level structural stigma, identity
concealment, and day-to-day discrimination as determinants of transgender people’s
life satisfaction. Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 56(9), 1–9.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s00127-021-02036-6
Brooks, V. R. (1981). Minority stress and lesbian women. Free Press.
Brown, L. X. [@autistichoya]. (2022, February 5). The autistic community has been the single
most intense source of my repeated retraumatization over the last 10+ years I've been
involved with it due to the abuse and toxicity I've dealt with over and over again.
[Tweet]. Twitter.
Cage, E., & Troxell-Whitman, Z. (2019). Understanding the reasons, contexts and costs of
camouflaging for autistic adults. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders,
49(5), 1899–1911. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-018-03878-x
Cascio, M. A., Weiss, J. A., & Racine, E. (2021). Making autism research inclusive by
attending to intersectionality: a review of the research ethics literature. Review Journal
of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 8(1), 22–36. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40489-
020-00204-z
Chandler, M. J., & Lalonde, C. E. (2009). Cultural continuity as a moderator of suicide risk
among Canada’s First Nations. In L. J. Kirmayer & G. G. Valaskakis (Eds.), Healing
traditions: The mental health of Aboriginal peoples in Canada. UBC press.
Chapman, R. (2021). Neurodiversity and the social ecology of mental functions. Perspectives
on Psychological Science, 1745691620959833.
Comment [MOU5]: Not cited in text (only Chapman
2021 cited), please remove if confirmed correct.
47
Chapman, R. (2020). The reality of autism: On the metaphysics of disorder and diversity.
Philosophical Psychology, 33(6), 799–819.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09515089.2020.1751103
Chapman, R., & Carel, H. (in press). Neurodiversity, epistemic injustice, and the good human
life. The Journal of Social Philosophy.
Chapman, R., & Veit, W. (2020). Representing the autism spectrum. The American Journal of
Bioethics, 20(4), 46–48. 10.1080/15265161.2020.1730495
Chen, J. M., de Paula Couto, M. C. P., Sacco, A. M., & Dunham, Y. (2018). To be or not to be
(black or multiracial or white) cultural variation in racial boundaries. Social
Psychological and Personality Science, 9(7), 763–772.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1948550617725149
Coll, C. G., Crnic, K., Lamberty, G., Wasik, B. H., Jenkins, R., Garcia, H. V., & McAdoo, H.
P. (1996). An integrative model for the study of developmental competencies in
minority children. Child Development, 67(5), 1891–1914.
https://doi.org/10.2307/1131600
Cooper, K., Smith, L. G., & Russell, A. (2017). Social identity, self-esteem, and mental
health in autism. European Journal of Social Psychology, 47(7), 844–854.
https://doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.2297
Crane, L., Hearst, C., Ashworth, M., Davies, J., & Hill, E. L. (2020). Supporting newly
identified or diagnosed autistic adults: an initial evaluation of an autistic-led
programme. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 51(3), 892–905.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-020-04486-4
48
Crane, L., Lui, L. M., Davies, J., & Pellicano, E. (2021). Autistic parents’ views and
experiences of talking about autism with their autistic children. Autism, 25(4), 1161–
1167. https://doi.org/10.1177/1362361320981317
Creece, A. (2019). Autism is no defence for cruelty. SBS News.
https://www.sbs.com.au/topics/voices/health/article/2018/06/22/autism-no-defence-
cruelty
Crenshaw, K. (1989). Demarginalizing the intersection of race and sex: A black feminist
critique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory and antiracist politics.
University of Chicago Legal Forum, 1989(1), Article 8.
Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence
Against Women of Color. Stanford Law Review, 43(6), 1241–1299.
https://doi.org/10.2307/1229039
Crenshaw, K. (2018). Kimberlé Crenshaw on intersectionality, more than two decades later.
Columbia Law School. https://www.law.columbia.edu/news/archive/kimberle-
crenshaw-intersectionality-more-two-decades-later
Crompton, C. J., Hallett, S., Ropar, D., Flynn, E., & Fletcher-Watson, S. (2020). ‘I never
realised everybody felt as happy as I do when I am around autistic people’: A thematic
analysis of autistic adults’ relationships with autistic and neurotypical friends and
family. Autism, 24(6), 1438–1448. https://doi.org/10.1177/1362361320908976
Davenport, L. (2020). The fluidity of racial classifications. Annual Review of Political
Science, 23, 221–240. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-060418-042801
Davidson, J., & Orsini, M. (Eds.). (2013). Worlds of autism: Across the spectrum of
neurological difference. University of Minnesota Press.
49
Dawson, M., Soulières, I., Ann Gernsbacher, M., & Mottron, L. (2007). The level and nature
of autistic intelligence. Psychological Science, 18(8), 657–662.
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2007.01954.x
de Hooge, A. N. (2019). Binary boys: autism, aspie supremacy and post/humanist
normativity. Disability Studies Quarterly, 39(1).
http://dx.doi.org/10.18061/dsq.v39i1.6461
Dekker, M. (2020). From exclusion to acceptance: Independent living on the frontline. In S.
K. Kapp (Ed.), Autistic community and the neurodiversity movement: Stories from the
frontline (pp. 41–49). Palgrave Macmillan.
DeCuir-Gunby, J. T. (2009). A review of the racial identity development of African American
adolescents: The role of education. Review of Educational Research, 79(1), 103–124.
https://doi.org/10.3102/0034654308325897
Diamond, L. M. (2006). What we got wrong about sexual identity development: Unexpected
findings from a longitudinal study of young women. In A. M. Omoto & H. S.
Kurtzman (Eds.), Sexual orientation and mental health: Examining identity and
development in lesbian, gay, and bisexual people (pp. 73–94). American
Psychological Association. https://doi.org/10.1037/11261-004
Di Natale, V. (2018). Autism doesn’t kill women, toxic masculinity does. SBS News.
https://www.sbs.com.au/news/the-feed/article/autism-doesnt-kill-women-toxic-
masculinity-does/e72c4x6xd
Dovidio, J. F., & Fiske, S. T. (2012). Under the radar: how unexamined biases in decision-
making processes in clinical interactions can contribute to health care disparities.
50
American Journal of Public Health, 102(5), 945–952.
https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2011.300601
Durkin, M. S., Maenner, M. J., Baio, J., Christensen, D., Daniels, J., Fitzgerald, R., Imm, P.,
Lee, L.-C., Schieve, L. A., Van Naarden Braun, K., Wingate, M. S., & Yeargin-
Allsopp, M. (2017). Autism spectrum disorder among US children (2002–2010):
socioeconomic, racial, and ethnic disparities. American Journal of Public Health,
107(11), 1818–1826. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2017.304032
Dyar, C., & London, B. (2018). Longitudinal Examination of a Bisexual-Specific Minority
Stress Process Among Bisexual Cisgender Women. Psychology of Women Quarterly,
42(3), 342–360. https://doi.org/10.1177/0361684318768233
English, D., Rendina, H. J., & Parsons, J. T. (2018). The effects of intersecting stigma: A
longitudinal examination of minority stress, mental health, and substance use among
Black, Latino, and multiracial gay and bisexual men. Psychology of Violence, 8(6),
669–679. https://doi.org/10.1037/vio0000218
Erving, C. L., Thomas, C. S., & Frazier, C. (2019). Is the black-White mental health paradox
consistent across gender and psychiatric disorders? American Journal of
Epidemiology, 188(2), 314–322. https://doi.org/10.1093/aje/kwy224
Fadus, M. C., Ginsburg, K. R., Sobowale, K., Halliday-Boykins, C. A., Bryant, B. E., Gray,
K. M., & Squeglia, L. M. (2020). Unconscious bias and the diagnosis of disruptive
behavior disorders and ADHD in African American and Hispanic youth. Academic
Psychiatry, 44(1), 95–102. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40596-019-01127-6
Farahar, C. (In print). Autistic identity, culture, community & space for wellbeing. In Critical
Autism Studies (1st ed.). Routledge.
51
Fassinger, R. E., & Miller, B. A. (1997). Validation of an inclusive model of sexual minority
identity formation on a sample of gay men. Journal of Homosexuality, 32(2), 53–78.
https://doi.org/10.1300/J082v32n02_04
Fenton, A., & Krahn, T. (2007). Autism, Neurodiversity, and Equality Beyond the “Normal".
Journal of Ethics in Mental Health, 2(2), 1–6.
Fields, K. E., & Fields, B. J. (2014). Racecraft: The soul of inequality in American life. Verso Books.
Fletcher-Watson, S., Adams, J., Brook, K., Charman, T., Crane, L., Cusack, J., Leekam, S.,
Milton, D., Parr, J. R., & Pellicano, E. (2019). Making the future together: Shaping
autism research through meaningful participation. Autism, 23(4), 943–953.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1362361318786721
Floris, D. L., Wolfers, T., Zabihi, M., Holz, N. E., Zwiers, M. P., Charman, T., ... &
Wooldridge, C. (2021). Atypical brain asymmetry in autism—a candidate for
clinically meaningful stratification. Biological Psychiatry: Cognitive Neuroscience
and Neuroimaging, 6(8), 802-812.
Frost, K. M., Bailey, K. M., & Ingersoll, B. R. (2019). “I just want them to see me as… me”:
Identity, community, and disclosure practices among college students on the autism
spectrum. Autism in Adulthood, 1(4), 268–275. https://doi.org/10.1089/aut.2018.0057
Frost, D. M., Hammack, P. L., Wilson, B. D., Russell, S. T., Lightfoot, M., & Meyer, I. H.
(2020). The qualitative interview in psychology and the study of social change: Sexual
identity development, minority stress, and health in the generations study. Qualitative
Psychology, 7(3), 245. https://doi.org/10.1037/qup0000148
52
Frost, D. M., & Meyer, I. H. (2012). Measuring community connectedness among diverse
sexual minority populations. Journal of Sex Research, 49(1), 36–49.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2011.565427
Fusar-Poli, L., Brondino, N., Politi, P., & Aguglia, E. (2020). Missed diagnoses and
misdiagnoses of adults with autism spectrum disorder. European archives of
psychiatry and clinical neuroscience, 1-12.
Gernsbacher, M. A. (2015). Diverse brains. The General Psychologist, 49(2), 29–37.
Gillespie-Lynch, K., Dwyer, P., Constantino, C., Kapp, S. K., Hotez, E., Riccio, A., DeNigris,
D., Kofner, B., & Endlich, E. (2020). Can we broaden the neurodiversity movement
without weakening it? Participatory approaches as a framework for cross-disability
alliance building. Disability Alliances and Allies, 12. https://doi.org/10.1108/S1479-
354720200000012013
Giwa Onaiwu, M. (2020). “They don't lnow, don't show, or don't care”: Autism's White
Privilege Problem. Autism in Adulthood, 2(4). https://doi.org/10.1089/aut.2020.0077
Goffman E. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the management of spoiled identity. Prentice–Hall.
Goldberg Edelson, M. (2006). Are the majority of children with autism mentally retarded? A
systematic evaluation of the data. Focus on Autism and Other Developmental
Disabilities, 21(2), 66–83. https://doi.org/10.1177/10883576060210020301
Gould, S. J., & Gold, S. J. (1996). The mismeasure of man. WW Norton & company.
Grinker, R. R. (2015). Reframing the science and anthropology of autism. Culture, Medicine,
and Psychiatry, 39(2), 345–350. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11013-015-9444-9
53
Grov, C., Bimbi, D. S., Nanín, J. E., & Parsons, J. T. (2006). Race, ethnicity, gender, and
generational factors associated with the coming-out process among gay, lesbian, and
bisexual individuals. Journal of sex research, 43(2), 115-121.
Haltom, T. M., & Ratcliff, S. (2021). Effects of sex, race, and education on the timing of
coming out among lesbian, gay, and bisexual adults in the US. Archives of Sexual
Behavior, 50(3), 1107–1120. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-020-01776-x
Hannon, M. D. (2017). Acknowledging intersectionality: An autoethnography of a Black
school counselor educator and father of a student with autism. Journal of Negro
Education, 86(2), 154–162. https://doi.org/10.7709/jnegroeducation.86.2.0154
Herrnstein, R. J., & Murray, C. A. (1996). The bell curve: Intelligence and class structure in
American life (1st Free Press pbk. ed). Simon & Schuster.
Hickey, A., Crabtree, J., & Stott, J. (2018). ‘Suddenly the first fifty years of my life made
sense’: Experiences of older people with autism. Autism, 22(3), 357–367.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1362361316680914
Hirvikoski, T., Mittendorfer-Rutz, E., Boman, M., Larsson, H., Lichtenstein, P., & Bölte, S.
(2016). Premature mortality in autism spectrum disorder. The British Journal of
Psychiatry, 208(3), 232–238. https://doi.org/10.1192/bjp.bp.114.160192
hooks, b. (1981). Ain't I a woman: Black women and feminism. Routledge.
Huang, Y., Arnold, S. R., Foley, K. R., & Trollor, J. N. (2020). Diagnosis of autism in
adulthood: A scoping review. Autism, 24(6), 1311–1327.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1362361320903128
Hughes, D., Rodriguez, J., Smith, E. P., Johnson, D. J., Stevenson, H. C., & Spicer, P. (2006).
Parents' ethnic-racial socialization practices: a review of research and directions for
54
future study. Developmental Psychology, 42(5), 747–770.
https://doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.42.5.747
Hull, L., Petrides, K. V., Allison, C., Smith, P., Baron-Cohen, S., Lai, M. C., & Mandy, W.
(2017). “Putting on my best normal”: social camouflaging in adults with autism
spectrum conditions. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 47(8), 2519–
2534. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-017-3166-5
Humphrey, N., & Lewis, S. (2008). Make me normal' The views and experiences of pupils on
the autistic spectrum in mainstream secondary schools. Autism, 12(1), 23-46.
Huws, J. C., & Jones, R. S. (2011). Missing voices: Representations of autism in British
newspapers, 1999–2008. British Journal of Learning Disabilities, 39(2), 98–104.
Iacono, T., Douglas, S. N., Garcia-Melgar, A., & Goldbart, J. (2022). A scoping review of
AAC research conducted in segregated school settings. Research in Developmental
Disabilities, 120, 104141. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10882-022-09835-y
Jamil, O. B., Harper, G. W., & Fernandez, M. I. (2009). Sexual and ethnic identity
development among gay–bisexual–questioning (GBQ) male ethnic minority
adolescents. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 15(3), 203–214.
https://doi.org/10.1037/a0014795
Jaswal, V. K., & Akhtar, N. (2019). Being versus appearing socially uninterested: Challenging
assumptions about social motivation in autism. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 42.
https://doi.org/10.1017/S0140525X18001826
Jellett, R., & Muggleton, J. (2021). Implications of Applying “Clinically Significant
Impairment” to Autism Assessment: Commentary on Six Problems Encountered in
55
Clinical Practice. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 52(6), 1–10.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-021-04988-9
Jones, J. L., Gallus, K. L., Viering, K. L., & Oseland, L. M. (2015). ‘Are you by chance on the
spectrum?’Adolescents with autism spectrum disorder making sense of their
diagnoses. Disability & Society, 30(10), 1490–1504.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2015.1108902
Jones, R. S., Huws, J. C., & Beck, G. (2013). ‘I’m not the only person out there’: Insider and
outsider understandings of autism. International Journal of Developmental
Disabilities, 59(2), 134–144. https://doi.org/10.1179/2047387712Y.0000000007
Jones, D. R., Nicolaidis, C., Ellwood, L. J., Garcia, A., Johnson, K. R., Lopez, K., & Waisman
T. C. (2020). An expert discussion on structural racism in autism research and
practice. Autism in Adulthood, 2(4), 273–281.
https://doi.org/10.1089/aut.2020.29015.drj
Kanner, L. (1943). Autistic disturbances of affective contact. Nervous Child, 2(3), 217–250.
Kapp, S. K. (Ed.) (2020). Autistic community and the neurodiversity movement: Stories from
the frontline. Springer Nature.
Kapp, S. K., Gillespie-Lynch, K., Sherman, L. E., & Hutman, T. (2013). Deficit, difference,
or both? Autism and neurodiversity. Developmental Psychology, 49(1), 59–71.
https://doi.org/10.1037/a0028353
Kelly, B., Williams, S., Collins, S., Mushtaq, F., Mon-Williams, M., Wright, B., Mason, D., &
Wright, J. (2019). The association between socioeconomic status and autism diagnosis
in the United Kingdom for children aged 5–8 years of age: Findings from the Born in
Bradford cohort. Autism, 23(1), 131–140. https://doi.org/10.1177/1362361317733182
56
Kiekens, W. J., la Roi, C., & Dijkstra, J. K. (2020). Sexual identity disparities in mental health
among U.K. adults, U.S. adults, and U.S. adolescents: Examining heterogeneity by
race/ethnicity. Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity, 8(4), 407–419.
https://doi.org/10.1037/sgd0000432
King, J. B., Prigge, M. B., King, C. K., Morgan, J., Weathersby, F., Fox, J. C., & Bigler, E. D.
(2019). Generalizability and reproducibility of functional connectivity in autism.
Molecular Autism, 10, Article No. 27. https://doi.org/10.1186/s13229-019-0273-5
Kisler, K. A. (2013). Minority Stress and HIV Risk Behavior among HIV-Positive Bisexual
Black Men with Histories of Childhood Sexual Abuse. University of California, Los
Angeles.
Kosciw, J. G., Palmer, N. A., & Kull, R. M. (2015). Reflecting resiliency: Openness about
sexual orientation and/or gender identity and its relationship to well-being and
educational outcomes for LGBT students. American Journal of Community
Psychology, 55(1-2), 167–178. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10464-014-9642-6
Lai, M. C., Kassee, C., Besney, R., Bonato, S., Hull, L., Mandy, W., Szatmari, P., & Ameis,
S. H. (2019). Prevalence of co-occurring mental health diagnoses in the autism
population: a systematic review and meta-analysis. The Lancet Psychiatry, 6(10), 819–
829. https://doi.org/10.1016/S2215-0366(19)30289-5
Lambert, N. M., Stillman, T. F., Hicks, J. A., Kamble, S., Baumeister, R. F., & Fincham, F. D.
(2013). To belong is to matter: Sense of belonging enhances meaning in life.
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 39(11), 1418–1427.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167213499186
57
Leedham, A., Thompson, A. R., Smith, R., & Freeth, M. (2020). ‘I was exhausted trying to
figure it out’: The experiences of females receiving an autism diagnosis in middle to
late adulthood. Autism, 24(1), 135–146. https://doi.org/10.1177/1362361319853442
Lewis, L. F. (2016). Exploring the experience of self-diagnosis of autism spectrum disorder in
adults. Archives of Psychiatric Nursing, 30(5), 575-580.
Lick, D. J., Durso, L. E., & Johnson, K. L. (2013). Minority stress and physical health among
sexual minorities. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 8(5), 521–548.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691613497965
Lord, C., Brugha, T. S., Charman, T., Cusack, J., Guillaume, D., Frazier, T., Jones, E., J. H.,
Jones, R. M., Pickles, A., State, M. W., Lounds Taylor, J., & Veentra-VanderWeele, J.
(2020). Autism spectrum disorder. Nature Reviews: Disease Primers, 6(1).
https://doi.org/10.1038/s41572-019-0138-4
Lorde, A. (2003). The master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house. Feminist
postcolonial theory: A reader. Edinburgh University Press.
Mallipeddi, N. V., & VanDaalen, R. A. (2021). Intersectionality within critical autism studies:
A narrative review. Autism in Adulthood. https://doi.org/10.1089/aut.2021.0014
Mallory, A. B., & Russell, S. T. (2021). Intersections of racial discrimination and LGB
victimization for mental health: a prospective study of sexual minority youth of color.
Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 50(7), 1353–1368. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10964-
021-01443-x
Mandell, D. S., Ittenbach, R. F., Levy, S. E., & Pinto-Martin, J. A. (2007). Disparities in
Diagnoses Received Prior to a Diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder. Journal of
58
Autism and Developmental Disorders, 37(9), 1795–1802.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-006-0314-8
McGuire, A. (2016). War on autism: On the cultural logic of normative violence. University
of Michigan Press.
Meyer, I. H. (1995). Minority stress and mental health in gay men. Journal of Health and
Social Behavior, 36, 38–56. https://doi.org/10.2307/2137286
Meyer, I. H. (2003). Prejudice, Social Stress, and Mental Health in Lesbian, Gay, and
Bisexual Populations: Conceptual Issues and Research Evidence. Psychological
Bulletin, 129(5), 674–697. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.129.5.674
Meyer, I. H. (2010). Identity, stress, and resilience in lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals of
color. The Counseling Psychologist, 38(3), 442–454.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0011000009351601
Meyer, I. H., Russell, S. T., Hammack, P. L., Frost, D. M., & Wilson, B. D. (2021). Minority
stress, distress, and suicide attempts in three cohorts of sexual minority adults: A U.S.
probability sample. PLoS one, 16(3), e0246827.
https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0246827
Miller, R. A., Nachman, B. R., & Wynn, R. D. (2020). " I feel like they are all
interconnected": Understanding the identity management narratives of autistic LGBTQ
college students. College Student Affairs Journal, 38(1), 1–15.
https://doi.org/10.1353/csj.2020.0000
Milton, D. E. (2012). On the ontological status of autism: the ‘double empathy problem’.
Disability & Society, 27(6), 883–887. https://doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2012.710008
59
Mogensen, L., & Mason, J. (2015). The meaning of a label for teenagers negotiating identity:
Experiences with autism spectrum disorder. Sociology of Health & Illness, 37(2), 255–
269. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9566.12208
Mohr, J. (2009). Oppression by scientific method: The use of science to “other” sexual
minorities. Journal of Hate Studies, 7. https://doi.org/10.33972/jhs.57
Moore, K. L., Camacho, D., & Munson, M. R. (2020). Identity negotiation processes among
Black and Latinx sexual minority young adult mental health service users. Journal of
Gay & Lesbian Social Services, 32(1), 21–48.
https://doi.org/10.1080/10538720.2019.1677542
Moore, I., Morgan, G., Welham, A., & Russell, G. (2022). The intersection of autism and
gender in the negotiation of identity: A systematic review and metasynthesis.
Feminism & Psychology, 1–22. https://doi.org/10.1177/09593535221074806
Moskowitz, D. A., Rendina, H. J., Alvarado Avila, A., & Mustanski, B. (2021). Demographic
and social factors impacting coming out as a sexual minority among Generation-Z
teenage boys. Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity.
https://doi.org/10.1037/sgd0000484
Nader, A.-M., Courchesne, V., Dawson, M., & Soulières, I. (2014). Does WISC-IV
Underestimate the Intelligence of Autistic Children? Journal of Autism and
Developmental Disorders, 5. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10803-014-2270-z
Nicolaidis, C. (2012). What can physicians learn from the neurodiversity movement?. ama
Journal of Ethics, 14(6), 503-510.
Nicolaidis, C., Raymaker, D. M., Ashkenazy, E., McDonald, K. E., Dern, S., Baggs, A. E.,
Kapp, S. K., Weiner, M., & Boisclair, W. C. (2015). ‘Respect the way I need to
60
communicate with you’: Healthcare experiences of adults on the autism spectrum.
Autism: The International Journal of Research and Practice, 19(7), 824–831.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1362361315576221
O’Dell, L., Bertilsdotter Rosqvist, H., Ortega, F., Brownlow, C., & Orsini, M. (2016). Critical
autism studies: exploring epistemic dialogues and intersections, challenging dominant
understandings of autism. Disability & Society, 31(2), 166–179.
https://doi.org/10.1080/09687599.2016.1164026
Oredipe, T., Kofner, B., Riccio, A., Cage, E., Vincent, J., Kapp, S. K., Dwyer, P., & Gillespie-
Lynch, K. (In press). Does learning you are autistic at a younger age lead to better
adult outcomes? A participatory exploration of the perspectives of autistic university
students. Autism.
Orsini, M. (2009). Contesting the Autistic Subject: Biological Citizenship and the
Autism/Autistic Movement. In S. J. Murray & D. Holmes (Eds.), Critical
Interventions in the Ethics of Healthcare. Routledge.
https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781315575025
Orsini, M., & Smith, M. (2010). Social movements, knowledge and public policy: the case of
autism activism in Canada and the US. Critical Policy Studies, 4(1), 38–57.
https://doi.org/10.1080/19460171003714989
Ortega, F., & Choudhury, S. (2011). ‘Wired up differently’: Autism, adolescence and the
politics of neurological identities. Subjectivity, 4(3), 323–345.
https://doi.org/10.1057/sub.2011.9
61
Pamplin II, J. R., & Bates, L. M. (2021). Evaluating hypothesized explanations for the Black-
white Depression Paradox: A critical review of the extant evidence. Social Science &
Medicine, 281, 114085. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2021.114085
Parkinson, J. (2014). Gender dysphoria in Asperger’s syndrome: A caution. Australasian
Psychiatry, 22(1), 84–85. https://doi.org/10.1177/1039856213497814
Parks, C. A., Hughes, T. L., & Matthews, A. K. (2004). Race/ethnicity and sexual orientation:
Intersecting identities. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 10(3), 241–
254. https://doi.org/10.1037/1099-9809.10.3.241
Peña, E. V. (Ed.). (2019). Leaders Around Me: Autobiographies of Autistics who type, point,
& spell to communicate.
Perrin, P. B., Sutter, M. E., Trujillo, M. A., Henry, R. S., & Pugh Jr, M. (2020). The minority
strengths model: Development and initial path analytic validation in racially/ethnically
diverse LGBTQ individuals. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 76(1), 118–136.
https://doi.org/10.1002/jclp.22850
Pripas-Kapit, S. (2020). Historicizing Jim Sinclair’s “Don’t mourn for us”: A cultural and
intellectual history of neurodiversity’s first manifesto. In S. K. Kapp (Ed), Autistic
community and the neurodiversity movement (pp. 23–39). Palgrave Macmillan.
Pyne, J. (2021). Autistic Disruptions, Trans Temporalities. South Atlantic Quarterly, 120(2),
343–361. https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-8916088
Riccio, A., Kapp, S. K., Jordan, A., Dorelien, A. M., & Gillespie-Lynch, K. (2021). How is
autistic identity in adolescence influenced by parental disclosure decisions and
perceptions of autism? Autism, 25(2), 374–388.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1362361320958214
62
Rich, A. J., Salway, T., Scheim, A., & Poteat, T. (2020). Sexual minority stress theory:
remembering and honoring the work of Virginia Brooks. LGBT Health, 7(30), 124–
127. https://doi.org/10.1089/lgbt.2019.0223
Riggle, E. D., Rostosky, S. S., Black, W. W., & Rosenkrantz, D. E. (2017). Outness,
concealment, and authenticity: Associations with LGB individuals’ psychological
distress and well-being. Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity, 4(1),
54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/sgd0000202
Ronson, J. (2016). So you've been publicly shamed. Riverhead Books.
Rosario, M., Schrimshaw, E. W., & Hunter, J. (2004). Ethnic/racial differences in the coming-
out process of lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths: a comparison of sexual identity
development over time. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 10(3),
215–228. https://doi.org/10.1037/1099-9809.10.3.215
Russell, S. T., & Fish, J. N. (2019). Sexual minority youth, social change, and health: A
developmental collision. Research in Human Development, 16(1), 5–20.
https://doi.org/10.1080/15427609.2018.1537772
Ryan Idriss, C. (2021). Invisible autistic infrastructure: Ethnographic reflections on an autistic
community. Medical Anthropology, 40(2), 129–140.
https://doi.org/10.1080/01459740.2020.1849185
Scandurra, C., Carbone, A., Baiocco, R., Mezzalira, S., Maldonato, N. M., & Bochicchio, V.
(2021). Gender identity milestones, minority stress and mental health in three
generational cohorts of Italian binary and nonbinary transgender people. International
Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(17), 9057.
https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18179057
63
Scully, J., & Shakespeare, T. (2019). Report on the impact of ableism in medical and scientific
practice (A/HRC/43/41; Special Rapporteur on Disability). United Nations of Human
Rights.
https://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Disability/SRDisabilities/Pages/BioethicsDisabilitie
s.aspx
Sheffer, E. (2018). Asperger's children: The origins of autism in Nazi Vienna. WW Norton &
Company.
Silberman, S. (2015). Neurotribes: The legacy of autism and the future of neurodiversity.
Penguin.
Sinclair, J. (2010). Being autistic together. Disability Studies Quarterly, 30(1).
Singer, J. (2017). Neurodiversity: The birth of an idea.
Singh, J. S., & Bunyak, G. (2019). Autism disparities: A systematic review and meta-
ethnography of qualitative research. Qualitative Health Research, 29(6), 796–808.
https://doi.rgo/10.1177/1049732318808245
Smith, I. C., Edelstein, J. A., Cox, B. E., & White, S. W. (2018). Parental disclosure of ASD
diagnosis to the child: A systematic review. Evidence-Based Practice in Child and
Adolescent Mental Health, 3(2), 98–105.
https://doi.org/10.1080/23794925.2018.1435319
Smith, K. [@beingkaylasmith]. (2021, June 29). The Autistic community use BIPOC for
clout. [Tweet]. Twitter. https://twitter.com/fkastix/status/1409754469600956419
Stephens, E., & Cryle, P. (2017). Eugenics and the normal body: the role of visual images and
intelligence testing in framing the treatment of people with disabilities in the early
64
twentieth century. Continuum, 31(3), 365–376.
https://doi.org/10.1080/10304312.2016.1275126
Strand, L. R. (2017). Charting relations between intersectionality theory and the
neurodiversity paradigm. Disability Studies Quarterly, 37(2).
Strang, J. F., van der Miesen, A. I., Caplan, R., Hughes, C., daVanport, S., & Lai, M. C.
(2020). Both sex-and gender-related factors should be considered in autism research
and clinical practice. Autism, 24(3), 539–543.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1362361320913192
Straus, J. N. (2013). Autism as culture. In L. J. Davis (Ed.), The disability studies reader. (4th
ed., pp. 460–484). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203077887
Strauss, P., Cook, A., Watson, V., Winter, S., Whitehouse, A., Albrecht, N., Toussaint, D. W.,
& Lin, A. (2021). Mental health difficulties among trans and gender diverse young
people with an autism spectrum disorder (ASD): Findings from Trans Pathways.
Journal of Psychiatric Research, 137, 360–367.
https://doi.org10.1016/j.jpsychires.2021.03.005
Szymanski, D. M., & Gupta, A. (2009). Examining the relationship between multiple
internalized oppressions and African American lesbian, gay, bisexual, and questioning
persons’ self-esteem and psychological distress. Journal of Counseling Psychology,
56(1), 110–118. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0013317
Tajfel, H., Turner, J. C., Austin, W. G., & Worchel, S. (1979). An integrative theory of
intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin, & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of
intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). Brooks/Cole.
65
Tan, C. D. (2018). “I'm a normal autistic person, not an abnormal neurotypical”: Autism
Spectrum Disorder diagnosis as biographical illumination. Social Science & Medicine,
197, 161–167. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.12.008
Telles, E., & Paschel, T. (2014). Who is black, white, or mixed race? How skin color, status,
and nation shape racial classification in Latin America. American Journal of
Sociology, 120(3), 864–907. https://doi.org/10.1086/679252
Teo, T. (2011). Empirical race psychology and the hermeneutics of epistemological violence.
Human Studies, 34(3), 237–255. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10746-011-9179-8
Tobin, C. S. T. (2021). Distinguishing distress from disorder: Black-white patterns in the
determinants of and links between depressive symptoms and major depression.
Journal of Affective Disorders, 279, 510–517.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jad.2020.10.035
Torchia, M., Calabrò, A., & Morner, M. (2015). Board of directors’ diversity, creativity, and
cognitive conflict: The role of board members’ interaction. International Studies of
Management & Organization, 45(1), 6–24.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00208825.2015.1005992
Tucker, K. (2021). Why the Autism Defense Failed in Charleston Shooter Dylann Roof’s
Appeal. Law. https://www.law.com/2021/08/26/why-the-autism-defense-failed-in-
charleston-shooter-dylann-roofs-appeal/
Umaña-Taylor, A. J., Quintana, S. M., Lee, R. M., Cross Jr, W. E., Rivas-Drake, D.,
Schwartz, S. J., Yip, T. & Ethnic and Racial Identity in the 21st Century Study Group.
(2014). Ethnic and racial identity during adolescence and into young adulthood: An
66
integrated conceptualization. Child Development, 85(1), 21–39.
https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12196
Ward, M. J., & Meyer, R. N. (1999). Self-determination for people with developmental
disabilities and autism: Two self-advocates' perspectives. Focus on Autism and Other
Developmental Disabilities, 14(3), 133–139.
Weir, E., Allison, C., Warrier, V., & Baron-Cohen, S. (2021). Increased prevalence of non-
communicable physical health conditions among autistic adults. Autism, 25(3), 681–
694. https://doi.org/10.1177/1362361320953652
Wexler, L. M., DiFluvio, G., & Burke, T. K. (2009). Resilience and marginalized youth:
Making a case for personal and collective meaning-making as part of resilience
research in public health. Social Science & Medicine, 69(4), 565–570.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2009.06.022
Whitfield, D. L., Walls, N. E., Langenderfer-Magruder, L., & Clark, B. (2014). Queer is the
new black? Not so much: Racial disparities in anti-LGBTQ discrimination. Journal of
Gay & Lesbian Social Services, 26(4), 426–440.
https://doi.org/10.1080/10538720.2014.955556
Whitlock, A., Fulton, K., Lai, M. C., Pellicano, E., & Mandy, W. (2020). Recognition of girls
on the autism spectrum by primary school educators: An experimental study. Autism
Research, 13(8), 1358–1372. https://doi.org/10.1002/aur.2316
Wright, D.J. (2021). Autism has a race problem. Medium.
https://weareautastic.medium.com/autism-has-a-race-problem-3c706a37d5a9
Young-Bruehl, E. (1998). The anatomy of prejudices. Harvard University Press.
67
Yuval-Davis, N. (2006). Intersectionality and feminist politics. European Journal of Women's
Studies, 13(3), 193–209. https://doi.org/10.1177/1350506806065752
Zeldovich, L. (2018, November 7). How history forgot the woman who defined autism.
Spectrum News. https://www.spectrumnews.org/features/deep-dive/history-forgot-
woman-defined-autism/
... However, the social model of disability criticises this vision, alluding to the fact that limitations are not individual but the result of a disabling context (Barton and Oliver 1997). Within this model, neurodivergence understands differences in cognitive and behavioural functioning (of people with autism, dyslexia, ADHD, etc.) as part of human diversity that should be understood, supported and respected (Accardo et al. 2024;Botha and Gillespie-Lynch 2022). ...
Article
Free eprints: https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/58FKPAHJPUVBT9XGZYNP/full?target=10.1080/08856257.2025.2460904 This article explores the concept of university success and the contextual factors that promote it from the perspectives of autistic Spanish graduates and their support networks (families, friends, peers, faculty, disability services and other professionals). A narrative methodology was used with semi-structured interviews, personal written narratives from graduates, and co-designed interviews with autistic graduates to gather insights from their key supporters. Data analysis was inductive with a system of categories and codes. The results highlight a multidimensional view of success beyond attaining the academic degree, encompassing well-being, a sense of belonging, shaping support networks and the development of adult life skills. It also highlights the crucial role of human support in the university setting, especially in creating inclusive environments that promote the growth and agency of autistic students. This study contributes to a more inclusive understanding of university success and provides recommendations for strengthening inclusion in higher education.
... The shift toward viewing neurodivergence as inherent to identity corresponds with the preferences of many in the neurodivergent community for identity-first terminology, like "autistic person" (Bury et al., 2023(Bury et al., , p. 1588)-the terminology selected in this current article. Scholars continue to expand on the concept of neurodivergent identity, with recent contributions also noting the impact on identity construction relevant to intersections of multiple minority groups (Botha & Gillespie-Lynch, 2022;McAuliffe et al., 2023). Caution was raised by Stenning and Bertilsdotter Rosqvist (2021), however, suggesting neurodivergent identity should not be associated with any common way of being as there is much diversity across neurotypes and many varied experiences of neurodivergent people. ...
Article
Full-text available
A review of research is beneficial in contributing to the debate about neurodiversity conceptualisation. Thus, the aim of this study was to identify how neurodiversity has been defined and conceptualised in empirical research. A scoping review of research featuring neurodiversity as a central focus was conducted, accessing 10 databases. Key concepts related to neurodiversity were collated from 46 articles, and a constant comparative analysis was used to generate results. Results position neurodiversity as natural human variation alongside a further seven categories. These results were compared to theoretical work and early principles of neurodiversity, particularly those introduced by Jim Sinclair 30 years ago. While some consensus in the field exists, contrasts and debate remain, particularly regarding the alignment of neurodiversity with disability models.
... 32 Acceptance and attitudinal change for these intersectional groups may be especially urgent. 21,32 CRediT author statement As an example, Panel B demonstrates a linear decrease in D-scores as preferences for reading right-leaning tabloids increase, indicating that stronger preferences for right-leaning tabloids are associated with less favourable explicit attitudes toward autism. This effect, which contributes 4.3% of the explained variance, is highly significant. ...
Preprint
Full-text available
Background: Newspapers frequently portray autism negatively and stereotypically, with such portrayals being particularly prevalent in certain tabloids and right-leaning publications. Negative coverage can harm the well-being of autistic people and hinder their acceptance within society. This study further examined the impact of newspaper coverage by analysing the relationship between readers’ newspaper preferences and trust in different outlets and their attitudes towards autism. Method: In an online survey, we recruited 277 UK-based, non-autistic adults who provided demographic information, reading frequency data, and trustworthiness ratings for 10 British newspapers. Participants also completed questionnaires on their knowledge about autism, their explicit attitudes, and a task assessing implicit attitudes toward autism. Data were analysed using generalised additive models weighted by overall exposure to newspapers, with explicit and implicit attitudes as outcome variables. A hierarchical partitioning analysis determined the proportion of the variance in explicit and implicit attitudes explained by reading behaviour and other variables. Results: Our analyses accounted for 60.1% of the variance in explicit (adjusted-R² = 0.60) and 35.2% in implicit attitudes, with reading behaviour variables collectively explaining 6.0% of the variance in explicit and 10.4% in implicit attitudes. Crucially, a preference for reading right-leaning tabloids predicted more negative implicit attitudes. Furthermore, participants with selective trust in right-leaning tabloids tended to have relatively favourable explicit but relatively unfavourable implicit attitudes. A complementary analysis suggested that participants with higher overall trust in newspapers had less accurate knowledge about autism. Conclusion: Our findings highlight the role of the quality of newspaper content in influencing readers’ explicit and implicit attitudes toward autism, alongside other factors. Trust in and engagement with content that negatively and stereotypically portrays autism appear to reinforce negative implicit biases, even when explicit attitudes are favourable. Future research should investigate broader media ecosystems and causal pathways underlying attitudinal shifts.
... Although these are widely observed as mental disorders or intellectual disabilities, the neurodiversity movement challenges this assumption by suggesting that these minority cognitive styles form part of a range of cognitive behaviours that are deemed to be within normal limits in society (Chapman, 2021). In other words, these are not a set of diseases but instead a range of normal cognitive processes, which do not fit into one marginalised identity Botha and Gillespie-Lynch, 2022). ...
Article
Full-text available
Introduction Neurodiversity is considered to be an umbrella term, used to demonstrate a variation in brain functioning which can impact a person’s thinking and information processing. The literature tells us that there is a close link between neurodivergence and mental health resulting in such individuals being more likely to attend a recovery college. However, there is a lack of data on how such recovery colleges can support neurodivergent individuals in learning about their mental health and wellbeing, leading to the question: can recovery colleges create neuro-inclusive environments conducive of supporting this community in acquiring the knowledge and skills needed to support their mental wellbeing? Methods and analysis To address this, an overarching project: The N eurodiversity I n R ecovery E ducation [N.I.R.E] Study was created. It consists of three work packages, each of which involves an iterative process where recovery college staff and students are interviewed in order to support the co-creation of specific guidelines. These guidelines will support these recovery colleges [both within the study sites and beyond] to harness an environment that is neuro-affirming whilst also representative of the wider recovery movement. Ethics and dissemination This study received ethical approval from UCC’s Social Research Ethics Committee [SREC] in November 2024. This protocol, and all data created as a result of this study is stored in OSF registries. Almost all outputs will be through publication in high impact peer reviewed journals. The exception of this will be the co-created guidelines which will be stored on a specific website and with the help of ImROC [an organisation in the UK well linked in with recovery colleges] will be circulated to all recovery education services in the UK and internationally. Registration ID https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/R93WM
... As caregiver-reported information about youth sexual orientation and gender identity was not available, this hypothesis could not be tested in the current study and should be examined in future studies. It may also be that having intersectional marginalized identities, such as being autistic and LGBTQ +, increases the likelihood of experiencing discrimination due to compounding stigmatization by the general population (Botha & Gillespie-Lynch, 2022). ...
Article
Autistic adults have reported experiencing discrimination across settings. Nonetheless, population-based research examining the prevalence of discrimination against autistic individuals has been more limited. Therefore, this study aimed to examine the prevalence of types of discrimination (i.e., due to race or ethnicity, due to sexual orientation or gender identity, and due to health condition or disability) experienced by autistic youth ( n = 2339) compared to youth with other neurodevelopmental diagnoses (i.e. attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, learning disability, and speech or other language disorder; n = 10,325) and neurotypical youth ( n = 44,781) 6–17 years of age utilizing a large, population-based sample. Data for this study were acquired from the 2021–2022 National Survey of Children’s Health, a nationally distributed caregiver-report questionnaire. Results found that the prevalence of discrimination due to race or ethnicity and sexual orientation or gender identity was higher among autistic youth than neurotypical youth. Notably, results also found that discrimination due to health condition or disability was far more prevalent among autistic youth than neurotypical youth and youth with other neurodevelopmental diagnoses. Findings highlight the increased prevalence of discrimination experienced by autistic youth and should prompt researchers, policymakers, and vested community members to action to address this problem. Lay abstract Autistic individuals have described facing unfair or discriminatory treatment across settings, such as in school and at work. However, there have been few studies examining how widespread or prevalent discrimination is against autistic individuals. We aimed to fill that gap by examining how prevalent or common it is for autistic youth to experience discrimination based on race or ethnicity, sexual orientation or gender identity, and health condition or disability. We compared rates of discrimination against autistic youth to youth without developmental differences/diagnoses and youth with other developmental differences (i.e. youth diagnosed with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder [ADHD], learning disability, and speech/language disorders). We analyzed data from the 2021–2022 National Survey of Children’s Health, which is a nationwide survey on which parents report about aspects of their children’s lives. We found that autistic youth experience higher rates of discrimination based on race or ethnicity and sexual orientation or gender identity compared to youth who are typically developing and do not have a diagnosis (such as a speech or language disorder). Importantly, they also face significantly more discrimination due to their disability than youth with other diagnoses, such as ADHD, and youth without a developmental diagnosis. These results show that autistic youth are at risk for experiencing discriminatory treatment. Our study should motivate researchers, policymakers, and community members to address this critical issue.
Article
Objective There is an urgent need for research on eating disorders among individuals with disabilities. This paper highlights the lack of research on the relationships between disabilities and EDs, despite their common convergence. Method In this paper, we aim to 1) highlight the need for further research investigating the relationships between disability status and EDs, 2) describe existing frameworks for conceptualizing disability, 3) utilize such frameworks to propose a novel theoretical model of ED/disability relationships and related sociocultural factors and 4) identify future directions for research in this area. Results We propose a multidimensional theoretical model of the relationships between EDs and disabilities. Further, we describe how these relationships are likely influenced by a system of individual factors (e.g., disability (in)visibility, food access, and self-identification) and sociocultural factors (e.g., ableism/discrimination and weight stigma). Discussion Scholars are encouraged to test our proposed model and further investigate experiences of disability and ED co-occurrence with participatory research and mixed-methods designs. ED prevention and screening programs, as well as treatment access and efficacy, need to be evaluated for disabled populations. Disability should also be routinely collected as a demographic across studies, and ED measures should be validated and/or developed for individuals with disabilities.
Article
This study investigates the workplace experiences of 51 ethnic minority professionals who self‐identify as neurodivergent, focusing specifically on the impact of intersectional stereotyping within organizations in the United Kingdom and United States. Drawing on models of intersectional stereotyping, the research explores how neurodivergent employees' racial or ethnic minority backgrounds influence their self‐perceptions and experiences regarding prevailing stereotypes in professional environments. Semi‐structured interviews reveal that neurodiversity intersects with ethnicity, to either amplify or mitigate prevailing stereotypes during recruitment, performance evaluations, and career progression. Specifically, for Black and Latinx professionals, neurodiversity intensifies pejorative assumptions, reinforcing deficit stereotypes, while for Asian participants, neurodiversity can contradict the “model minority” stereotype. Neurodivergent behaviors are often seen as cultural mismatches with dominant norms, leading individuals to employ identity management strategies for professional advancement. This study extends general HRM diversity and neurodiversity research agendas by elucidating salient intragroup differences at this intersection, expanding intersectional stereotyping literature to include neurodiversity, and underscoring the practical need for integrated organizational inclusion initiatives that address the complex interrelationships between ethnicity and neurodiversity.
Article
The emerging recognition of autistic women and gender-diverse people has highlighted the need for an intersectional approach to understanding their experiences of oppression. However, the axis of neurodivergence has so far been underaddressed within existing intersectional frameworks as the experiences of oppression of autistic women and gender-diverse people have historically been marginalised within both autism research and feminist theory. Addressing this marginalisation within these respective fields is important as autistic women and gender-diverse people experience unique forms of oppression that are underpinned by both patriarchal and neuro-normative structures. This theoretical paper uses neuro-queer feminism as an intersectional framework to examine the experiences of gender and neuro-minority-based oppression of autistic women and gender-diverse people. Neuro-queer feminism is outlined in terms of its usefulness as an intersectional framework for expanding the existing boundaries of feminist scholarship to include neuro-minority experiences of gender oppression, particularly in relation to autistic women and gender-diverse people. The applications of neuro-queer feminism are also discussed in relation to how feminist theory and practice can draw on the neurodiversity paradigm in addressing autistic experiences of gender oppression, such as gender-essentialist constructions of autism and gendered violence.
Article
A growing number of adults are choosing to self-identify as autistic without obtaining a formal diagnosis; yet, research into this population remains scarce. Women and gender non-conforming autistics are particularly underresearched, with women facing additional barriers to diagnosis. This study examined the lived experiences of self-diagnosed autistic women and gender-diverse adults and explored how autistic identity is constructed outside of formal diagnosis in this population. Participants ( n = 6) between the ages of 18 and 69 took part in semi-structured one-to-one online interviews with an autistic researcher to discuss their experiences of being self-diagnosed. Interview transcripts were analysed using interpretive phenomenological analysis. Three superordinate themes were found: (1) autistic self-discovery, (2) living without a diagnosis and (3) self-doubt and self-diagnosis. The findings suggest that many of the experiences of self-diagnosed autistic women and gender-diverse adults are similar to those who are diagnosed but with unique challenges and benefits. This study offers a new perspective on self-diagnosis as an empowering way of attaining a positive autistic identity outside of the deficit paradigm embedded within the diagnostic pathway. Lay Abstract As awareness of neurodiversity continues to grow, more adults are seeking autism assessments. This rise in demand is placing pressures on diagnostic services resulting in long waiting lists and high private costs. Many autistic adults are choosing to self-diagnose as an alternative to a lengthy and expensive diagnostic process which pathologizes their experiences. Research into this population remains very scarce, and little is known about how and why autistic adults choose to self-diagnose. Autistic women are especially underdiagnosed and underresearched, with gender-diverse autistics rarely included. This study explored how autistic women and gender-diverse adults acquire and shape their autistic identity outside of formal diagnosis and what effect this has had on their lives. An autistic researcher recruited six self-diagnosed autistic adults through social media and conducted online one-to-one video interviews with them. Three main themes were found: (1) autistic self-discovery, (2) living without a diagnosis, and (3) self-doubt and self-diagnosis. The findings offer new insights into the lives of self-diagnosed autistic women and gender-diverse adults and how their experiences are often similar to those who are diagnosed but with unique challenges and benefits. This study offers a new perspective on self-diagnosis as an empowering way of gaining a positive autistic identity outside of the diagnostic model which views autism as a disorder rather than a difference. This may help self-diagnosed autistics feel more able to disclose their identity to others, access more support and experience less invalidation, stigma and self-doubt.
Article
Childhood Studies scholars have increasingly engaged with the concept of neurodiversity, particularly with respect to neurodivergent children's mental well‐being. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the history of the neurodiversity movement in Italy, and the consequences on children's mental health, drawing on eight in‐depth interviews with movement leaders, researchers and members of parent associations. We argue that Italian education and health services serve as promising sites within which a neurodiversity approach can foster neurodivergent children's self‐esteem and give them powerful tools to fight against oppressive practices.
Article
Full-text available
Teenagers have shown a 60% increase in identifying as gay, bisexual, queer/questioning, and pansexual (GBQP) since 2005. Although studies in the early 2000s have measured the prevalence of GBQP identities across adult populations and over time, the correlates of “coming out” as GBQP are less understood among Generation-Z teenagers (i.e., those born after 1997). We sampled 1,194 GBQP male (assigned-at-birth) teenagers aged 13–18 as part of an online HIV prevention study. Demographic (e.g., age, race/ethnicity, location, sexual identity) and social factors (e.g., school-based HIV education; religiousness; internalized stigma; lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender victimization) were surveyed and entered into logistic regression models predicting outness to a female and/or male parental figure, as well as general others. Nearly two thirds were out to a female parental figure; nearly half were out to a male parental figure. We created three multivariable models predicting outness to general others, outness to a female parental figure, and outness to a male parental figure. Statistically significant correlates consistent across the models predicted greater outness for GBQP White teenagers relative to Black and Asian teenagers, gay-identified teenagers relative to bisexual and questioning/unsure teenagers, and GBQP teenagers reporting more experiences of victimization relative to less. Correlates that predicted reduced outness include identifying as religious, attending religious services, and reporting higher internalized sexual minority stigma. We concluded that outness among Generation-Z teenagers varied by sociocultural factors, prompting some teens to move across coming-out milestones more quickly. Most important for mental health, the findings substantiate that victimization toward out-teenagers has not relented and remains an area of concern.
Article
Full-text available
Lay abstract: People learn they are autistic at different ages. We wanted to know if telling kids they are autistic earlier helps them feel better about their lives when they grow up. We are a team of autistic and non-autistic students and professors. Seventy-eight autistic university students did our online survey. They shared how they found out they were autistic and how they felt about being autistic. They also shared how they feel about their lives now. Around the same number of students learned they were autistic from doctors and parents. Students who learned they were autistic when they were younger felt happier about their lives than people who learned they were autistic when they were older. Students who learned they were autistic when they were older felt happier about being autistic when they first found out than people who did not have to wait as long. Our study shows that it is probably best to tell people they are autistic as soon as possible. The students who did our study did not think it was a good idea to wait until children are adults to tell them they are autistic. They said that parents should tell their children they are autistic in ways that help them understand and feel good about who they are.
Article
Full-text available
The aim of this scoping review was to explore the extent to which AAC studies have occurred in inclusive versus segregated settings, the role of AAC in inclusive setting studies, and the evidence for AAC supporting inclusive education of students with complex communication needs. A scoping review of studies published from 2000 to 2020 that involved students who used or could benefit from AAC or their peers conducted within schools yielded 167 studies. Relatively few studies ( n =28, 17%) were conducted in inclusive settings. Data from these 28 studies were extracted and appraised for quality. AAC was integrated into intervention in 57% of these studies and in 61% improved use of AAC was an outcome variable, but in only six was this the main aim. Eighty-two students who used or could benefit from AAC were participants across studies. Classroom peers participated across 11 studies, including those in which qualitative designs were employed. The strength of evidence for the role of AAC could not be determined because only 12 studies were experimental and addressed varied aims. Nonetheless, these and seven qualitative studies were appraised as being of high quality. Implications of findings are discussed in terms of extending the evidence to demonstrate the role of AAC, and its potential to support academic and social school inclusion of students with complex communication needs, which may not rely on proficient use of AAC.
Article
Full-text available
Influenced by theories of intersectionality, performativity and gender hegemony, this review sought to explore the intersection of autism and gender in qualitative research into autistic identity. Twelve papers were subjected to a thematic metasynthesis following a systematic search. Study participants were predominantly cisgender female or gender-diverse: perspectives of cisgender autistic males were lacking. The three superordinate themes developed related to: (1) the ways in which autism discourses restricted gender identities, through the influence of the "extreme male brain" and "masking" narratives and the use of autism to explain gender non-conformity and gender diversity; (2) the ways in which gendered autistic identities were positioned within social power hierarchies as "othered", subordinate and less acceptable ways of being; and (3) possibilities for finding spaces of belonging and resistance. While autism as an identity may offer community and freedom from normative expectations, dominant autism discourses act to restrict and police gender, reinforcing existing power hierarchies. We encourage practitioners to reflect on the clinical, ethical and political implications of their positioning in relation to the constructs of "autism" and "gender", and to explore alongside people seeking support the personal and political impacts of gendered autism discourses.
Article
Full-text available
There has been a focus on autistic-led and participatory research in autism research, but minimal discussion about whether the field is hospitable to autistic involvement. While the focus on participatory and/or autistic-led research is abundantly welcome, a wider conversation should also happen about how autistic people are treated in the process of knowledge creation. As such, I present a critical reflection on my experiences of academia as an autistic autism researcher. I open by questioning whether I am an academic, an activist, or an advocate before discussing my journey through academia, and my exposure to dehumanizing, objectifying, and violent accounts of autism. I highlight how the construction of objectivity has resulted in a failure to question the validity of these dehumanizing accounts of autism, which are regarded as “scientifically-sound” by virtue of their perceived “objectivity.” Furthermore, I discuss how the idea of objectivity is used to side-line autistic expertise in disingenuous ways, especially when this knowledge challenges the status-quo. Despite claiming to be value-free, these dehumanizing accounts of autism embody social and cultural values, with a complete lack of transparency or acknowledgment. I then discuss how these dehumanizing accounts and theories—entangled in values—reverberate into autistic people's lives and come to be ways of constituting us. Following this, I discuss the rationality of the anger autistic people feel when encountering these accounts, and instead of urging people to distance themselves from these emotions, I discuss the value of “leaning-in” as a radical act of dissent in the face of research-based violence. I then make a call to action urging all those who write or speak about autism to engage reflexively with how their values shape their understanding and construction of autistic people. Lastly, I conclude by answering my opening question: I have emerged as an advocate, activist, and academic. For me, belonging to the autistic community, acknowledging our marginalization, and recognizing our suffering within society means that hope for a better and just future has always, and will always underpin my work.
Chapter
In this chapter I discuss and critically consider the importance of identity, culture, community, and space for improving the well-being of the (our) stigmatised and marginalised Autistic population. I will do this by first discussing a tale of two “autisms”: the first being the pathological and paradigmatic narrative that constructs “autism” as a medical neurodevelopmental “disorder” embedded within a “culture of autism”; the second narrative being that of Autistic culture, with Autistic experience understood from a neurodiversity perspective, where Autistic people are different, not disordered. I touch on the well-being issues the Autistic community experience, going on to explain how fostering an Autistic identity can act as a “social cure”, one that affords Autistic people symbolic and material support from community members. Lastly, I consider the refuge and healing properties of Autistic spaces, and how these spaces may prove to be a stronger tool for discovering one’s Autistic-ness as a teen or adult compared to current infantilised medical diagnostic processes. I hope to show the importance of Autistic identity, culture, community, and space for Autistic well-being.
Article
Background School education for children with severe disabilities tends to occur in restricted or segregated settings, especially for students who require augmentative and alternative communication (AAC). Aim We sought to understand the role played by AAC, especially in supporting students’ academic learning and social participation in studies conducted in segregated school settings. Methods We conducted a scoping review, searching five databases, supplemented by hand, ancestral and forward citation searches of studies published from 2000 to 2020 involving compulsory school-aged students and featuring AAC. Data were extracted and summarized regarding study and participant characteristics, and key findings. Result Our search yielded 141 studies conducted in a segregated setting (n = 129) or mixed settings (n = 12). Most studies focused on communication skills (n = 69); academic skills (n = 27) and social participation (n = 17) were addressed to a far lesser extent. Conclusions Research into students requiring or using AAC has focused on teaching communication skills and far less on academic learning and social activities of classrooms and schools. There is a need for research that extends beyond functional communication into how AAC can promote access to these key aspects of school education.
Article
The aim of this narrative review was to examine intersectionality within critical autism studies. A growing body of evidence has demonstrated the importance of intersectional frameworks in highlighting the diverse experiences of marginalized communities. Many disability studies researchers investigated intersectionality to elucidate the impact of race, gender, sexuality, class, and other constructs on disability identification. Within critical autism studies, a field that emerged to challenge the deficit-laden, pathologizing autism discourses favored by the medical community, intersectionality has started to become an integral component of the literature. This review highlights intersectional frameworks utilized to explore autism in both academic and nonacademic contexts, to provide a foundation for future study. Upon analysis, we found overarching themes regarding the explicit, implicit, and descriptive approaches to intersectionality, racial and gender biases within critical autism studies, and the multidisciplinary nature of intersectionality and critical autism studies. We finish the review with recommendations for how to more fully address the experiences of all autistic people-particularly of racial, gender, and sexual minority individuals-in future study. Our recommendations include utilizing intersectionality as an analytical lens for describing previously overlooked phenomena and questioning central tenets of methodology and processes, including developing research questions, analyzing data, and writing results.