The Challenges and Prospects of Women Fisherfolk in Makoko, Lagos State, Nigeria

Abstract

Makoko, a coastal fishing community in Lagos, Nigeria, aptly described as the "Venice of Africa", is also known as the world’s largest floating slum. Contributions of women fisherfolk in artisanal fisheries are seldom appreciated despite the fact that in most coastal communities, women are the pillars and de facto household- heads, having to provide and sustain their households with little or no institutional or cultural support. This paper describes how women with different sizes of businesses (small, medium and large) conducted their fish trade in conjunction with their reproductive roles. Key findings suggest that sustainability of fisheries-based livelihoods for women fisherfolk is determined by working capital and access to credit facilities. Social networks and informal credit institutions were important factors to obtain capital by which the women were able to sustain and expand their businesses. Lack of formal education, poor access to information, discriminatory gender–based norms and cultural practices challenged sustainability of the women’s livelihoods. This paper suggests approaches and interventions built on existing social networks and informal credit institutions to enhance women’s economic contributions and mitigate constraints in their fisheries businesses.

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Coastal Management
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The Challenges and Prospects of Women
Fisherfolk in Makoko, Lagos State, Nigeria
Ayodele Oloko, Kafayat Fakoya, Sebastian Ferse, Annette Breckwoldt &
Sarah Harper
To cite this article: Ayodele Oloko, Kafayat Fakoya, Sebastian Ferse, Annette Breckwoldt &
Sarah Harper (2022) The Challenges and Prospects of Women Fisherfolk in Makoko, Lagos State,
Nigeria, Coastal Management, 50:2, 124-141, DOI: 10.1080/08920753.2022.2022969
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/08920753.2022.2022969
Published online: 03 Feb 2022.
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COASTAL MANAGEMENT
2022, VOL. 50, NO. 2, 124–141
The Challenges and Prospects of Women Fisherfolk in
Makoko, Lagos State, Nigeria
Ayodele Olokoa, Kafayat Fakoyab, Sebastian Fersec,*, Annette Breckwoldtd,#
and Sarah Harpere,$
aGender and Fisheries, University of Bremen, Bremen, Germany; bFisheries, Lagos State University, Lagos,
Nigeria; cScience Management, University of Bremen, Bremen, Germany; dSocial Sciences, University of
Bremen, Bremen, Germany; eSchool of Environmental Science, University of Bremen, Bremen, Germany
ABSTRACT
Makoko, a coastal fishing community in Lagos, Nigeria, aptly
described as the "Venice of Africa", is also known as the world’s
largest floating slum. Contributions of women fisherfolk in artisanal
fisheries are seldom appreciated despite the fact that in most coastal
communities, women are the pillars and de facto household- heads,
having to provide and sustain their households with little or no
institutional or cultural support. This paper describes how women
with different sizes of businesses (small, medium and large) con-
ducted their fish trade in conjunction with their reproductive roles.
Key findings suggest that sustainability of fisheries-based livelihoods
for women fisherfolk is determined by working capital and access
to credit facilities. Social networks and informal credit institutions
were important factors to obtain capital by which the women were
able to sustain and expand their businesses. Lack of formal educa-
tion, poor access to information, discriminatory gender–based norms
and cultural practices challenged sustainability of the women’s live-
lihoods. This paper suggests approaches and interventions built on
existing social networks and informal credit institutions to enhance
women’s economic contributions and mitigate constraints in their
fisheries businesses.
1. Introduction
Awareness is increasing globally about the linkages between gender inequality and eco-
nomic poverty, uneven power relations, access to credit and unequal divisions of labor
(Bennett 2005; Sze Choo et al. 2008; Chuenpagdee et al. 2006; Corrin 2008; Harper
et al. 2013; Hillenbrand et al. 2014). The role of women in agricultural, farming and
fishing activities have long been ignored and neglected, alongside the values and social
perceptions of women engaged in these activities (Kleiber, Leila, and Amanda 2018;
Parks, Christie, and Bagares 2015; Rohe, Schluter, and Ferse 2018; Schwerdtner-Máñez
and Pauwelussen 2016), despite the recognition that more than 500 million people
© 2022 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
CONTACT Ayodele Oloko jesudide@gmail.com Gender and Fisheries, University of Bremen, Ostendorpstr. 23,
Bremen, Germany.
*Science Management, Leibniz Centre for Tropical Marine Research (ZMT), Bremen, Germany
#Social Science Department, Leibniz Centre for Tropical Marine Research (ZMT), Bremen, Germany
$University of Victoria, British Columbia, Canada
This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.
https://doi.org/10.1080/08920753.2022.2022969
KEYWORDS
Coping strategies;
cultural and institutional
constraints;
social capital;
sustainable livelihoods;
women

COASTAL MANAGEMENT 125
(women and men) worldwide depend on small-scale fisheries for their food security
and social and economic wellbeing (Barnes-Mauthe, Oleson, and Zafindrasilivonona
2013). In many countries, catching fish at sea is considered a male-centric sphere, while
women dominate the on- or near-shore activities such as shallow water fishing and
gleaning of fish, crustaceans, and bivalves and the preservation, processing, and distri-
bution of fish products for sale and/or for home consumption (Andrew et al. 2007;
Krushelnytska 2016). Research on small-scale fisheries contributions has largely focused
on men’s fishing practices and perceptions, which considerably discounts the important
contributions by women in fisheries to household food security and economies (Amos
et al. 2014; Cohen et al. 2016; De La Torre-Castro et al. 2017; Harper et al. 2013;
Kleiber, Leila, and Amanda 2015; Kruijssen etal. 2013).
Studies in most West African countries confirm that fish trade is gendered in
nature and revolves around traditional patterns of obtaining food and long standing
gender norms (Lutz and Van Tilburg 2007; Moll, Van der Staaij, and Van Tilburg
2001). Women fisherfolk operate a non-pooling system where husbands and wives1
keep their economic activities separate and each wife is responsible for their chil-
dren’s well-being such as paying for school fees, buying clothes and medicine. These
women are financially constrained by inadequate working capital to pursue their fish
business (Moll, Van der Staaij, and Van Tilburg 2001; Neiland and Béné 2004), and
key factors contributing to this situation are low literacy levels and lack of confidence
in financial matters (Abbas, Kumolu-Johnson, and Fakoya 2010). Also, women struggle
to maintain their livelihood within restrictive cultural norms such as patriarchy and
polygamy, and institutional constraints such as lack of access to information, and
lack of infrastructure (good transportation and electricity). Overå(2005) and Udong
(2011) highlight the challenges, livelihood strategies and adaptations of women in
local fish trade. In Nigeria, the works of Ikurekong (2005) and Akpabio and Ekanem
(2008) analyzed the extension needs of fish marketers and development strategies
employed in the utilization of local resources.
Despite the economic contributions of women fisherfolk, there is limited data on
the extent to which cultural and institutional constraints affect their performance in
the fish trade. An exception is the work of Udong (2011), which describes the liveli-
hood strategies of women fish traders in Ibaka, Nigeria who have been successful in
overcoming some of these cultural and institutional constraints. The women fish traders
of Ibaka cope with lack of financial assistance and market information by leveraging
social capital, i.e., networks, membership of institutions, organizations, relationships
of trust and access to wider institutions of society upon which people draw in pursuit
of livelihoods (Hao 2012). Livelihood improvements in many fishing communities
depend on the strength of these social networks.
This study investigates the coping strategies used by women fisherfolk in the com-
munity of Makoko to tackle the cultural and institutional factors that threaten their
attainment of a sustainable livelihood. In line with this goal, the following key questions
were addressed in this study: (i) what cultural and institutional constraints affect
women fisherfolk in their economic and domestic domains? (ii) What strategies do
women fisherfolk utilize to overcome these challenges? (iii) What approaches can be
adopted to support women in their pursuit of a sustainable livelihood.

126 A. OLOKO ETAL.
2. Methodology
2.1. Description of research area
Lagos State is popularly referred to as a state of “Aquatic Splendor”. It is strategically
located in the southwestern zone of Nigeria and extends 180 km along the picturesque
coast of the Atlantic Ocean. The state is the smallest in Nigeria, covering an area of
3,577 km2, with 22% of this (787 km2) being lagoons and navigable creeks (Udo and
Mamman 1993). The state is characterized by rich freshwater, brackish and marine
ecological zones, which translates into high aquatic productivity, providing excellent
fishing opportunities (Lagos State Gazette 2009). Lagos State undoubtedly remains the
most economically significant territory of the country, attaining the fifth largest economy
in Africa The state is attributed as the most populated in Nigeria, with an estimated
population of 23 million, and is considered one of the fastest growing cities in the world.
The fishing community of Makoko lies within the jurisdiction of the Lagos Mainland
Local Government, in central Lagos State (Figure 1). The settlement is a waterfront
community located and along Lagos Lagoon (Udoma 2013). Established by fishermen
in the 18th century (Udoma 2013), it is now considered as the world’s largest "floating
slum" (Joannah 2010) with a population of approximately 100,000 inhabitants (Simon,
Adegoke, and Adewale 2013). Houses are constructed with hardwood, aided by wooden
stilts embedded deep in the bed of the lagoon. Each dwelling typically houses between
six and ten people (Udoma 2013). Prominent ethnic groups in Makoko include Eguns,
Ilajes and Ijaws in addition to people from neighboring African countries such as
Togo, Ghana, Benin Republic and Cameroon (Oduwaye and Lawason 2010). The
Figure 1. Map of the shing community of Makoko in Lagos, Nigeria, indicating the location of the
Asejere sh market.

COASTAL MANAGEMENT 127
community suffers from inadequate infrastructural amenities such as healthcare facil-
ities, decent housing, schools and roads (Simon, Adegoke, and Adewale 2013). The
main economic activities are fishing, sand dredging and salt making. Men residing in
Makoko are mostly local fishermen while the women are fish trader’s and fish pro-
cessors (Squatter city 2007; Fika 2008).
2.2. Sampling
2.2.1. Data collection and analysis
This study was informed by questionnaires, interviews and focus groups, and adopted
a triangulation method of data analysis and validation. This was in accordance with
Bogdan (2006) and O’Donoghue and Punch (2003) who denote that multiple case studies
and numerous informants utilized can strengthen the significance of the analysis. The
study was conducted between January and April 2019. Makoko fishing community and
Asejere fish market were chosen due to extensive access to substantial numbers of women
fisherfolk living in the local community. The market was purposively selected because
it is one of the prominent markets in Lagos State. Independent operators at the market
include both wholesalers and local retailers run by indigenous and local women fisher-
folk. The potential effect of this selection method is that the results obtained are not
completely representatives of the diversity of inhabitants across the fishing communities
of Lagos State. A total of 100 women fisherfolk were sampled in the fishing community
and fish market using structured and piloted questionnaires. The sampled population
consisted of 10 fisherwomen operating manual canoes, 60 fish traders and 30 fish pro-
cessors. The interviews started with explaining the study objectives, outlining themes for
discussions and obtaining verbal consent to share the stories of participants. Information
requiring further clarification was verified on repeat study visits. Information collected
in the survey included profiling of the women, their livelihood activities, challenges and
strategies in the economic and domestic domains. In addition, a total of five focus group
discussions (with five to ten participants each) were conducted in the community.
Information collected from the total sample population was used to describe the overall
context for the case studies. The case studies were then developed, by selecting, at ran-
dom from the sample population, one case from each of three different sized fishing
businesses: 1) large scale businesses had a working capital of over N500,000 (>$1,389);
2) medium scale businesses had a working capital between N50,000-N250,000($139–
$694); 3) small-scale businesses had working capital less than N50, 000 (< $139).
From these selected cases, the challenges of women fisherfolk, their coping mech-
anisms and strategies for enhancing livelihood development of the women fisherfolk
were identified and described in relation to the broader literature on sustainable
livelihoods, cultural and institutional constraints. Livelihood strategies in this context
refer to strategies adopted by women to secure the necessities of life for the suste-
nance of their families. In particular, concepts from the works of Udong (2011) and
Adewale and Ikeola (2005), among others, were used to investigate how fish trade is
utilized as a livelihood strategy in this paper. To protect the identity of the partici-
pants pseudonyms were used for the main characters in the lived experiences presented
here to illustrate livelihood and coping in Makoko.

128 A. OLOKO ETAL.
3. Findings
3.1. Prole of the women sherfolk of Makoko
All respondents were women, ranging in age from 21 and 65 years. Approximately 43%
of the respondents were fish traders, 38% were fish processors and 19% were fisher-
women. Age is significant in capital utilization. Most of the fish processors found it
easy to start their business because it required little capital. In a situation where capital
is insufficient, the fish processing business could be implemented utilizing support
from fish mammies or benevolent wholesalers. Fish mammies are rich women, cred-
itors, intermediaries, owners of means of production, and wholesalers. This has also
been reported by Overå(2003); Ameyawa etal. (2020) in Ghana and for the Pangamba’s
in Indonesia by Niehof (2007). About 85 percent of the respondents belonged to and
obtained their working capital from traditional Alajo savings group, as they lacked
sufficient working capital on their own and had to obtain their working capital from
informal credit facilities. The Alajo are informal savings and loan organizations mostly
found in the western part of Nigeria. They are vital for the economic and social sus-
tainability of women because they provide flexible opportunities to deposit money as
well as a local facility for obtaining credit at any time of the year. Some of the notable
Alajo groups utilized by the respondents are Grooming, Ceegi and Alajesekun. Each
group is headed by a vibrant community member who collects the daily, weekly and
monthly contributions depending on the agreement because defaults attract either
sanctions or, in extreme circumstances, expulsion from a group. In most situations,
daily transactions are recorded on a small paper card to avoid disputes between both
parties (the collector and saver). Amounts obtained by each women fisherfolk are
directly proportional to their periodic contributions over a period of time. Only hard-
working and trustworthy community members are accepted, irrespective of their occu-
pation. This has been reported by Overå (2003) in Ghana and for the Pangamba’s in
Indonesia by Niehof (2007). Membership in the group is regarded as a sign of pros-
perity and economic development for newcomers in the fish business. It also provides
successful social networking in the community. In one of the focus group discussions,
the following declaration was made by a woman fish trader in Makoko.
“My husband becomes more caring and very romantic every Saturday evening, because he
thinks I will bring a huge amount of money home aer my weekly sh sales. I disappoint
him by keeping my money with the local saver, he usually starts searching the house to
steal my money around 1:00 am and later gives up when he can’t nd it”.
Education levels of the women fisherfolk interviewed ranged from zero (no formal
education) to 12 academic years (secondary education), with none having tertiary
education. Among the women with no formal education, 51% were fisher women, 30%
fish processors and 19% fish traders. This implies that illiteracy is more widespread
among fisher women than among fish traders. This also suggests that although edu-
cation is not paramount in determining success in the fish business, lower education
is more prevalent among women fishers than traders. This is in line with evidence
from UN Women (2014) that education positively enhances key innovation, entrepre-
neurship skills and the level of performance in the fish trade. Focus group interviews
revealed that the majority of the women fisherfolk (76%) had spent more than 12 years

COASTAL MANAGEMENT 129
in the fish marketing business, showing that a large number of the respondents had
substantial work experience.
Among the women fish traders, both fresh and smoked fish products were traded,
including a range of species such as red snapper (Lutjanus spp.), sharks (Carcharinus
spp.), croakers (Pseudotolithus spp.), shiny nose (Galoides spp.), bonga (Ethmalosa spp.),
sardines (Sardinella spp.), crayfish (Palaemon spp.), tilapia (Tilapia zilli spp.), soles
(Cynoglossus spp.), and brackish water catfish (Chrisichthys spp.). Fresh fish traders
had more experience in fish marketing, better skills, higher social capital and more
extensive network connections. Collectively, this promoted better performance in the
economic and domestic domains of the women, and translating into higher turnover
of product, catch and profits. Differences were observed in the average amounts of
working capitals utilized in their day to day trading operations-fresh fish traders had
the highest average working capital of >N50, 000(>$139) followed by an average of
N43, 500 ($121) for fish processors, and an average of N35, 000 ($97) for fisher women.
1US Dollars=N360 (2019)
3.2. Case studies of livelihood strategies of women sherfolk from three
dierent sizes of business
3.2.1. Mama Ola, a small-scale business entrepreneur
Mama Ola, a small-scale fish processor and trader of Panla commonly called (stock
fish) hails from the Badagry division of Lagos State. Mama Ola is 30 years old and
has lived her whole life in Makoko. Growing up was extremely challenging. Born into
a large polygamous family, her father, a poor fisherman, married to three wives, her
mother, a fish trader, was the second wife. She grew up with numerous step-brothers,
step- sisters, and relatives with whom she continues to share a cordial relationship.
Mama Ola never had the opportunity to be formally educated because her family was
poor and money earned from fish sales by her mother was used to feed the family.
Her mother had nine children, and as her mother’s favorite, she started accompanying
her to the local market when she was five years old. She vividly recalled that her
father frequently left the house for more than ten days during his fishing expedition
to reside in another fishing community. According to Mama Ola:
“My father oen came to Asejere sh market to ercely demand money for feeding from
my mother and if he was not given [the money], he would become hysterical, shouting at
her in the local market and on rare occasions he ogged her when she got home. I would
start crying fervently to entreat him not to unintentionally kill my beloved mother.”
Mama Ola was constantly occupied with fishing activities from morning until night.
She woke up as early as 4 am to assist her mother smoking fish, and by 6 am the
fish would be ready for sale in the market. She was nine years old when she started
hawking Panla to support her mother. After hawking, she would promptly return to
the local market to help her mother in direct marketing of the remaining fish. She
also helped in cutting and processing fresh fish at the Asejere market to make addi-
tional income for herself. At the age of 15, when her family thought she was sufficiently
matured, she was married off in a traditional setting to become the second wife of

130 A. OLOKO ETAL.
an impoverished Badagry fisherman. The marriage was never a happy one for her
because she was forced into matrimony at an early age.
Once married, Mama Ola’s struggles continued, as she had three children and her
husband was only able to afford 200 Naira (less than one US dollar) for their daily
needs. The amount was barely enough to feed the family. She had no money of her
own and nobody to borrow from. Her mother struggled to look after her eight siblings
so could not help. The little savings she had prior to getting married was used up
during the preparation of her marriage ceremony. Subsequently, she joined a group of
women in Makoko to buy Panla on credit. She collects one carton of fish for N10,
000 ($27.8) daily and hawks the fish in Makoko and Bariga as well as in neighboring
communities such as Onike, Iwaya, and Yaba. She returns the money after daily sales
and utilizes the meager income to feed her children. After smoking, sales and debiting
the economic cost of production (firewood, sawdust and kerosene), she is left with a
daily profit of N700 ($1.94). She saves N200 daily with the local mobile saver called
Alajo and she uses the remaining N500 ($1.39) to buy rice, beans, pepper and garri
(Cassava flakes) to feed her children. Amidst these social and economic struggles she
still manages to enroll her children in the local public primary school. Her daily
contribution of N200 with the alajo when amassed together overtime is carefully uti-
lized to provide school items such as books and other supplies, uniforms and sandals
for her children. Part of the money was also utilized to pay for the children’s daily
boat transportation to school in Makoko. Though she wished for her children to be
well-educated, she could not afford the expenses of the private English and French
speaking schools.
Mama Ola has never been assisted by the State or Non-Governmental Organizations
(NGOs). Her fishing business is solely dependent on mutual trust and social capital
as she lacks money to pay outright in cash. She is a faithful worshiper at the Celestial
Church of Christ in Makoko where she seeks spiritual protection from her husband’s
first wife, she believed that the first wife was not in moral support of her marriage
as the second wife and might want to intentionally harm her and her children. She
is also a member of the women’s association in her local church where she often
receives rice and other needed food provisions during the festive period.
With sadness, Mama Ola reflects on her wedding day, expressing her discontent in
marrying someone she never desired; she explains that he was irresponsible and lacked
sensitivity, yet was pressured to marry him. However, she is happy and comforted by
her children’s academic achievements. Illiterate herself, she hopes that her son will
become a doctor and her daughter a lawyer. She is motivated to sponsor her children
to attend university to break the chain of abject poverty she found herself in since
her childhood.
For mama Ola a key constrain in achieving a sustainable livelihood is her lack of
funds. She does not have enough money to go to the big cold rooms at Ijora olopa
to purchase one carton of panla for N8,500 ($23.61) which is more profitable. Ijora
olopa is situated in Iganmu axis of Lagos Island. The market is known for varieties
of aquatic resources sold at discount prices, such as fish, lobsters, and shrimps. She
is at the boundless mercy of the local fish wholesalers at Pedro where she buys her
merchandise at inflated prices.

COASTAL MANAGEMENT 131
3.2.2. Mama Ibeji, medium-scale business entrepreneur
Mama Ibeji is a medium-scale Ilaje sherwoman who resides in the Ilaje community of
Bariga, a suburb in Lagos Mainland. She is 56 years old and hails from Ondo State, a
coastal state situated in southwest Nigeria. Her father was a local sherman while her
mother was a sherwoman and a sh trader in Ondo State. erefore, it was no surprise
when she decided to follow her mother’s example into the sh business. While her fam-
ily could sponsor her education because they were nancially stable, they did not. She
lacked a formal education because her mother needed her assistance during harvesting
and to help run the sh business. Her father’s naivety did not help her situation as he
believed that female children would always end up in the kitchen. She has four brothers
who are all educated and doing well in their various occupations. She started shing
with her mother as early as 7 years old. e sh caught were always sold at the beach
before proceeding to the local market to sell the bigger sh caught by her father. She
recalled that during the peak of the shing season they oen shed twice daily to take
advantage of more income earning opportunities. e sh were then smoked and sold
to prospective customers from the city of Lagos, distant locations outside Lagos such as
Ibadan, Abeokuta, Edo, Ilorin and Abuja. According to Mama Ibeji, life as a young girl
was very tough as she had to learn to balance the household responsibility as the only
female child with her productive role at the local market. At the age of 18, she married
her beloved and dear husband according to local customs. Her husband is also Ilaje. She
joined her husband to live in Maroko, another shing suburb in Lagos State. She was
comfortable in Lagos with her husband being able to meet her emotional and economic
needs. As she became a full-time housewife, caring for her husband and their four chil-
dren, she abandoned her sh business. However, life was fraught with challenges. Her
husband’s house in Maroko was demolished by the State in response to unapproved or
unplanned housing structures and she lost all her valuables. Although the State ocials
collected the names of those aected, no compensation was received. She recalls,
“I was genuinely tired of crying, so I moved to Reclamation road, Ilaje, Bariga with my fam-
ily. We stayed with friends for two years before renting a one-room apartment. Immediately,
I decided to start my sh business once again”
With nobody to turn to for financial assistance, she started gleaning early in the
mornings. She often sold her catch to local women for their preparation of pepper
soup. The money she made from gleaning was not enough to solely support her family
with her husband being jobless. She resolved to renting canoes from fishermen for
N300 (<$1) daily to catch small fish and set traps for shrimps. Her income gradually
increased but was still not enough to enroll her children in school. Then she decided
to buy her own fishing net and fishing boat to generate income. Her friends took her
to a local cooperative society on Lagos Island where she acquired a fishing net on
credit. She was advised to pay back within one year, which she did. Asked why she
has not sought assistance from the State or a formal financial institution, she responded
that they would not give it to her because she was illiterate and had little or no
knowledge of financial management. She promptly sells her fresh fish to local women
in Asejere fish market, hoteliers and local restaurants for fish pepper soup. During
festive periods, when demand for fish is high, she sells to distant places like Ibadan
and Abeokuta. Sometimes she is paid instantly and other times her clients make partial
payments for the fish bought and pay the balance after a week. Occasionally, she
incurs economic losses when some customers with peculiar challenges such as fire
outbreaks gutting their shops or road accidents involving their pick-up vehicles are

132 A. OLOKO ETAL.
unable to pay the money owed. As the transactions are not legally bound, she gives
up on retrieving her money and relies on the Alajo to lend more money to maintain
her business. With the purchase of her boats and nets, she makes a daily profit of
N3, 000 ($8.33), of which N1000 ($2.78) is saved with the local savers. The savings
collected from the local saver assisted her in purchasing her boat. Every morning she
goes fishing and, in the afternoon, assists her husband in sand dredging. With the
income made from both economic activities, they soon left their one-room apartment
to build and own a house at Reclamation road, Ilaje, Bariga.
She still grieves the loss of her jewelry in the demolition of their home, most impor-
tantly the gold pieces. She also expressed her disappointment due to the ban on sand
dredging in the community, as this was an activity that previously contributed to suste-
nance of her family. However, she is happy about her new house on Reclamation road
and that all her children are now attending university, despite the many challenges and
struggles. She plans to buy an outboard engine for her husband to fish in more distant
waters while she sells his catch at the local market. Through these various income sources,
she aims to enhance her family’s sustenance. Mama Ibeji has never received assistance
from the State or any NGO. Her fish business is solely dependent on mutual trust and
social capital which led to her receiving her fishing net on credit. As a faithful member
of the Jehovah’s Assembly, her remarkable recovery when her husband’s house was demol-
ished at Maroko, was aided by the social capital offered through support from her church.
3.2.3. Mama Nike, large-scale business entrepreneur
Mama Nike is a large-scale fish trader in the Asejere fish market and resides in
Oko-Agbon, Makoko. She is about 65 years of age and hails from Badagry, also a
prominent coastal region located at the far end of the Lagos Lagoon. She has six
children and ten grandchildren. Mama Nike occasionally attends the Celestial Church
of Christ with her children and grandchildren. As fishing represents a principal occu-
pation of her parents, grandparents and great grandparents, she had very little option
other than to continue the family fish business. Mama Nike’s mother was a successful
fish trader and had no formal education. She strongly held the belief that if Mama
Nike was in the fish market, one day she would also become a successful fish trader.
As a result, her mother did not give her the opportunity to attend school for formal
education and instead assisted her mother in the fish trade. Her work included waking
up early, paddling her canoe to collect the fish from the fishermen and transporting
them to the market, where they were sold. With these rigorous daily activities, Mama
Nike acquired the necessary skills to become a successful fish trader. When her mother
knew she was competent in the fishing trade, she assisted her financially in establishing
her own fish trade, where she succeeded in creating a niche for herself. She had cus-
tomers patronizing her for fish from various Nigerian states.
When Mama Nike was about 18 years old, she met and married her husband, a
fisherman, also from Badagry, but unfortunately, he died about 40 years ago, and she
was left to raise her children and grow her business on her own. The wooden, one-room
apartment that she had rented near the market sadly burnt down and she lost all her
valuables and money. Most coastal fishing communities in Nigeria have certain unique
characteristics such as the utilization of combustible materials such as woods, thatch,

COASTAL MANAGEMENT 133
and mat in the construction of houses, meaning that fires are a frequent occurrence.
After the fire, friends assisted donating used clothing and cooking utensils and moved,
with her six children to Makoko. With all her savings destroyed in the fire, she started
her fish business again by collecting fresh croakers (Pseudotolithus spp.), threadfins
(Galeoides spp.), grunters (Pomadasyidae spp, groupers (Epinephelus spp.), marine
catfishes (Arius spp.), soles (Cynoglossus spp.), brackish water catfish (Chrisichthys spp.)
and snappers (Lutjanus spp.) on credit from fishermen. Determination, hard work,
patience, and social networking allowed her to improve her marketing strategies and
reputation, which in turn helped her to overcome her financial challenges and expand
her fish business. The assistance provided by her children and grandchildren further
enhanced the recovery of her business. Her first female child has followed her lead
by selling prawns and octopus at the Asejere market, while her male children are now
fishermen. Mama Nike has a working capital of about N250, 000 ($694) and is owed
money by some of her clients, who she sells to on credit. She is a fish mammy, sup-
porting the fishermen with food, provisions and cash for their fishing expeditions. In
return, she is remunerated with a substantial part of the fish catch that is equivalent
to her expenses or financial assistance for the fishing trip.
Mama Nike has never received financial assistance from the State, any prominent
association or NGOs. According to her, she financed her fish trade using the local
co-operative. According to Mama Nike, although she has the money and capacity to
renovate her wooden house in Makoko, she is constantly being reminded of her pre-
vious fire outbreak experience. She recalls, vividly,
“I give to my children my earned money to keep in the bank and leave some with the local
co- operative. But in the event of a re outbreak, I will paddle my canoe and run with my
children and grandchildren as I have little or nothing to lose”.
Mama Nike suers from ill health, attributing frequent illness to the long hours she devotes
to sh trade, waking up as early as 3 am and returning home at night. However, she is
happy that her children and grandchildren are prospering in the family shing business
and hopes to continue to expand her business much as possible.
3.3. Analyzing the stories of makoko women sherfolk
The lived experiences of the women described above, suggest that although Lagos State
is economically vibrant, women fisherfolk have limited assets and resources, marketable
skills and alternative opportunities to generate a sustainable livelihood. In most fishing
communities, the population is dependent on fishing, and fish trade remains the pri-
mary economic activity of the women (Adewale and Ikeola 2005; Weeratunge, Katherine,
and Choo 2010; Barclay etal. 2018; Medard, van Dijk, and Hebinck 2019; Manyungwa,
Hara, and Chimatiro 2019). Fishing is also a highly seasonal activity, with incomes of
women fisherfolk fluctuating according to the fishing season (Adewale and Ikeola
2005). Hence, the uncertainty and instability of small-scale fishing activities as a sole
income source creates conditions of vulnerability, which is even more pronounced for
women fisherfolk, exposing them to higher levels of poverty.
Given the centrality of small-scale fisheries as a source of household income in fishing
villages such as Makoko, overcoming challenges associated with fisheries related liveli-
hoods is essential to sustainable development. The stories and lived experiences of the

134 A. OLOKO ETAL.
women highlighted in this study underscore specific attributes that enhance or diminish
the ability of women to develop and benefit from engagement in fisheries-related live-
lihoods. Of the three cases highlighted, socio-economic status, size of business and capital
investments differed as did outcomes. However, there were also notable similarities in
outcomes, which point toward additional strategies invoked by women to overcome some
of the barriers and challenges they face. Firstly, despite the lack of formal education,
the women analyzed in the case studies acquired sources of livelihood. This is in line
with previous studies that suggest that a lack of formal education is not an insurmount-
able and impenetrable barrier in every trade (UN Women 2014). This was illustrated
in the case of Mama Nike, the large-scale fish trader and fish mammy who had no
formal education but was doing well in her fish business. Secondly, at very young ages
the women started assisting their mothers in the fish marketing business, acquiring
experience and competency during an informal apprenticeship process before establishing
and carving niches for themselves. According to Fapohunda (2012), it is customary for
female children to get involved in livelihood activities at an early age to prepare them
for a more decent future. Thirdly, lack of capital was a major challenge encountered by
the women fisherfolk in the case studies. To overcome this, they leveraged social capital
and networks to acquire fish, boats, and fishing nets on credit from fishermen and
wholesalers. Mama Ola (case study 1) and Mama Nike (case study 3) repaid the money
the next day to ensure a constant supply of fish, while Mama Ibeji (case study 2)
promptly returned the money for continuous boat availability. The zero - resource pooling
attitude characterized by the women fisherfolk in this study has motivated the formation
of strong bonds with friends and community members. It has enhanced their economic
empowerment and livelihood sustainability in the absence of financial support from the
State, NGOs and social organizations (Britton 2012; Kilpatrick, Tanya, and Karen 2015;
Pérez-Pérez and Avilés-Hernández 2016). Fourthly, the three women fisherfolk featured
in this study married before the age of 20 and initiated their independent socio-economic
activities immediately. Although the women were illiterate, they made distinctions between
their working capital and expenses amidst economic struggles and incredible hardship.
Although the household financial responsibilities were primarily shouldered by Mama
Ola, she was nevertheless able to enroll her three children in and pay the expenses for
them to go to a public school. The specific number of years of extensive experience
spent in the fish business correlated with social competence and achievement in the fish
business as the three women analyzed in the case studies each had more than ten years
of experience. Furthermore, the women fisherfolk and the local markets in Lagos State
operate through incomplete contract transactions; these include relational contracts where
the parties involved, although these relationships are informal among social connections,
share many of the risks and mutual benefits. However, it is impossible to identify and
agree upon in advance all possible events and negative circumstances that could affect
this exchange, as revealed in the case of Mama Ibeji (case study 2). In the case of Mama
Ibeji a scenario that is also described in a study by Nazneen, Peerlings, and Van Tilburg
(2007) of markets and institutional development in Africa. This suggests the need for
an improved communication system and relationship between parties that are regarded
as both relational and informal, where the parties involved share certain risks and mutual
benefits. An improved communication system and credit facilities would help to reduce
transaction costs and improve fish trade coordination (Douma and Schreuder 2002).

COASTAL MANAGEMENT 135
3.3.1. Challenges, constraints and strategic responses
The case studies analyzed, interviews and focus group discussions revealed certain
institutional constraints such as lack of formal capital, financial assistance, State or
NGO support, low levels of literacy, insufficient market information and cultural con-
straints such as patriarchy and polygamy that negatively affect women fisherfolk.
Though these are ongoing struggles, women have developed innovative solutions to
navigate toward sustainable livelihoods and this study identifies pathways that, if
strengthened, could help them navigate this even more effectively, and to the benefit
of more women(Haddad and Gillespie 2001; Leatherman 2005). The livelihood strat-
egies employed by the women fisherfolk were in accordance with findings of Udong
(2011), and included getting assistance from fish mammies, utilizing social capital,
networks of trust, and informal credit from the traditional Alajo savings group.
3.3.2. Role of informal saving groups and cooperatives
The majority of Makoko women fisherfolk engaged for this study were not supported
financially through formal institutions or cooperatives. Many relied solely on the informal
Alajo savings group. Among West African women fisherfolk, the most prominent informal
savings institutions are the traditional savings group locally known as Esusu and the
informal savings group locally known as Alajo. Both are similar and are aimed at pro-
viding informal credit financing agricultural production in the absence of formal financial
institutions. The major differences between the two groups is that in the Alajo informal
saving group, the head of the group, the Alajo, collects the contributions from the dif-
ferent members, usually on an agreed day of the week, and every member contributes
according to his/her budget. It is less personal than the Esusu. The Ajo contributors do
not necessarily need to know one another, unlike in the Esusu where every member
knows one another and all are required to be present at meetings conveyed by the head
of the group. The Esusu savings group also adopts an informal system where a group
of people contributes a fixed amount of money at specific intervals which enables each
member to have the entire sum in rotation until everyone in the association has ben-
efited from the pool (Ojenike and Olowoniyi 2013; Oloyede 2008; Seibel 2004). The
practice of informal credit systems initially originated among the Yoruba in South-Western
Nigeria, but is believed to have spread to most of Africa (Seibel 2004). The practice has
different names across Nigeria and in other African countries. For example, it is called
Etoto/Isusu by the Ibos from south-eastern Nigeria; dashi by the Nupe, Niger and Kwara
people in northern Nigeria; etoto by the Ibibio people of Akwa Ibom State (Nigeria Real
Estate Hub (NREH) 2014); susu in Ghana, among some Afro-Caribbean descendants in
North America, and among the negroes of Trinidad (Iganiga and Asemota 2008).
Apart from Africa, the Esusu system is also practiced in some countries in Asia,
such as China, Japan and Indonesia, known respectively in these countries as Hui,
Tanomoshi and Warisan, where these informal financial systems are thought to play
a major role in the economic sustainability of the poor. While the prevalence of
informal savings and credit systems is widespread across many contexts and serves an
important role in livelihood sustainability, the role they play might be better served
through more formalized institutions such as cooperative. Cooperatives are typically
local institutions addressing local needs, employing local talent, and led by local leaders
(Kumar, Wankhede, and Gena 2015), and are a good mechanism to drive financial

136 A. OLOKO ETAL.
inclusion, lift vulnerable groups such as poor women fisherfolk from informal to formal
financial systems, aid in the recovery of their self- esteem, and empowering them
through safe custody of funds, financial literacy, strengthening entrepreneurial and
thrift activities to ensure economic sustainability.
4. Discussion
e experiences shared by Makoko women sherfolk in this study align with the ndings
from other shing communities in terms of the ability of women sherfolk to attain
sustainable livelihoods. Despite their challenges, women sherfolk developed innovative
strategies to confront their daunting challenges (Ravera et al. 2016). Success in the eco-
nomic domain relies heavily on practical experience and ability to leverage capital from
informal and non-institutional sources (Fitzgerald et al. 2004). e strategies adopted
are inuenced by a broad range of factors such as educational status and age, years
of experience and the amount of working capital available (Lawal et al. 2009). Active
participation in shing businesses is strongly inuenced by gender, ethnicity, marriage,
household structures and economic status (Clark 2001; Fröcklin et al. 2013; Medard, van
Dijk, and Hebinck 2019; Oloko 2019; Oloko, Fakoya, and Harper 2021). Insights from the
case studies, interviews and focus groups presented here about the women sherfolk and
their economic activities correlated with those obtained from previous studies on women
sh trading activities in coastal and riverine communities in Nigeria (Udong 2011), in
Ghana (Overå2003, 2005), in Vietnam (Pham 2004) and Indonesia (Niehof 2007; Niehof,
Jordaan, and Santoso 2009). e coping strategies utilized in the attainment of sustainable
livelihoods also resonates with those of entrepreneurial women described in other studies
(Overå 2003; Seligman 2001). Systems of entrepreneurship depended on establishing rela-
tions of trust and eciency, within eective social networks of business with co-operating
partners. ese ndings align with studies describing women’s dominance in economic
activities in Indonesia (Niehof 2007), Ghana (Overå 2003) and Nigeria (Udong 2011).
Some similarities also exist between the roles of women sherfolk in this study and the
artisanal sheries of Ghana. In both locations, sh processing and direct marketing are
solely in the capable hands of women sherfolk. is has enhanced women’s economic
independence, which is bolstered by taboos which prevent men from encroaching on their
economic activities. However, in contrast, men continue to benet from better access to
nancial capital and sheries resources (Béné and Merten 2008). ese gendered patterns
of access exacerbate women’s socio-economic marginalization within shing communities
and the sheries sector (Geheb etal. 2008; Johnson, Josephine, and Akosua 2008; Mojola
2011; Nunan 2010).
5. Conclusion and recommendations
is study investigates dierent livelihood strategies of women sherfolk in Makoko,
Nigeria, identifying constraints encountered in both the public and domestic domains, and
adaptation strategies adopted to overcome them. Constraints identied mainly comprised
of those exerted by institutional and cultural environments in which the women live and
attempt to construct their sustainable livelihoods. Apart from lending spiritual and moral
support to the women, the local churches or places of worship are recognized as being
pivotal to the successful development of social capital and social networks. ese places
have served as key pillars of strength during times of disaster and economic hardship.
is paper, therefore, recommends the utilization of social capital and social networks as
entry points for policy advocacy and intervention. Actionable recommendations include

COASTAL MANAGEMENT 137
establishing and providing support for networks of women sherfolk through formal cooper-
atives or associations that will be registered, recognized and supported by the State. However,
the success or eectiveness of these formal groups depends on the depth of understanding
and social values attached to the objectives and deliverables on the part of members. is
requires the active participation of members in the operations or aairs of the group;
awareness, and knowledge of nancial management and record keeping through training;
understanding of the signicance of cooperatives as tools for individual empowerment as
well as to address local needs by facilitating economic and social development, poverty
alleviation, generation of employment, and improvement of food security. Deepening the
engagement of women sherfolk to improve access, availability and utilization of credits,
nancial assistance, information or other forms of economic empowerment means there
must be general improvement in literacy or basic writing and reading skills in the com-
munity. Women sherfolk can be targeted through adult literacy classes supported by the
State or NGOs such as the UNDP literacy programs in Lagos State. It is also important
for the women to benet from palliative measures and empowerment programs for micro-
and small-scale enterprises that are oen oered by the State or private sector. An indirect
option would be to use the Alajo as vehicles to create better access to credit and other
nancial services for the poorly educated women sherfolk. Finally, improving access to
nancial capital and social well-being of women sherfolk requires attention to gender
norms and relations deeply rooted in culture and institutions, that are limiting or harmful.
Gradual or transformational changes in gender norms and relations needed to achieve
more positive social orientation must go beyond focusing on women alone. e process
or approach must also involve active participation by men. Engaging both women and
men is necessary to understand and adopt perspectives divergent from restrictive gender
norms and support actions that reduce women’s vulnerabilities. e synergistic opportuni-
ties created as a result of such a holistic approach will, no doubt have better, more long
lasting outcomes for sheries and for the people who depend on them.
Note
1. Polygamy is common in West Africa whereby men marry more than one wife.
Acknowledgments
Funding supports was provided by the Deutscher Akademischer Austausch Dienst (DAAD) -
German Academic Exchange Service, for which we are very grateful. We also appreciate those
who participated in this study and our anonymous reviewers for their supports, guidance, and
constructive feedback.
Disclosure statement
e authors declare that they have no conict of interest.
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