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A Little Appreciation Goes a Long Way: Gratitude Reduces Objectification

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The Journal of Positive Psychology
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Objectification, treating others merely as things or tools while denying their personhood, results in severe consequences. While prior research predominantly focused on the triggers of objectification, we aimed to investigate a possible intervention. We hypothesized that gratitude could reduce objectification toward general others (i.e., people who are not the benefactors). Across three studies (N = 1007), our hypothesis was supported. Study 1 showed that dispositional gratitude negatively predicted trait objectification. Studies 2 and 3 further found a causal relationship. Specifically, after heightening participants’ state of gratitude, participants showed a lower level of objectification towards others (Study 2). Using a scenario study that described a working context, we further showed the alleviating effect of gratitude on objectification toward a group of factory workers, targets often suffering from objectification (Study 3). Our reported effect is prevalent, such that it is observed across samples from two countries (i.e., the United States and China).
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A little appreciation goes a long way: gratitude reduces objectication
Jiaxin Shi
a
, Xijing Wang
b
, Fei Teng
c
and Zhansheng Chen
a
a
Department of Psychology, The University of Hong Kong, HK SAR, China;
b
Department of Social and Behavioural Sciences, City University of
Hong Kong, HK SAR, China;
c
Department of Psychology, School of Psychology, South China Normal University, Guangzhou, China
ABSTRACT
Objectication, treating others merely as things or tools while denying their personhood, results in
severe consequences. While prior research predominantly focused on the triggers of objectica-
tion, we aimed to investigate a possible intervention. We hypothesized that gratitude could reduce
objectication toward general others (i.e., people who are not the benefactors). Across three
studies (N = 1007), our hypothesis was supported. Study 1 showed that dispositional gratitude
negatively predicted trait objectication. Studies 2 and 3 further found a causal relationship.
Specically, after heightening participants’ state of gratitude, participants showed a lower level
of objectication towards others (Study 2). Using a scenario study that described a working
context, we further showed the alleviating eect of gratitude on objectication toward a group
of factory workers, targets often suering from objectication (Study 3). Our reported eect is
prevalent, such that it is observed across samples from two countries (i.e., the United States and
China).
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 12 August 2021
Accepted 7 February 2022
KEYWORDS
Objectification; gratitude;
general others; factory
workers
Objectication refers to treating others merely as things
or tools while denying their mind (Fredrickson & Roberts,
1997; Nussbaum, 1995). Studies have consistently shown
that women are often the targets of sexual objectica-
tion, such that they are perceived and treated as an
instrument toward one’s sexual pleasure and their men-
tal states are neglected (e.g., Moradi & Huang, 2008;
Roberts et al., 2018). However, objectication exists not
only in gender relations, and a growing number of stu-
dies have shown that objectication is more prevalent
than people previously thought. That is, objectication
exists in various domains, including the workplace (e.g.,
Andrighetto et al., 2017; Belmi & Schroeder, 2021), inter-
group relations (e.g., Haslam & Loughnan, 2012;
Markowitz & Slovic, 2020), medical eld (e.g., Boysen
et al., 2020; Raja et al., 2015), as well as general social
interaction occurring on a daily basis (e.g., Landau et al.,
2012; Teng, Chen, Poon, Zhang, Jiang et al., 2016; Wang
& Krumhuber, 2017). Needless to say, objectication
causes severe consequences, ranging from interpersonal
indierence, reduced empathy and helping, aggression
and bully, to even killing and genocide (e.g., Čehajić
et al., 2009; Obermann, 2011; Poon, Chen, Teng, Wong
et al., 2020a; Rai et al., 2017; Stanton, 2013). Given the
detrimental outcomes, it is important to nd interven-
tions to alleviate objectication, an area that has
received little attention from scholars previously
(Haslam & Loughnan, 2014). In the current research, we
aimed to investigate this issue by revealing gratitude, an
emotion that is experienced by people in most cultures
(McCullough et al., 2001), as a possible intervention.
Specically, we tested whether gratitude, either as
a stable trait or an induced state, could reduce objecti-
cation of general others (i.e., people who are not the
benefactors).
Objectication
Objectication refers to treating others merely as things
or tools that can aid in one’s goal achievement while
denying others’ autonomy, needs, and feelings
(Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Nussbaum, 1995). When
a target is objectied, this person is guratively split into
parts, with only those traits serving a perceiver’s current
goal being valued (e.g., Gruenfeld et al., 2008; Wang &
Krumhuber, 2017). In other words, it is the usefulness of
this target to perceivers that is focused on. In addition,
the essential humanity of the objectied targets is
deprived. State it dierently, when a target is objectied,
this person can be perceived as lacking mental capaci-
ties, hence being likened to mindless objects (e.g.,
Loughnan et al., 2010; Vaes et al., 2011). Crucially, studies
have consistently found that objectication causes
severe consequences. For example, objectication pre-
dicts reduced helping and empathy (e.g., Čehajić et al.,
2009; Viki et al., 2013). People tend to bully and act
CONTACT Xijing Wang xijiwang@cityu.edu.hk
THE JOURNAL OF POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY
https://doi.org/10.1080/17439760.2022.2053877
© 2022 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
aggressively toward objectied targets, including rape,
sexual harassment, and even torture (Obermann, 2011;
Poon, Chen, Teng, Wong et al., 2022; Rudman & Mescher,
2012; Viki et al., 2013). Furthermore, a target who has
been constantly objectied by others could internalize
this process and starts to perceive and treat him/herself
as an object or tool that lacks essential humanness,
a process known as self-objectication (e.g., Nussbaum,
1995). Clearly, the costs of self-objectication are sub-
stantial, and potential consequences include impaired
cognitive and physical performance, negative self-
evaluations, and health problems (e.g., Baldissarri &
Andrighetto, 2021; Heick & Goldenberg, 2009; Moradi
& Huang, 2008; Quinn et al., 2006; Zurbriggen et al.,
2011).
Previous empirical studies have found that various
factors could trigger objectication, such as the feelings
of disgust (e.g., Hodson & Costello, 2007) or uncertainty
(Landau et al., 2012), hostile and disagreeable personal
characteristics of perceivers (Locke, 2009), targets’ social
category (e.g., Harris & Fiske, 2006; Kersbergen &
Robinson, 2019; Petsko et al., 2021; Rudman & Mescher,
2012), heuristic thinking (Prati et al., 2015), perceived
threat (Viki et al., 2013), social power (e.g., Gwinn et al.,
2013), motivation for money or even the presence of
money (e.g., Teng, Chen, Poon, Zhang, Jiang et al., 2016;
Wang & Krumhuber, 2017), economic value (Wang &
Krumhuber, 2018), certain work features (Belmi &
Schroeder, 2021; Valtorta et al., 2019), and immoral acts
or indelity (e.g., Bastian et al., 2013; Rodrigues et al.,
2018).
Existing studies have predominantly focused on dis-
positional and situational triggers of objectication.
Given the detrimental social outcomes, both intra-, and
inter-personally, it is important to examine the factors
that could buer and alleviate objectication, an area
that has been largely neglected by previous scholars. In
the current research, we would like to investigate
whether gratitude could buer against objectifying gen-
eral others (i.e., not the benefactor(s)), which is elabo-
rated on in the following section.
Gratitude and its impact on objectication
Gratitude is often dened as a positive emotion, or more
broadly positive psychological response after people
receive aid that is valuable and altruistic (Wood et al.,
2008c). In other words, it often occurs when people
acknowledge that they benet from other’s help, gui-
dance, or gifts which can be costly for the benefactor(s;
Emmons et al., 2003). In addition, apart from an inter-
personal appreciation of other people’s aid (i.e., appre-
ciation of other people), scholars have also considered
gratitude as a part of a wide life orientation towards
appreciating the positive aspects of life (e.g., apprecia-
tion of what one already has, Wood et al., 2010). As one
of the core concepts examined in the eld of positive
psychology, gratitude has been found to be a predictor
of various positive outcomes. At the intrapersonal level,
gratitude is associated positively with multiple indexes
of mental and physical health, such as lower risks of
depression, anxiety, and dependence on nicotine, alco-
hol, and drug (e.g., Kendler et al., 2003), reduced level of
stress (Wood et al., 2008b), improvement in sleep quality
(Emmonse & McCullough, 2003), and better recovery
from trauma (i.e., post-trauma growth, Peterson &
Seligman, 2003). On the ip side, gratitude is linked
with eudemonic well-being (e.g., autonomy, personal
growth, and purpose in life, Wood et al., 2009) and
authentic living (Wood et al., 2008a).
At the interpersonal level, we expected that gratitude
can reduce objectication due to a couple of reasons.
First, according to McCullough et al. (2001), not only is
gratitude a response to others’ moral behavior (helping
others even when there is a cost to oneself), but grati-
tude also motivates subsequent moral behaviors – beha-
viors driven by concerns for others. As one of the self-
transcendent emotions (i.e., emotions arising out of
other-focused appraisals), gratitude has been proposed
to shift people’s attention from one’s own needs and
concerns to those of others (Stellar et al., 2017). State it
dierently, gratitude encourages other-oriented beha-
viors that are characterized by greater sensitivity and
attunement to others. In this vein, gratitude inhibits
destructive interpersonal behavior, making people pre-
fer constructive modes of dealing with conict (Baron,
1984). More interestingly, experiencing gratitude not
only makes people demonstrate prosociality toward
the person who helped them (Stellar et al., 2017) but
also makes people more likely to help others apart from
their initial benefactor (Bartlett & DeSteno, 2006; Nowak
& Roch, 2007). Meanwhile, objectication often results
from self-centeredness or self-interested behavior (i.e.,
considering how others can be used to achieve one’s
own goal, Wang et al., 2020) and it naturally leads to
indierence and even immoral behavior (Haslam &
Loughnan, 2014; Nussbaum, 1995; Rai et al., 2017;
Wang & Krumhuber, 2017). Therefore, the moral and
other-orientation functions of gratitude can potentially
act as a buer against objectication during interperso-
nal processes. Secondly, according to nd-remind-and-
bind theory (Algoe, 2012), gratitude is a ‘psychological
gel’ to increase social bonds, encouraging people to
engage in behaviors that bring them and others closer
together. In this vein, gratitude facilitates goal conta-
gion, making people adopt the goal implied by a social
2J. SHI ET AL.
other’s behavior (Jia et al., 2014). Gratitude is associated
with perceived support from peers and family members
(Froh et al., 2009a, 2009b), and predicts increased rela-
tionship commitment, quality, maintenance, and satis-
faction between the benefactors and the gift recipients
(Algoe et al., 2008; Joel et al., 2013; Kubacka et al., 2011;
Park et al., 2019). Meanwhile, when people show
a reduced intention for social connection and bonding,
considering or even acknowledging others’ personhood
becomes less relevant and thus objectication can occur
(e.g., Powers et al., 2014; Waytz & Epley, 2012). In con-
trast, forming social bonding requires people to e-
ciently attend to others’ mental states, and thus
gratitude could act as a buer against objectication.
The present research
In the current research, we aimed to investigate whether
gratitude, either as a stable trait or an induced state,
could reduce objectication. Specically, we are inter-
ested in whether feeling grateful would reduce the
objectication of general others (i.e., not the benefactor-
(s)). To this end, Study 1 tested whether dispositional
gratitude would correlate negatively with the trait objec-
tication. Studies 2 and 3 further examined a causal
relationship by manipulating participants’ state grati-
tude. In particular, in Study 2, we manipulated partici-
pants’ state gratitude by asking them to write
a gratitude letter and assessed their subsequent objecti-
cation level towards others. Study 3 was to use
a scenario study to test further whether the eect of
gratitude on reducing objectication could be applied to
specic unknown others, that is, a group of factory work-
ers often suering from objectication (Andrighetto
et al., 2017; Valtorta et al., 2019).
Sample Size Determination. We aimed for 200 par-
ticipants for Study 1 (correlational study) and 200 parti-
cipants per condition for Studies 2 and 3 (experimental
study). Sensitivity power analysis (α = .05; β = .80)
revealed that the smallest eect sizes of r = 0.2 (Study
1, N = 202), d = 0.28 (Study 2, N = 409), and d = 0.28
(Study 3, N = 396) could be detected.
Data Availability Statement. Data will be made pub-
licly available (OSF) once the manuscript is accepted for
publication. All data exclusion criteria, manipulations,
and measures in our studies were reported.
Study 1
Study 1 aimed to provide an initial test on the relation-
ship between gratitude and objectication. We pre-
dicted that the dispositional gratitude would correlate
negatively with the trait objectication, i.e., perceiving
and treating general others instrumentally and neglect-
ing their inner thoughts and feelings. Besides, several
studies have indicated the link between objectication
and status-related constructs (e.g., social power;
Gruenfeld et al., 2008; Lammers & Stapel, 2011; Yang
et al., 2015); thus, we measured participants’ subjective
social status as a control variable.
Method
Participants. We recruited 202 American participants via
Amazon Mturk (118 women, M
age
= 45.58, SD = 14.57,
79% European Americans, 9% African Americans, 8%
Asian Americans, and 4% others). Participants were com-
pensated with 0.3 dollars. The study was approved by
the Ethics Committee of the University of Hong Kong
(EA200212). Informed consent was obtained from all
participants in the study on-line.
Procedures and Measures. After providing their
informed consent, participants were presented with sev-
eral questions that rst measured their trait gratitude,
which was followed that the measure of objectication.
Finally, they provided demographic information (i.e.,
gender, age, and subjective social status). Unless noted
otherwise, all questions were responded to on a seven-
point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly
agree). Finally, participants were debriefed and thanked.
Dispositional gratitude. Participants completed the
well-established Gratitude Questionnaire (GQ-6;
McCullough et al., 2001), which consists of six items.
Example items were ‘I have so much in life to be thankful
for.’; ‘If I had to list everything that I felt grateful for, it
would be a very long list.’ We averaged the scores to
produce an overall gratitude index, with higher scores
indicating stronger levels of dispositional grati-
tude (α = .89).
Objectication. The 10-item modied version of
Gruenfeld et al. (2008)’s Objectication Scale was used
to measure participants’ tendency to perceive and treat
general others (instead of a particular person) in an instru-
mental manner. The modied scale has been used in prior
studies (e.g., Wang & Krumhuber, 2017). Example items
were ‘I would think more about what others can do for
me than what I can do for others.’; ‘I tend to contact
others only when I need something from them.’; ‘I am
interested in this person’s feelings because I want to be
close with him/her. (R)’ We averaged the scores to pro-
duce an overall objectication index, with higher scores
indicating stronger levels of objectication (α = .82).
Subjective Social Status. Participants’ subjective social
status was reported using MacArthur’s social ladder
(Adler et al., 2000), ranging from 1 = the lowest standing
to 10 = the highest standing.
THE JOURNAL OF POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY 3
Results and discussion
As expected, participants’ dispositional grateful level
was negatively associated with objectication, r
(202) = −.33, 95% CI [−.20, −.44]. This result remained
to be signicant after controlling for age, gender,
1
and
subjective social status, B = −0.19, SE = 0.05, 95% CI
[−0.29, −0.10], p < .001. We presented the correlational
Matrix in Table 1.
Study 1 provided initial evidence that individuals who
are more likely to feel grateful show a reduced tendency
to perceive and treat others instrumentally. Given that
Study 1 was only able to provide correlational evidence,
in the subsequent study, we aimed to further examine
the causal relationship by directly manipulating partici-
pants’ state gratitude.
Study 2
In Study 2, we aimed to investigate whether gratitude
can reduce the objectication of general others. To this
end, we manipulated participants’ state gratitude by
asking them to write a gratitude letter. We predicted
that participants in the gratitude condition (vs. control
condition) would be less likely to objectify general
others. All survey items were translated from English to
Chinese using accepted translation-back-translation
techniques (Brislin, 1970).
Method
Participants. We recruited 410 Chinese participants via
Credamo, a data collection platform that is comparable
to Mechanic Turk in China. One participant was excluded
as he or she did not pass the attention check (i.e., one
item embedded in the scale, ‘Please select 4.’), leaving 409
participants (234 men, M
age
= 27.95, SD = 5.61) in the nal
analysis. Participants were randomly assigned to one of
the two conditions (gratitude versus control), resulting in
202 people in the gratitude condition and 207 in the
control condition. Participants were compensated with 2
Chinese Yuan (approximately equivalent to 0.3 US dollars).
Procedure and Measures. Participants completed the
study in Chinese. They rst gave their informed consent
and reported demographic information (i.e., gender,
age, and subjective social status). Then, we randomly
assigned participants to one of two conditions (gratitude
vs. control). Following Deichert et al. (2021), in the gra-
titude condition, participants were instructed to write
a gratitude letter to a person for whom they were grate-
ful. In contrast, in the control condition, participants
were instructed to write down what they often do each
Tuesday. In both conditions, participants were required
to provide as many details as they could (writing no less
than 50 Chinese characteristics). As a manipulation
check, participants responded to two questions: ‘I feel
grateful to others,’ and ‘I’d like to express my gratitude
to others.’ (r = 0.85, p < .001).
Finally, they completed the seven-item scale devel-
oped by Belmi and Schroeder (2021) to measure the
extent to which they would like to perceive and treat
others in an objectied manner. Example items were ‘I
would value others primarily for what they can do for
me,’ and ‘I would pay little attention to the wishes and
desires of others.’ An overall objectication score was
calculated by averaging the scores across items, with
higher scores corresponding to higher levels of instru-
mentality (α = .67).
Results and discussion
First, participants in the gratitude condition (M = 6.43,
SD = 0.81) reported a greater level of state gratitude
than those in the control condition (M = 5.22, SD = 1.36),
Welch’s t(336.61) = 10.95, p < .001, 95% CI [0.86, 1.30],
d = 1.08, suggesting that our manipulation was successful.
Central to our hypothesis, there was a signicant
eect of condition on objectication, t(407) = 2.36.
p = .019, 95% CI [0.04, 0.43], d = 0.23.
2
Specically,
participants in the gratitude condition (M = 3.33,
SD = 0.93) reported a reduced level of objectication,
perceiving and treating others, compared to those in the
control condition (M = 3.53, SD = 0.84). The results
supported our prediction that feeling grateful reduces
state objectication of general others.
Study 3
Study 3 was to test whether the eect of gratitude could
be applied to an imagined working context, an environ-
ment where objectication is most likely to occur (e.g.,
Belmi & Schroeder, 2021). Specically, prior ndings
showed that people are highly likely to objectify factory
workers (e.g., Andrighetto et al., 2017; Valtorta et al.,
2019). To this end, we rst induced gratitude in partici-
pants and then measured their objectication toward
a group of factory workers (i.e., people like the protago-
nist in the vignette).
Table 1.
Variables M (SD) 1 2 3 4
1. Age 45.58 (14.57) -
2. SSS 5.18 (1.76) .13 -
3. DG 5.54 (1.34) .34
a*
.23
a
-
4. Objectification 3.17 (0.99) −.38
a*
.19
a
−.33
a*
-
Note SSS = Subjective social status, DG = Dispositional gratitude
a
p < .01, ***p < .001
4J. SHI ET AL.
Method
Participants. We recruited 400 American participants
from Mechanic Turk. Four participants were excluded
from analysis since they did not pass the attention
check (i.e., one item embedded in the scale, ‘Please
select 4.’), leaving 396 participants (192 men, M
age
= 40.89, SD = 12.01, 78% European Americans, 8%
African Americans, 10% Asian Americans, and 4% others)
in the nal analysis. Participants were randomly assigned
to one of the two conditions (gratitude versus control),
resulting in 197 participants in the gratitude condition
and 199 participants in the control condition.
Participants were compensated with 0.3 US dollars in
the end.
Procedure and measures. Participants rst read a brief
introduction of a person named Marco. In particular, it
was stated: ‘Marco is thirty, lives in your city and has two
brothers. In the evening, he usually goes out with
friends. He works eight hours a day as a factory worker.
His work is repetitive and monotonous. He performs the
same action about ten times in ve minutes.’
Next, we asked the participants to complete a writing
task. In the gratitude condition, adapted from Deichert
et al. (2021), participants were told that Marco has
helped them to complete a task so that they would
need to write a thank-you letter to Marco to express
their gratitude. In the control condition, participants
were instructed to write a personal introduction of
Marco.
After the writing task, as a control measure, parti-
cipants were required to report their aect on PANAS
(e.g., interested, upset, and proud, Watson et al.,
1988). As a manipulation check, participants also indi-
cated how grateful they felt. Notably, these responses
were made on ve-point Likert scales (1 = not at all,
5 = very much).
Next, following Andrighetto et al. (2017), partici-
pants indicated the degree to which they perceive
factory workers (i.e., people like Marco) were object-
like, including being instrumental and non-humanlike.
Instrumentality-related words include instruments,
tools, and things; humanness-related words include
people, individuals, and guys (scores were reversely
coded). The examples were ‘I perceive factory workers
like Marco as instruments,’ and ‘I perceive factory
workers like Marco as individuals.’ Participants’
responses were made on seven-point Likert Scales
(1 = not at all, 7 = extremely so). We averaged the
scores of items with higher scores indicating stronger
levels of objectication of the target (α = .89). Finally,
participants provided their demographic information
before they were thanked and debriefed.
Results and discussion
Our manipulation was successful, such that participants
who wrote a thank-you letter (M = 4.52; SD = 0.76) felt
more grateful than those who wrote a general introduc-
tion (M = 3.29; SD = 1.30), Welch’s t(320.19) = 11.54.
p < .001, 95% CI [0.93, 1.38], d = 1.16. In addition, those
in the gratitude condition (M = 1.16; SD = 0.42) felt
signicantly less negative than those in the control con-
dition (M = 1.35; SD = 0.66), Welch’s t(332.83) = −3.43.
p < .001, 95% CI [- 0.54, 0.14], d = −0.34, although the
eect on the positive aect was not signicant, Welch’s t
(394) = 0.97, p = .335, 95% CI [−0.10, 0.29], d = 0.10.
Central to our hypothesis, participants
3
in the grati-
tude condition reported a signicantly lower level of
objectication (M = 1.75; SD = 0.93) of factory workers
than those in the control condition (M = 2.31; SD = 1.34),
Welch’s t(353.97) = – 4.90, p < .001, 95% CI [- 0.69, – 0.29],
d = – 0.49. The result remained signicant after control-
ling for negative aect, F(1, 393) = 13.64, p < . 001,
η
2
= 0.03. Therefore, these ndings supported our
hypothesis that gratitude reduces objectication in
a work setting.
General discussion
Objectication refers to treating others merely as things
or tools while denying their mind (Fredrickson & Roberts,
1997; Nussbaum, 1995). Needless to say, objectication
causes severe consequences, ranging from interpersonal
indierence, reduced empathy and helping, aggression
and bully, to even killing and genocide (e.g., Čehajić
et al., 2009; Obermann, 2011; Rai et al., 2017; Stanton,
2013; Viki et al., 2013). Given the detrimental outcomes,
it is important to nd interventions to alleviate objecti-
cation, an area that has received little attention from
scholars previously (Haslam & Loughnan, 2014). In the
current research, we tested whether gratitude, either as
a stable trait or an induced state, could reduce objecti-
cation of general others (i.e., people who are not the
benefactors).
Across three studies, our hypothesis was supported.
Study 1 showed that dispositional gratitude negatively
predicted trait objectication. Studies 2 and 3 further
demonstrated a causal relationship between gratitude
and objectication. Specically, after temporarily heigh-
tening participants’ state of gratitude, participants
showed a lower level of objectication towards others.
Conceptually replicating the ndings of Study 2, Study 3
further showed the alleviating eect of gratitude on
objectication in a working context, an environment
where objectication is most likely to occur (e.g., Belmi
& Schroeder, 2021). It is worth pointing out that our
THE JOURNAL OF POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY 5
revealed eect is prevalent, such that it is observed
across samples from countries (i.e., the United States
and China) that dier in ethnicities, cultures, and social
ideologies.
Our study rst contributes to the research eld of
objectication. Previous work has primarily focused on
identifying antecedents of objectication, such as work
features (Andrighetto et al., 2017; Belmi & Schroeder,
2021), domination and power (Bareket & Shnabel, 2020;
Gruenfeld et al., 2008), competition (Wang et al., 2021),
misconduct (e.g., Bastian et al., 2013; Rodrigues et al.,
2018), and economic contexts (Teng, Chen, Poon, Zhang,
Jiang et al., 2016a; Wang & Krumhuber, 2017). However,
few studies focused on how to reduce objectication,
a psychological process that can lead to various detri-
mental consequences as explained earlier (Haslam &
Loughnan, 2014). Importantly, our ndings shed light
on the intervention, providing a useful way to reduce
objectication. It is worth pointing out that gratitude as
a method works not only at the dispositional level but is
also eective at a state level (e.g., writing a thankful
letter, Studies 2 and 3). Although previous studies sug-
gest that people could intuitively objectify others (e.g.,
Tyler et al., 2017), our research shows that people can
also attenuate objectication by resorting to gratitude.
In addition, our research also has practical implications
for organizations where objectication is more likely to
occur. Organizations could try to create a less objectify-
ing atmosphere by encouraging people to express gra-
titude towards others.
In addition, the current study extends the positive
interpersonal eects of gratitude. Consistent with pre-
vious work, gratitude not only promotes positive inter-
action (e.g., prosocial behavior; Grant & Gino, 2010) but
also diminishes negative interaction (e.g., aggression;
DeWall et al., 2012). It is worth pointing out that the
eect of gratitude is not only limited to the benefactors
to whom people should show appreciation. Our research
suggests that the positive eect of gratitude can even
extend to people who were not involved in the initial
interaction (i.e., general others), a nding that is in line
with a phenomenon such as upstream reciprocity (e.g.,
Nowak & Roch, 2007). Importantly, while the feature of
interaction pattern of both rounds is identical for
upstream reciprocity (i.e., A helps B, and B helps C), our
results further suggest that the feature of interaction
pattern can be rather dierent (i.e., A helps B,
B become less likely to objectify Cs).
Despite the contributions mentioned above, our
study has several limitations worth noting. First, con-
sistent with prior research (e.g., Deichert et al., 2021;
Lyubomirsky et al., 2011; Watkins et al., 2003) the writ-
ing paradigm (i.e., writing a letter to express one’s
gratitude towards someone) has been found eective
to induce a grateful state. Future studies could try other
manipulation methods to heighten people’s gratitude
(e.g., the state-of-the-art technologies of virtual reality;
Collange & Guegan, 2020). Second, objectication
towards factory workers was examined in an imagined
working context in the nal study. Future studies could
try to increase the ecological validity of this result by
recruiting and testing real employees. Third, following
prior studies, measures of objectication were self-
report in nature (e.g., Andrighetto et al., 2017; Belmi &
Schroeder, 2021; Gruenfeld et al., 2008); such types of
assessment, however, could be subject to the inuence
of social desirability. To avoid this issue, scholars could
try to use and develop other less direct measurements
or indexes of objectication, such as neural and phy-
siological responses (e.g., Harris & Fiske, 2006). Finally,
gratitude could signicantly aect people’s mood,
which, in turn, might inuence objectication. Bearing
this in mind, we have controlled for people’s mood in
Study 3 and showed that the eect of gratitude on
buering objectication goes beyond mood. This is
also consistent with previous research that suggests
gratitude inductions work above and beyond the
eects of positive mood (e.g., DeWall et al., 2012;
Sasaki et al., 2020). Still, our studies cannot rule out
the possibility that the impact of gratitude on objecti-
cation was the result of a more general eect of
gratitude on one’s view of people. Future studies
could investigate whether gratitude reduces objecti-
cation as a result of more generally reducing anti-social
tendencies, or the impact of gratitude is more specic
to objectication.
In conclusion, across three studies, we showed that
gratitude, either as a dispositional trait or a temporary
state, could eectively attenuate objectication towards
general others. Our ndings, therefore, shed light on the
power of cultivating a sense of gratitude in reducing
objectication.
Notes
1. A preliminary test showed that male participants
(M = 3.42, SD = 0.96) reported a greater level of objecti-
cation than female participants (M = 2.99, SD = 0.98), t
(200) = 3.17, p < .001, d = 0.45, 95% CI [0.16, 0.74].
However, the interaction between gender and gratitude
on objectication was not signicant (p = .850).
2. Male participants (M = 3.62, SD = 0.95) reported a greater
level of objectication than female participants
(M = 3.18, SD = 0.75), Welch’s t(405.84) = 5.24, p < .001,
d = 0.51, 95% CI [0.30, 0.71]. However, the interaction
between condition (gratitude vs. control) and gender on
objectication was not signicant (p = .434)
6J. SHI ET AL.
3. There was a trend that male participants (M = 2.14,
SD = 1.24) reported a higher level of objectication than
female participants (M = 1.95, SD = 1.13), although the
eect was not signicant (p = .423). No signicant interac-
tion eects between gender and other variables (i.e., con-
dition and aects) on objectication was found (ps > 181).
Disclosure statement
No potential conict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Data availability statement
The data described in this article are openly available in the
Open Science Framework at https://osf.io/b2d6g/.
Open scholarship
This article has earned the Center for Open Science badge
for Open Data. The data are openly accessible at https://doi.
org/10.1080/17439760.2022.2036799.
ORCID
Xijing Wang http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3923-6064
Zhansheng Chen http://orcid.org/0000-0003-0873-3391
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THE JOURNAL OF POSITIVE PSYCHOLOGY 9
... The feeling of disgust when seeing a dog wearing clothes reflects the conservatives' value of hierarchy and the boundary between humans and dogs. Disgust is a trigger of objectification (Hodson & Costello, 2007), which is treating others as things or tools and denying their human characteristics (Awasthi, 2017;Belk, 2014;Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997;Loughnan et al., 2010;Morris et al., 2018;Shi et al., 2023;Tiggemann & Andrew, 2012). Research on objectification suggests that clothing can facilitate objectification (Awasthi, 2017;Lennon & Johnson, 2020;Tiggemann & Andrew, 2012). ...
... In fact, more than 60% of the research on objectification uses clothes as stimuli (in the context of women's studies). Recent research suggests that objectification exists in various domains (Belk, 2014;Shi et al., 2023). We believe the role of clothes has a similar effect in our context. ...
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Dogs have become an essential part of many consumers' everyday lives as well as their purchase and consumption considerations. This research investigates dog owners' affective reactions (i.e., disgust) to dogs wearing clothes and their purchase of dog apparel influenced by owners' political identities. We find an interesting pattern where conservatives (relative to liberals) experience higher disgust for dogs wearing clothes but are more likely to purchase dog apparel. We propose that liberals and conservatives endorse different moral values leading to different human‐animal relationship beliefs, as reflected in speciesism (i.e., human superiority). Conservatives have higher speciesism beliefs, leading to both higher feelings of disgust and purchase of dog apparel due to status signaling. The effects are further moderated by the type of apparel, with a stronger effect for nonfunctional (vs. functional) clothes. In three studies, we surveyed dog owners and non‐owners and conducted an experiment to demonstrate these effects. We also provide managerial implications in terms of designing and marketing pet apparels.
... Objectification refers to the process whereby, to achieve one's goals, other humans are viewed as objects rather than complete persons (Baldissarri et al., 2022;Vaes et al., 2014). Although the phenomenon of objectification has traditionally been studied in the sexual domain (referred to as sexual objectification; Bernard et al., 2018), a growing number of studies have shown that objectification can occur in a wider range of social contexts such as the workplace and medical field (Baldissarri et al., 2022;Schroeder & Fishbach, 2015), as well as in everyday social interactions (e.g., Shi et al., 2023;Wang & Krumhuber, 2017). Objectification yields various adverse consequences, including the denial of people's moral status, reduced empathy and prosociality, and heightened tendencies towards aggression and abuse (e.g., Belmi & Schroeder, 2021;Loughnan et al., 2010;Wang & Krumhuber, 2017). ...
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Interpersonal objectification, treating people as tools and neglecting their essential humanness, is a pervasive and enduring phenomenon. Across five studies ( N = 1183), we examined whether subjective economic inequality increases objectification through a calculative mindset. Study 1 revealed that the perceptions of economic inequality at the national level and in daily life were positively associated with objectification. Studies 2 and 3 demonstrated a causal relationship between subjective economic inequality and objectification in a fictitious organization and society, respectively. Moreover, the effect was mediated by a calculative mindset (Studies 3–4). In addition, lowering a calculative mindset weakened the effect of subjective inequality on objectification (Study 4). Finally, increased objectification due to subjective inequality further decreased prosociality and enhanced exploitative intentions (Study 5). Taken together, our findings suggest that subjective economic inequality increases objectification, which further causes adverse interpersonal interactions.
... On the contrary, researchers have paid very little attention to the reverse process (i.e., increasing the attribution of humanness to people) with only a few recent studies exploring this possibility. It has been found that imagined intergroup contact (Vezzali et al., 2012), forgiveness (as opposed to taking revenge) as a response to victimization (Schumann & Walton, 2022), and the feeling of gratitude (Shi et al., 2023) could increase the attribution of humanness to out-group members or to oneself. ...
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Attributing humanness to oneself (i.e., self-humanity) can be malleable and can lead to various crucial outcomes. Researchers have not investigated whether and how awe as a self-related emotion affects people’s perception of their own humanness. We proposed two competing hypotheses: awe impairs self-humanity via self-smallness, and awe promotes self-humanity via authentic-self pursuit. Across seven studies (N = 1539), we found that awe is positively related to (Studies 1 and 4) and predicts self-humanity (Studies 2a, 2b, 5, and 6). Moreover, this relationship was mediated by authentic-self pursuit (Studies 3–6) rather than self-smallness (Studies 5 and 6). The effect of awe on authentic-self pursuit and self-humanity held true among the general population (Studies 1–4 and 6) and for a disadvantaged group (i.e., blue-collar workers; Study 5). In addition, we demonstrated that the effect was not driven solely by positive emotions (Studies 1, 2b, and 6). These findings enrich the literature on awe and self-humanity.
... First, prosociality could be facilitated by reducing objectification. For example, as the experience of being grateful could make individuals less likely to objectify others (Shi et al., 2022), people could be educated to integrate more habitual gratitude into their daily lives. Besides, individuals should be alert and avoid others' potential objectification towards them. ...
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Objectification denies individuals’ personhood and renders them as tools for facilitating others’ goal achievement. With two studies (N = 446), the present investigation aimed to contribute to the literature by testing whether and how objectification impacts prosociality, including prosocial intention and prosocial behavior. Study 1, with a correlational design, aimed to test whether participants with greater experience of objectification would report lower levels of prosociality, and to test whether participants’ relative deprivation could account for the proposed association between objectification and prosociality. To further test these associations and provide causal evidence, in Study 2, we manipulated objectification by asking participants to imagine future objectification experiences. These studies converged in support of the negative relationship between objectification and prosocial intention, as well as the mediating role of relative deprivation. Regarding prosocial behavior, our findings support a mediating mechanism between objectification and prosocial behavior, although the evidence for the effect of objectification on prosocial behavior is not sufficient. These findings enrich our understanding of the consequences of objectification, while highlighting interpersonal processes’ contribution to prosocial intention and behavior. The limitations and potential future directions were discussed.
... Therefore, women should be encouraged to use competencebased (rather than appearance-based) strategies to compete for social resources. In addition, interventions for objectification have not received enough attention from scholars (Haslam & Loughnan, 2014;Shi et al., 2022). Our research sheds light on the intervention for self-objectification in the workplace. ...
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Competitions are ubiquitous, and their psychological consequences for women have not received sufficient attention. For this research, we tested whether competition, in either work settings or a broader form of competition for resources, would interact with the sex is power belief to result in self-objectification among women. This prediction was confirmed by a series of studies (N = 1,416), including correlational studies, a quasi-experiment, and fully controlled experiments, with samples including company employees, MBA students with work experience, college students currently competing in a job market, and Mechanical Turkers. Competition (or a sense of competition) as a feature of the working environment (Study 1), a real state in life (Study 2), or a temporarily activated state (Studies 3–5) resulted in self-objectification among women who believe sex is power (Study 1) or who enter such a mindset (Studies 2–5). This effect further impaired the pursuit of personal growth (Studies 4 and 5). We discuss the implications of these findings.
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Background Children with profound intellectual disabilities are unable to do anything for themselves and require full-time care in healthcare facilities. While caring for children, secondary caregivers become overwhelmed. Coupled with little or no support, the overwhelming work affects their psychological, social and financial well-being. Mental healthcare practitioners have perspectives on conditions under which secondary caregivers work and how can they be supported. Little is known about such perspectives. Objectives This study aims to explore and describe the perspectives of mental healthcare practitioners regarding the conditions under which secondary caregivers of children with profound intellectual disabilities work and how can they be supported. Method A qualitative-exploratory-descriptive and contextual research design was adopted using a non-probability purposive sampling technique. This study was conducted in Gauteng province. Semi-structured individual interviews were performed to collect data. Content data analysis and ATLAS.ti were used to analyse the data. Results Knowledge and skills development, stress reduction, resources and motivation were themes that emerged. Conclusion This study explored and described the perspectives of mental healthcare practitioners regarding the conditions under which secondary caregivers of children with profound intellectual disabilities work and how can they be supported. If implemented, perspectives can improve the holistic well-being of secondary caregivers. Contribution This study broadened an understanding of how secondary caregivers can be supported. Future researchers can use study results to develop programmes, intervention strategies and frameworks to support secondary caregivers.
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Air pollution is a major global environmental issue, yet its psychological consequences have only started to receive attention from scholars. We examined whether and how air pollution would lead to self- and other-dehumanization. Across one field study and five pre-registered experimental studies, we showed that air pollution increased people's dehumanization of themselves (Studies 1–2b) and others (Study 3a-4). Air pollution also increases people's perceived vulnerability to disease (PVD), including perceived infectability (PI) and germ aversion (GA). Further, across our studies, PI consistently accounted for the effect of air pollution on dehumanization (Studies 2a-4). In addition, our findings also supported the roles of negative affect (Study 2b) and disgust (Study 4) in shaping dehumanization in the face of air pollution. Therefore, air pollution not only impairs our physical health but also influences our perception of humanness. We discussed the implications of these findings for the literature on air pollution and dehumanization.
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Gratitude is conceptualized as a moral affect that is analogous to other moral emotions such as empathy and guilt. Gratitude has 3 functions that can be conceptualized as morally relevant: (a) a moral barometer function (i.e., it is a response to the perception that one has been the beneficiary of another person's moral actions); (b) a moral motive function (i.e., it motivates the grateful person to behave prosocially toward the benefactor and other people); and (c) a moral reinforcer function (i.e., when expressed, it encourages benefactors to behave morally in the future). The personality and social factors that are associated with gratitude are also consistent with a conceptualization of gratitude as an affect that is relevant to people's cognitions and behaviors in the moral domain.
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186 undergraduates played the role of executives and discussed important organizational issues with a confederate, who disagreed strongly with each S's views. Disagreement was expressed in a calm and reasonable manner or in an arrogant and condescending fashion. Ss were then exposed to 1 of 3 treatment conditions (sympathy, gratitude, or amusement) designed to induce positive states incompatible with anger or to a no-treatment control condition. Results show that relative to the control condition the 3 treatment conditions improved Ss' moods, enhanced their impressions of the confederate, and increased their preference for constructive as opposed to destructive modes of dealing with conflict. Disagreement expressed in a condescending manner produced significantly more negative effects on all dependent measures than disagreement expressed in a reasonable fashion. (20 ref)
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Research suggests that some people, particularly those on the political right, tend to blatantly dehumanize low-status groups. However, these findings have largely relied on self-report measures, which are notoriously subject to social desirability concerns. To better understand just how widely blatant forms of intergroup dehumanization might extend, the present article leverages an unobtrusive, data-driven perceptual task to examine how U.S. respondents mentally represent “Americans” versus “Arabs” (a low-status group in the United States that is often explicitly targeted with blatant dehumanization). Data from 2 reverse-correlation experiments (original N = 108; preregistered replication N = 336) and 7 rating studies (N = 2,301) suggest that U.S. respondents’ mental representations of Arabs are significantly more dehumanizing than their representations of Americans. Furthermore, analyses indicate that this phenomenon is not reducible to a general tendency for our sample to mentally represent Arabs more negatively than Americans. Finally, these findings reveal that blatantly dehumanizing representations of Arabs can be just as prevalent among individuals exhibiting low levels of explicit dehumanization (e.g., liberals) as among individuals exhibiting high levels of explicit dehumanization (e.g., conservatives)—a phenomenon into which exploratory analyses suggest liberals may have only limited awareness. Taken together, these results suggest that blatant dehumanization may be more widespread than previously recognized and that it can persist even in the minds of those who explicitly reject it.
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People behave differently when at work than not at work; for example, they are less interested in making close friends and use more transactional language (networking vs. socializing). These examples hint at a broader phenomenon: that people engage in more objectification—treating people akin to objects—in work contexts than non work contexts. We propose that objectification is more prevalent at work because people engage in more calculative and strategic thinking (i.e., making decisions by computing the costs and benefits). Seven studies (N = 2,712) test this. In Study 1, participants objectified the same individuals more when they were pictured at work (e.g., in an office) than not at work (e.g., in a coffee shop). In Study 2, there was more objectification when the same event was framed as more (vs. less) work-related. Studies 3a and 3b (experience-sampling studies with 2,300 data points) show that working adults objectify others more during work than non work interactions and demonstrate which situational characteristics enhance objectification. Study 4 manipulates the proposed mechanism: Participants nudged to think less calculatively and strategically showed a reduced tendency to objectify others in work contexts. Considering consequences, job applicants in Study 5 who read company mission statements containing more calculative language expected more objectification and were less interested in applying. Moreover, employees who perceived more objectification in their workplace reported more negative work experiences (e.g., feeling lower belonging, experiencing more incivility; Study 6). Together, these studies provide insight into how objectification arises, where it occurs, and its consequences.
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Psychology research focuses primarily on male competition. This research, however, investigates women’s competition for love and the ideal partner in the mating market, and reveals one psychological consequence for women, i.e., beautification. This is demonstrated with ecologically valid, real-world archive and online search query data, a quasi-experiment, and a series of controlled experiments with random assignments. Intrasexual competition, indexed by the operational sex ratio (OSR) and income inequality (GINI), predicts women’s beautification, reflected by Google search queries for cosmetic surgery terms (Study 1) and the density of certificated plastic surgeons (Study 2). Female college students from faculties with female-biased OSRs, exhibit greater appearance focus than women from male-biased faculties (Study 3). A causal relationship, between women’s intrasexual competition and beautification (and even self-objectification), is subsequently demonstrated in experiments (Studies 4–6). Additionally, self-objectification due to intrasexual competition leads to women’s preference for appearance-oriented products (Study 6). Implications are discussed. Keywords: women, intrasexual competition, sex ratio, beautification, self-objectification.
Chapter
The concept of prejudice has profoundly influenced how we have investigated, explained and tried to change intergroup relations of discrimination and inequality. But what has this concept contributed to our knowledge of relations between groups and what has it obscured or misrepresented? How has it expanded or narrowed the horizons of psychological inquiry? How effective or ineffective has it been in guiding our attempts to transform social relations and institutions? In this book, a team of internationally renowned psychologists re-evaluate the concept of prejudice, in an attempt to move beyond conventional approaches to the subject and to help the reader gain a clearer understanding of relations within and between groups. This fresh look at prejudice will appeal to scholars and students of social psychology, sociology, political science and peace studies.
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Workers’ instrumental treatment is commonly seen as a strategic way to reach organizational goals. Drawing on relevant recent literature, this paper sought to show experimentally that instrumental treatment is instead associated with negative outcomes for the individual and the organization. We sought to demonstrate that treating people as instruments would lead them to self-objectify—to self-perceive as objects rather than human beings—which would result in them being less engaged in a given task, thus undermining their performance. Study 1 was designed to provide a first test of our hypotheses by manipulating the instrumental (vs. non-instrumental) treatment enacted by an experimenter toward naïve participants (N=85) during the performance of a cognitive task. Study 2 consisted in a simulated online work activity in which participants (N=147) were asked to play the role of a proofreader for a fictitious newspaper, while being treated in an instrumental (vs. non-instrumental) way by the editorial staff. The results provided convergent evidence about the hypothesized process: being instrumentally (vs. non-instrumentally) treated leads people to self-objectify (i.e., to self-perceive as more instrument-like than human) and, in turn, their engagement with the task and performance are undermined. Implications for organizational and social psychology research are discussed.
Article
The present research examined to what extent virtual reality was an effective tool to induce a complex, positive, other-oriented emotion: gratitude. We hypothesized that receiving the help of a virtual benefactor should generate a feeling of gratitude, but also social benefits. In two studies, we showed that this virtual social interaction induced a feeling of gratitude in contrast to a control condition. Furthermore, in both studies, being helped by a virtual confederate led participants to be more inclined to offer social support to their benefactor, in contrast to the control condition. The beneficial effect of the gratitude induction on social support intentions was mediated by the virtual confederate's perceived warmth (Studies 1 & 2) and by enhanced perceived interpersonal closeness (Study 2). Finally, the expected benefits of gratitude were observed for both ingroup and outgroup benefactors. Implications of these findings for emotion induction, well-being, and intergroup contacts are discussed.
Article
This study extends the current body of work on dehumanization by evaluating the social, psychological, and demographic correlates of blatant disregard for immigrants. Participants ( n = 468) were randomly assigned to read a scenario where 1) an immigrant or 2) an immigrant and their child were caught illegally crossing the southern border of the United States, and then rated how long they should spend in jail if convicted. Participants reported that they would sentence the immigrant to more jail time than the immigrant and child. Those who sent immigrants to jail for more time also viewed them as socially distant and less human, described immigration in impersonal terms, and endorsed other social harms unrelated to immigration (e.g., the death penalty for convicted murderers). Crucially, endorsed social harms accounted for explained variance beyond simply holding conservative views. We position these data within the current literature on dehumanization theory and immigration issues.