Ambiguous spaces, empirical traces: Accounting for ignorance when researching around the illicit

Abstract and Figures

Human geographers investigating socio-environmental change in resource frontiers often encounter illicit activities occurring alongside the licit processes they study. These encounters pose logistical challenges to conducting research and moral and analytical dilemmas for researchers. Illicit activities produce what we refer to as spheres of ambiguity, which obscure certain information, relationships, and phenomena surrounding them. We address the dearth of analytical tools for approaching the uncertainty this generates by bringing concepts from agnotology—the study of ignorance—to bear on research conducted amidst illicit activity, offering a framework for systematically evaluating ambiguous field data that is incompletely observed or reported.
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Progress in Human Geography
2022, Vol. 46(2) 652671
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DOI: 10.1177/03091325211058898
Ambiguous spaces, empirical traces:
Accounting for ignorance when
researching around the illicit
Laura Dev
, Karly Marie Miller
, Juliet Lu
, Lauren S Withey
Tracy Hruska
University of Wisconsin-Platteville, Platteville, WI, USA;
Santa Barbara, CA, USA;
Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA;
San Francisco, CA, USA;
Astoria, OR, USA
Human geographers investigating socio-environmental change in resource frontiers often encounter illicit
activities occurring alongside the licit processes they study. These encounters pose logistical challenges to
conducting research and moral and analytical dilemmas for researchers. Illicit activities produce what we refer
to as spheres of ambiguity, which obscure certain information, relationships, and phenomena surrounding
them. We address the dearth of analytical tools for approaching the uncertainty this generates by bringing
concepts from agnotologythe study of ignoranceto bear on research conducted amidst illicit activity,
offering a framework for systematically evaluating ambiguous eld data that is incompletely observed or
illicit, ambiguity, political ecology, research methods, agnotology, knowledge, frontiers, ignorance
I Introduction
Cocaine smuggling. Opium, coca, and cannabis farms.
Drug money laundered through otherwise legitimate
plantations, ranches, and tourism enterprises. Research
informants who disappear for days or weeks with
vague explanations of working over the hillor
up the river.Warnings of when and where not to
travel. Encountering illicit activity during eld re-
search is remarkably common and oftentimes inevita-
ble. However, due to safety and ethical considerations,
methodological challenges, and a variety of other
obstacles, researchers working amidst illicit activities
often censor or avoid these topics both in the eld
and in writing (Hall, 2013). Navigating encounters
with illicit activities that are not the subject of re-
search can create notable absences in knowledge that
we argue should be acknowledged and analyzed
systematically. In this paper, we synthesize two
themes of recent interest in the eld of human
geographyliterature on illicit geographies and
literature on ambiguity and ignoranceto offer a
methodological intervention for addressing such
Conducting research in areas where illicit activ-
ities are prevalent (or around the illicit, as we will
refer to it) requires wading through ambiguity. Al-
though none of the authors set out to study the illicit
directly, each came to recognize the inuence of illicit
activities on our respective eld sites and research
topics through encountering empirical traces(Frickel,
2014): momentary revelations of something still par-
tially obscured (e.g., observing sudden unexplained
wealth or being warned off certain areas and topics).
These empirical traces offered eeting glimpses into a
larger landscape of unknowns, shaped our research
practices, and set boundaries on where we went,
uncertainty to the research process (Hilson, 2005;
Nordstrom, 2004). Institutional constraints and
academic conventions conspire to leave such uncer-
tainty mostly ignored (Bhattacharya, 2014;Hicks,
2009). Although the risk of violence and other re-
percussions associated with illicit activities make them
dangerous or difcult for researchers to study directly
e, 2019a), ignoring the inuence of these ac-
tivities is also problematicboth for the conclusions
drawn from the research and in the consequences for
local communities.
We aim to initiate a collective critical reection on
research and writing practices to address blind spots
and spur more robust research around the illicit,
when illicit activities are not the primary focus but
nevertheless intersect with ones research. In this
paper, we offer an analytical framework for evalu-
ating ignorances that appear in research around the
illicit through converting missing information into an
ethnographic object (Mair et al., 2012), allowing
researchers to better understand the causes and
consequences of ignorance and account for possible
misinformation. We argue that analyzing knowledge
and ignorance together can be a powerful tool for
gaining insight into the often obscured inuence of
illicit activities on livelihoods, resource use, and
governance practices. Though we focus on ethno-
graphic methodologies in human geography re-
search, an analysis of illicit-generated ignorance is
relevant for researchers from diverse elds who work
where illicit activities are present.
This paper consists of six sections. Section 2
discusses human geography conceptualizations of
the illicitand describes the spheres of ambiguity
that surround illicit activities and the specic re-
search challenges they pose. Section 3 introduces
concepts from the eld of agnotology that are useful
for understanding the generation of ignorance in
research around the illicit. Section 4 describes an
Ignorance Assessment Framework for analyzing this
ignorance systematically. In Section 5, we use ex-
amples from our own work to demonstrate the utility
and application of this framework. Section 6 offers
concluding reections on the consequences of ig-
norances that arise in research around the illicit.
II The illicit and the production
of ambiguity
1The illicitin human geography
The illicit is a consequential but often overlooked
phenomenon in human geography that has gained
increasing attention in numerous subelds. These
include: the geographies of crime and policing
(Evans et al., 2002;Fyfe, 1991;Gilmer, 2014,
2016;Harries, 1971;LeBeau and Leitner, 2011;
Lowman, 1986;Moran and Schliehe, 2017;Peet,
1975;Yarwood, 2007); migration, conict, and se-
curity (Peluso and Watts, 2001;Samers, 2004;Zolberg,
1989); resource frontiers and territorialization (Ballv´
2019b;Kelly and Peluso, 2015;McSweeney et al.,
2018;Watts, 2018); natural resource governance and
conservation (Bocarejo and Ojeda, 2016;Kelly,
2011;Robbins et al., 2009;Woods and Naimark,
2020;Ybarra, 2012); and economic geography on
illicit economies (Brown and Hermann, 2020b;
Gregson and Crang, 2017;Hall, 2010;Hudson,
2020). Although other elds (sociology, criminol-
ogy, anthropology) have more consistently engaged
with the illicit, geographical theorizations bring out its
socio-spatial and territorial implications. In particular,
geographers have revealed how competing state and
non-state authorities continually negotiate the bounds
between licit and illicit to favor various interests,
discipline populations, and reorganize space (Abraham
and Van Schendel, 2005;Hall, 2013;Hudson, 2014).
In this section, we discuss how the illicit has been
Dev et al. 653
treated in human geography and how we operation-
alize it in our analysis.
Although the term illicitis often used as a self-
evident category, it is actually fraught with ambi-
guity. We follow Abraham and Van Schendel (2005),
recognizing that the dening line between licit and
illicit transcends state denitions of legality. Illicit
activities are pervasive in both social life and state
processes (Abraham and Van Schendel, 2005: 7) and
are integral to global economies and geopolitical
congurations (Hudson, 2014). Capital, goods, and
actors are not innately illicit or licit, but merely
accumulate these labels as they circulate (Gregson
and Crang, 2017: 212213). Categorization of the
illicit is shaped by local perceptions of morality,
enforceability, and the threat of violence or other
risks, all of which are highly context-dependent and
dynamic. Certain spaces support a wide range of
unlawful but socially permissible activities and many
illicit and licit activities mutually reinforce each other
(Roitman, 2006). As Hall (2013) describes, In
spaces that elude the sovereign gaze of the state or
across which it is uncertain or contested, the formal
distinctions between licit and illicitness become
problematic, even meaningless(373). States thus
extend their authority over new regions and peoples
by dictating the licit/illicit boundary and securing
their exclusive right to enforce it (Vandergeest and
Peluso, 1995).
Illicit activities range from complex, highly
adaptable, multinational operations with vast spatial
footprints and vertically integrated production, to
smaller and more localized organizations, to isolated,
unorganized, or small-scale crime performed by in-
dividuals or families as a survival strategy (Hudson,
2014: 779). Illicit organizations are generally uid;
individual actors or groups may at times merge with
larger organizational structures and later disperse
(Hudson, 2014) or be amorphous in structure to
varying degrees (Finckenauer, 2005). While partici-
pation in these networks may be locally normalized,
persecution by national and/or international entities
encourages a veil of secrecy surrounding the networks
activities that members often enforce through real or
perceived threats of violence (Andreas, 2011:419420).
This obscures the entanglements of these networks in a
wide range of licit and illicit economic activities and
social and political affairs (Slack and Campbell, 2016).
Hall (2013) has attributed the paucity of substantive
reections on organized crime in geography to the ex-
tensive scale of illicit networks, the opacityaround
illicit activities generally, and the ontological uncer-
tainties between licit and illicit activities that make it
difcult to analyze. This paper seeks to address this
analytical challenge.
Because the impacts of transnational illicit net-
works affect myriad research topics in human ge-
ography (Abraham and Van Schendel, 2005;Hall,
2013;Nordstrom, 2007), we operationalize the il-
licitwith a focus on illicit commodity production
and trade networks. Though the insights gained are
applicable to illicit activities across the spectrum, the
authorsresearch sites (Mexico, Peru, Colombia, and
Laos) were heavily affected by patterns of conict
and governance related to the cultivation, processing,
and/or transportation of illicit drugcrops, con-
trolled by narco-trafcking networks (or cartels).
The resource frontiers and borderlands we study have
long been intertwined with the illicit (Castells, 1996:
162; Hall, 2013: 376), making ambiguity around
livelihoods and resource use in these areas particu-
larly widespread.
2 Ambiguous spaces: Illicit regimes in
resource frontiers
A key set of research questions in human geography
and political ecology intersect in resource frontiers.
Though our research primarily focused on aspects
of these frontiers other than illicit activities, namely
resource management and society-environment
interactions, illicit activities were entangled with
our research topics in the places we work: rural
hinterlands of developing countries; areas less
connected to state services, infrastructure, and
control; and spaces where natural resources and
livelihoods are closely intertwined. This is no co-
incidence. Resource exploitation and illicit networks
are both served by these regionsillegibility to
formal state governance. The ambiguity that per-
meates these places only enhances the messy relations
between eld-based geographic research, state power,
and illicit activities.
654 Progress in Human Geography 46(2)
Although illicit networks span the globe and af-
fect a variety of spaces, a common set of conditions
conducive to activities like drug crop cultivation,
processing, and transport tend to intersect with
conditions that produce dynamic rural resource
frontiers. Such frontiers are frequently peripheral
regions, especially borderlands where licit market
activity is less supported and state-sanctioned de-
velopment, resource extraction, and land governance
are less established (Bloomer, 2009;Brown and
Hermann, 2020a;Greenough, 2004). They are also
often home to marginalized minority groups and
multiple competing authorities where formal prop-
erty relations are still being institutionalized, liveli-
hoods are changing rapidly, natural resource extraction
is increasing, and state control is being expanded, re-
formulated, and renegotiated (Barney, 2009;Kelly and
Peluso, 2015).
Our research sites exemplify how illicit activities
thrive in resource frontiers. In the northern border-
lands of Chihuahua, Mexico, decades of state neglect
and economic hardship have spurred widespread emi-
gration, consolidated agricultural production, and ex-
panded opportunities for a thriving drug trafcking
economy. In the lowlands of the Peruvian Amazon, dense
forest and sheer remoteness have challenged the ex-
pansion of state control and infrastructure while enabling
coca cultivation, land trafcking, and illegal logging to
proceed alongside traditional production systems. Simi-
larly, the rainforests and mangroves of the PacicCoast
of Colombia shelter revolutionary guerilla armies, para-
militaries, and other violent actors who use cocaine
production and trafcking to fund their causes. In the
highlands of northern Laos, opium cultivation and trade
persist in areas distant from state centers and markets, and
close to increasingly permeable borderlands.
The characteristic distance of resource frontiers
from centers of state control provides a measure of
protection for illicit activities and actors (McSweeney
et al., 2018). Places with contested, incomplete, or
contradictory state oversight are able to serve as hubs
for transnational trafcking of illicit goods (Brown
and Hermann, 2020a). In such spaces, illicit activities
may be irreducibly entangled in social relations of
production, the performance and assertion of resource
claims, and ows of information, capital, and goods.
As a consequence, confusions between legal and
illegal, public and private, disciplined and wildcan
produce conditions in which rapacious resource ex-
traction and illicit activity both thrive (Tsing, 2003:
5103). Ballv´
e(2019b)even labels frontiers with
thriving illicit regimes as narco-frontierswhere
uneven development, internal colonialism, political
violence, and narco-fuelled dispossessionintersect
(211). Brown and Hermann (2020b) refer to land-
scapes of extreme illegibility and little state control as
black spots." In many of these spaces, illicit networks
or criminal organizations maintain their own form of
order and control, even taking on certain state func-
tions (Ballv´
e, 2019b;Hudson, 2014). Although these
organizations act and work locally, they are made
possible and structured by webs of transnational
connections and distant global processes (Aas, 2007).
Spaces illegible to the state often become targets of
securitization or development interventions (Abraham
and Van Schendel, 2005). Emphasizing the overlap
between frontier spaces and illicit geographies in turn
helps states justify and harness international support
for controversial, even violent, interventions (Ybarra,
2012). Thus, illicit activities can be highly lucrative
but place those who engage in them at risk of punitive
measures from state or transnational authorities,
leading illicit activities to increasingly peripheral
places and increasing secrecy. Because of these dy-
namics, resource frontiers, narco-frontiers, and other
such havens for illicit networks tend to be charac-
terized by pervasive uncertainty, where it is difcult to
ascertain precisely who is doing precisely what. In
such contexts, what limited information is available is
often highly ambiguous.
3 Spheres of ambiguity
The ambiguity surrounding illicit activities has
specic characteristics that we term spheres of
ambiguitystrategically produced shrouds of
opacity and epistemic uncertainty spanning multiple
dimensions, in which knowledge about certain ac-
tivities, actors, and places remains deliberately oc-
cluded and imprecise, affecting both insidersand
outsidersability to interpret and classify information
to varying degrees. Ambiguity is a powerful analytic,
which Best (2008) denes as a proclivity for multiple
interpretations that captures some of the forms of
Dev et al. 655
indeterminacy that exceed and overow the cate-
gories of risk and uncertainty(355). Spheres of
ambiguity surrounding illicit activities obscure the
timing and geographic extent of illicit activities, the
actors participating, income generated, and the na-
ture of the activities themselves. Strategic ambiguity
is used by these illicit networks as both a tool of
governing and a resistance to state governance (Best,
2008;Stel, 2016).
Ambiguity generates ignorance or incoherence on
a topic through a resistance to a singular interpre-
tation or classication (Best, 2012). This is what
McGoey (2007) terms liminal ignoranceor half-
knowledge. Such a exibility in interpretation can be
emancipatory in the face of systems that impose false
binaries (Sedgewick, 2008), but can also create
strategic advantages, whether applied to bureaucracy
within organizations (Best, 2012), scienticndings
(McGoey, 2007;Smithson, 1989), or in the case of
illicit activities, evading the law. According to Best
(2008: 362), ambiguity is reinforced and maintained
by three facets of modern knowledge: the imper-
fection of language with respect to representation;
self-reexivity, which makes knowledge always
subjective and partial; and the historical contingency
of knowledge. Bests focus on ambiguity centers on
how information is invariably communicated im-
perfectly from one person to another. Ambiguity can
also be cultivated through non-verbal signs, other
context-based cues, and a general atmosphere of
epistemic murk (Taussig, 1984). Within spheres of
ambiguity, even mundane occurrences such as real
estate transactions or shing locations can become
ambiguous because it is practically impossible (for a
variety of possible reasons) to verify whether such
occurrences are connected to illicit activity. This
ambiguity makes it difcult for a researcher to in-
terpret events with a high degree of certainty.
The considerable risks associated with collecting
data about illicit activities for eld-based researchers
raise both ethical and methodological questions
(Fitzgerald and Hamilton, 1996). Illicit networks
often have codes of silence enforced throughout the
ranks (e.g., Baker and Faulkner, 1993;Barton and
Davis, 2018;Erickson, 1981;Lindelauf et al., 2009).
Within and surrounding these networks, money and
violence are often used to control the ow of
information, and ambiguity can be an important form
of protection (Ballv´
e, 2019a). Ignorance and ambi-
guity can serve as political tools in that they can
protect against legal incrimination; in a court of law,
ambiguous evidence would be inadmissible or at best
circumstantial by legal standards. Informants may
thus be safer not knowing too much and not revealing
information to others. Due to ever-present threats or
stories of violence, an atmosphere of terror may be
characteristic of ambiguous spaces (Luna, 2018),
with the accompanying epistemic murk described by
Taussig (1984).
Spheres of ambiguity surrounding illicit networks
make the regions and actors that interact with these
networks more difcult to study, particularly for
outside researchers (Ballv´
e, 2019a), even (and perhaps
especially) when illicit activities are not the focus of
the research. Ambiguous signs can include language,
material phenomena, norms and social practices, and
social roles (Best, 2012): 89). Information is often not
fully concealed or revealed to researchers, or even to
their informants, but rather is couched in vague terms
that obfuscate who is involved and what activities,
exactly, are occurring. While ambiguities may be
understood among locals, they tend to be more opaque
for outsiders less accustomed to coded speech and
hidden meanings, and access to illicit spaces can be
elusive (Ballv´
e, 2019a). Knowing smiles and other
non-verbal language indicating open secrets among
insiders are common in spaces where both formal and
informal rules and conventions must be negotiated
(Ledeneva, 2011). Actions, too, are ambiguous, when
observed and reported activities may or may not be
connected to illicit materials or transactions. Spheres
of ambiguity can enfold activities that are used to
conceal illicit activities or launder illicit gains, making
it difcult for researchers to parse the relative balance
of income, effort, and inuence from licit versus illicit
activities. Thus, spheres of ambiguity create analytic
challenges that are often ignored, footnoted, or simply
agged as gapsdue to the difculty and danger of
investigating these topics more closely.
Despite their resistance to study, documenta-
tion, and quantication, illicit networks can have
profound local inuences, adding uncertainty to
otherwise non-controversial research topics like
local resource use or household economics (Devine
656 Progress in Human Geography 46(2)
et al., 2020;McSweeney et al., 2014). According to
...the difculties of denition and measurement and in
obtaining precise empirical data as to the extent of
illegality should not stand in the way of seeking
to understand its function and the relations between
the legal and illegal. The illegal has clearly become
an integral part of the contemporary phase of capi-
talist development. Put simply, it is too important
practically and theoreticallyto ignore (Hudson,
2014: 780781).
Though there are promising methods for re-
searching illicit activities in ambiguous or violent
spaces, such as Ballv´
es (2019a) investigative eth-
nography, some researchers may have topical, lo-
gistical, or institutional constraints that prevent the
direct study of illicit activity. In either case, the
collected data are likely to have gaps and limitations
that can reproduce ambiguity. We nd valuable
grounds for addressing these limitations by applying
conceptual tools from agnotology (studies of igno-
rance) to understand the contours, boundaries, and
origins of the spheres of ambiguity encountered in
research around the illicit.
III Knowing what we dont know: A
theoretical approach
Although ignorance produced during research is
often seen negatively, it is also inevitable, and we
argue that studying it can provide useful insights.
Accounting for limitations in research around the
illicit requires understanding the political, social,
and structural mechanisms that actively create ig-
norance, with attention to how absences of certain
data can take on their own meanings (Rappert,
2015). In this section, we introduce concepts
from the science studies eld of agnotology, which
refers to the study of the social production of ig-
norance or non-knowledge (Proctor and
Schiebinger, 2008) and has been increasingly em-
ployed by geographers. Agnotology is based on the
premise that some ignorances are generated stra-
tegically and that both their causes and inuences
can be studied (McGoey, 2012). Ambiguities and
absences may be used to gain insight into the very
dynamics that create them.
Social theorists in a wide variety of elds have
attempted to deal with absence (e.g., Bakhtin, 1981;
Bourdieu, 1977;Deleuze and Guattari, 1987;
Foucault, 1970;Luhmann, 1988). Absence and ig-
norance have been topics of concern among a branch
of science studies scholars at least since Kuhn (1962)
argued that scientists actually trade in ignorance by
selectively overlooking ndings that refute the
foundations of their elds. Dealing with ambiguity
and ignorance has been of growing interest in ge-
ography and other social sciences (Best, 2008;
Croissant, 2018;Frickel, 2014;Galison, 2004;Gross
and McGoey, 2015;Proctor and Schiebinger, 2008;
Smithson, 1989). Amoore (2014), for instance, de-
scribes how scientists calculating national security
risks grapple with predicting ambiguous futures.
These scientists are increasingly held responsible to
calculate the incalculablefrom incomplete data
(Amoore, 2014: 424). As Amoore suggests, the
challenge is not to nd better data, which may be
impossible, but to nd better ways of analyzing
incomplete data and accounting for the fallibility of
ones research methods. Agnotology provides ana-
lytical tools for social scientists to deal with such
ignorancenot as a limitation, but as an object of
social enquiry in itself.
The eld of agnotology directs researchers to
attend to non-knowledge and how ignorance is
produced, including close examinations of the cul-
tural and political foundations of ignorance (e.g.,
Proctor and Schiebinger, 2008). This is similar to
what Galison (2004) called antiepistemology: the
study of the simultaneous production of knowledge
and non-knowledge. By studying ignorance, one is
not trying to illuminate what lies in the darkness, but
rather to assess what is creating the pattern of light
and shadow, how the shadow changes over space and
time, and the consequences of the shadow. Analyzing
patterns of presence and absence simultaneously
allows a more intelligible surface to emerge (e.g.,
Deleuze and Guattari, 1987: 170). The geography of
ignorance,or the spatial dimension of ignorance and
knowledge patterns, is important for understanding
how ignorance pervades certain regions, how those
ignorances are produced, and for whom (Proctor,
Dev et al. 657
2008: 26). For example, ignorance about border
regions is produced and reproduced by political and
cartographic conventions, and is further amplied by
academic disciplinary divisions (Van Schendel,
For McGoey (2012), strategic ignorance can be a
productive force that is more than a mere lack of
knowledge. In other words, ignorance offers its own
type of inuence and information that cannot be
countered simply by adding knowledge. Actively
produced ignorances are those which are made un-
known or unknowable through concealment or
misinformation, whereas passively produced igno-
rances could be known but are not due to inaction,
negligence, or structural constraints (Proctor, 2008).
Much empirical work in agnotology has investigated
the actions of scientists and industry to understand
how public ignorance is socially or politically con-
structed and who benets. Such ignorance may be
created strategically to deceive othersas self-
protection, in pursuit of nancial gain, to inu-
ence policy decisions (e.g., Proctor, 2008;Rayner,
2012;Smithson, 1989), or to maintain social and
political order (Gross, 2007). Scientic conventions
around uncertainty and conditionality can also be re-
sponsible for passively creating non-knowledge (e.g.,
Amoore, 2014;Amrhein et al., 2019;McGoey, 2007).
Most agnotology studies have focused on actively
produced ignorance, but passive ignorance can be
equally important and the twomaybeproducediter-
atively (Durant, 2020). Moreover, actively constructed
ignorances can be disguised as passive (Sanabria,
2016), as is often the case with defensive ignorance
that protects against liability (McGoey, 2007).
Spheres of ambiguity cultivated around illicit
activities generate both active and passive forms of
ignorance. In addition to the strategic ignorance
cultivated by illicit networks, individuals, institu-
tions, media, publics, and researchers all may con-
tribute to producing ambiguities (McGoey, 2012).
Communities around illicit activities can create
passive forms of ignorance through habitual ambi-
guities and avoiding certain topics or places (Luna,
2018). Researchers may generate passive ignorance
through the inability to interpret ambiguous data, or
can actively contribute to the production of ignorance
around the illicit through ethical and safety
considerations that lead them to conceal information
both in the eld and in writing.
The term undone science(Hess, 2015) repre-
sents the practices by which certain types of studies
are conducted and funded while others are left
undone." In addition to political or economic biases
that inuence these factors, NGOs, state agencies,
researchers, and their funders may avoid potentially
dangerous topics and locations, or populations
considered unreliable or unwelcoming, such as those
associated with certain illicit activities. The conse-
quences of ignorance generated in this way are not
just epistemological, but have material and geopolitical
effects. Biases in where research and funding are di-
rected lead to geographical unevenness in knowledge
andattention(Van Schendel, 2002), which can con-
tribute to unequal distributions of social services or
policy interventions and perpetuate ignorance about
certain issues and social groups.
In sum, ignorance and knowledge are both tools
that can be employed for either liberation or op-
pression (McGoey, 2012). For researchers working
around the illicit, attending to both knowledge and
absences leads to more robust analyses, allowing for
greater consideration of alternative hypotheses,
missing evidence, and incongruities (McGoey, 2012)
and a deeper understanding of how ignorance is gen-
erated and who it serves. Given evidentiary standards in
academia, researchers may be rightfully hesitant to
publish results that include empirical traces and in-
terpreted ambiguities. To bury ambiguous data, how-
ever, presents a reciprocal risk of inaccuracy and has
equivalent material consequences. The Ignorance As-
sessment Framework we present below offers guide-
lines for recognizing and accounting for ignorance in
research around the illicit. While we draw on estab-
lished tools and approaches of agnotology, applying it
self-reexively to ones own data expands on its typical
IV Analyzing ignorance around the
illicit: A framework
Here we propose an analytic process to account for the
methodological constraints and empirical absences
that arise from researching around the illicit or in other
ambiguous spaces. This Ignorance Assessment
658 Progress in Human Geography 46(2)
ignorances into objects of analysis, allowing the re-
searcher to assess knowledge and ignorance (and
gradations between the two) together. This analytic
process draws attention to gaps in knowledge created
by ambiguity, the known unknowns, which can help
researchers recognize and document what they do
know and responsibly account for what they do not.
By bringing into relief the landscape of knowledge
and ignorance, new patterns and insights emerge.
The Ignorance Assessment Framework consists
of the following steps and guiding questions (see
Figure 1):
1. Sensing Absences: How can absences be
2. Describing Ignorance: What are the characteris-
tics of ignorance?
3. Assessing the Causes of Ignorance: How was
ignorance generated?
These steps constitute an iterative, cyclical pro-
cess described in more detail below with questions
provided as prompts to guide the detection and di-
agnosis of ignorance. In Section 5, we offer specic
examples of how we applied this process to our own
1 Sensing absences
Recognizing meaningful absences in knowledge
requires reexivity and a willingness to question
ones data. This step is aimed at detecting ignorances
during eld work and within the data collected, as
well as identifying the topics in which those igno-
rances occur.
How can ignorance be recognized empirically?
The challenge in detecting empirical absences is that
they defy outright observation. However, absences
may become evident when researchers notice am-
biguities or encounter empirical traces: glimpses or
hints of things that are otherwise obscured, though
the meaning may remain uncertain (Frickel, 2014). A
story, warning, or unexpected physical encounter
may provide just enough to reveal ones ignorance.
Depending on the situation, this could either
Figure 1. Framework for evaluating ignorances in research. Sensing absences, describing ignorance, and assessing the
causes of ignorance are iterative steps that can be done in any orderoften simultaneously.
Dev et al. 659
encourage further investigation or warn away from
that line of inquiry. Ambiguous body language such
as knowing glances and smiles may also alert a re-
searcher that a verbal communication may have an
alternate interpretation. In some cases this may be
inaccessible insider knowledge, and in others such
non-verbal cues may be understood by the researcher
but difcult to document or conrm since it was not
said aloud, cannot be asked about, and may directly
contradict what was actually said (Ledeneva, 2011).
Some absences can be recognized more easily when
there are explicit barriers (e.g., when places are off
limitsor questions off record). Empirical igno-
rances will likely be more visible to researchers with
deep local experience and are therefore more likely to
be detected during long-term ethnographic research
than through research methods that require less time
in the eld engaged in direct personal interaction.
How can ignorance be detected during data
analysis? The ability to detect ignorance in data can
be cultivated through attention to the differences
between what is learned and what could or should be
knowable. Absences may become apparent through
mismatches in triangulation, repeated gaps in reported
information, or by identifying what Star and Bowker
(2007) call residues," or types of ambiguous infor-
mation that dees categorization and therefore is often
left out or minimized in analyses. Identifying analytic
residues serves as a presencing practice that can give
way to new forms of knowledge (e.g., Puig De la
Bellacasa, 2014).
What areas of knowledge are affected by igno-
rances? Ignorances impact the ability to answer
certain research questions. Identifying topical themes
that likely contain absences and ambiguity aid in
assessing the overall effects of the ignorance on the
study and the research site. These can be assessed by
questioning what types of information may have
been obscured by ambiguity around the illicit as well
as how decision-making in the research process may
have resulted in the avoidance of certain places,
people, or types of questions.
2 Describing ignorance
Describing ignorance ethnographically allows for a
deeper analysis of its effects than just identifying its
existence. This step more nely delimits the
boundary between what is known and unknown.
What is the form of ignorance? Ignorance can
constitute either a complete lack of information or
ambiguous, erroneous, or misinterpreted informa-
tion. Whereas a researcher often encounters an ab-
sence of information surrounding illicit activities
themselves, ignorance in the form of incorrect or
ambiguous knowledge can also be produced by in-
formants in the process of obscuring the existence of
or participation in illicit activities. This can expand
the sphere of ambiguity well beyond topics directly
related to the illicit.
What is the degree of ignorance? Knowledge and
ignorance form a continuum, not a binary (Frickel,
2014). The degree of ignorance describes the extent
to which something is unknown, on a gradient from
partial to complete ignorance (Rappert, 2015). A
partial ignorance stems from something that is
known of (e.g., via empirical traces) but cannot be
fully seen, understood, interpreted, or quantied,
often due to some type of ambiguity. Most ignorance
that can be identied is partial ignorance, in contrast
to a complete absence of information (sometimes
called nescience) in which an unknownis entirely
hidden (Gross, 2007).
What are the characteristics of the ignorance? We
adapt Croissants (2014,2018) typology to describe
ignorance by adding relationality,spatiality, and
These additional characteristics are
relevant for understanding ignorance geographically
in a eld-based context (rather than a textual or
laboratory context). Thus, ignorance can be assessed
with respect to the following characteristics:
Chronicity: The time scale of ignorance; non-
knowledge can occur in the present, can be prospec-
tive (in the future), or retrospective (occurring in the
Granularity: The textureof the non-knowledge; the
size of detail missing, from minute details to large
swaths of information. Often related to spatiality.
Scale: The structural level assessed in the analysis of
ignorance; relates to, but operates independently of,
granularity. This can range from individual decision-
660 Progress in Human Geography 46(2)
making or cognitive processes to cultural formations or
ideologies that shape broad patterns.
Intentionality: The intentions behind missing informa-
tion. Ranges from direct intent (lying or misinformation),
to concealment and nondisclosure, to unintentional ig-
norance or uncertainty from the informant or researcher.
Ignorance around the illicit is usually intentional by
someone, though the relation may be indirect.
Relationality: Refers to how the one who is ignorant
relates to the object of ignorance. Reects an identication
of who is ignorant and how that ignorance travels socially.
Spatiality: The geographical dimensions of ignorance
and knowledge; reects how certain locations may be
more or less known or legible, or particular areas more
or less accessible to research in general.
Materiality: Material characteristics of the objects of
ignorance (data, images, people, services, events, money,
documents, etc.) and how they exist in the world.
3 Assessing the causes of ignorance
Interacting with spheres of ambiguity surrounding
the illicit, ignorance can be reinforced at multiple
points in the research process. The ignorance supply
chainis made up of the nested and interdependent
institutions and processes from the inception of a
study to the dissemination of results. Ignorance can
be actively or passively created at each stage, with
further impacts downstream.
How is ignorance generated in situ? Informants,
collaborators, state actors, and institutions can all
generate ignorance. Assessing the production of
ignorance requires identifying the actors, prac-
tices, and structures that produce, maintain, and
disseminate various forms of ignorance. Are ig-
norances generated actively (e.g., concealment or
deceit) or passively (e.g., avoidance or neglect)? Is
ignorance the result of individual actions or are
there institutional structures or constraints that
promote ignorance? How is secrecy enforced and
maintained? In the case of research around the
illicit, these could range from threats of violence
(to the researcher or to their informants), to
principled aversion (e.g., where illicit activity is
considered morally distasteful and thus not dis-
cussed), to cultural norms and habits that generate
ambiguity. The high stakes and overlapping factors
driving secrecy around illicit activities and net-
works make these distinctions particularly difcult
to ascertain.
How do research practices reinforce ignorance?
Researchers are embedded in an institutional
context wherein funders, advisers, collaborators,
review boards, stakeholders, and publishers can
all contribute to the ignorance supply chain by
steering the researcher away from certain topics,
populations, and places. This chain has corollaries
variety of actors across scales and levels of au-
thority contribute to the production of ignorance.
Thus, ignorance is created, fostered, tolerated, and
reproduced both through research practices and by
processes external to them, and often these are
entangled. Interrogating how our own research
practices engage or ignore the presence of the
illicit brings attention to the ways we presence
and absencecertain details (Rappert, 2015),
which are sometimes political or ethical in nature.
Gervais et al. (2001: 424) describe four interre-
lated categories of absences produced during re-
search, and we have added positional absences to
this list:
Theoretical: a result of inadequate theorization or
inability to conceptualize.
Methodological: due to insufcient or inappropriate
methods, inadequate sampling, or other methodological
constraints for presencing details.
Empirical: resulting from concealment, censoring,
misinformation, or ambiguity in the empirical details.
Analytical: when absences are naturalized, ignored,
left out, or are insufciently interpreted.
Positional: when information is excluded from re-
porting for ethical, social, or political considerations.
Assessing how ignorances are generated at each
stage of the research process helps the researcher
hone their practices, as well as account for their
Dev et al. 661
V Evaluating illicit-related ignorances
in research on rural livelihoods
Using examples from our own work, we demonstrate
how the Ignorance Assessment Framework outlined
above can be applied to reveal the effects of the illicit
on livelihoods, resources, and governance. This is best
seen as an effort of guided reexivitysystematically
evaluating how the presence of the illicit interacted
with our research practices and impacted our ability
to know.
1 Sensing absence: Recognizing the shadows
through empirical traces
The presence of illicit activities in our eld sites was
revealed through empirical traces that provided only
ambiguous details about the activity or who partic-
ipated. Certain places were unexpectedly off limits,
certain questions repeatedly unanswered; we stum-
bled upon evidence of illicit activities (hearing about
packages of drugs washed up on the beach or being
led through a eld of coca during an interview);
interlocutors made certain comments only off record.
Sometimes the illicit showed up in storytelling that
blurred fact and ction, or emerged as coded or
ambiguous language (e.g., shing for white sh”—
smuggling cocaine by boat). Other times, references
to illicit activities were included in broader narratives
but rarely seen rsthand (e.g., rumors that certain
villages or ethnic groups cultivated opium or coca).
Despite the ambiguity and secrecy surrounding these
encounters, taking note of them enhanced under-
standing of our regions of study. The accumulation of
empirical traces elucidated gaps in our knowledge
and guided more careful, systematic consideration
of how these ignorances affected our research
Through the Ignorance Assessment Framework,
we identied three themes most likely impacted by
absent, ambiguous, and erroneous information re-
lated to the illicit in our cases: (a) livelihoods, labor
allocation, and income; (b) natural resource use, land
use, and land transfers; and (c) governance, social
relations, and power dynamics (Table 1). The fol-
lowing section is organized around these themes.
2 Describing and characterizing ignorance
(a) Livelihoods, labor allocation, and income. Although
we knew that illicit activity occurred in our re-
spective eld sites, informants rarely reported par-
ticipating in or beneting from illicit activities
themselves. Instead, they mentioned others engaging
in such activities, or referenced them occurring in the
community in broad strokes. The resulting ignorance
can be described in terms of its granularitythe
researcher has some coarse knowledge (that illicit
activities exist) but is missing ner-grained specics
about the activity and its importance (who partici-
pates and how much they earn). For example, we may
know that cannabis is grown by some households
(coarse-grained knowledge), but not which house-
holds or how much they are growing (ne-grained
ignorance). This constrains the analysis of economic
activity in the community. Alternatively, a researcher
may pick up ne-grained detail, such as knowledge
that a particular individual is involved in an illicit
activity, but remain uncertain about the scale, or how
widespread that activity is.
In surveys or interviews, the time spent or income
gained through illicit livelihoods may be completely
omitted (absence) or ascribed to licit activities in-
stead (misinformation). For example, a sher in
coastal Colombia who earns additional income using
their boat to supply drug trafckers with gasoline and
food may attribute that time spent and income earned
to shing. This obscures data about the illicit live-
lihood and creates ignorance in the form of misin-
formation about shing livelihoods. If the income
earned from illicit activities is omitted entirely, it
results in underreported household income. This can
be problematic when analyzing how households are
making labor decisions or whether traditional live-
lihoods remain viable. This type of gap may be
identied through triangulating or identifying mis-
matches in data, or may only be suspected. Never-
theless, recognizing where ignorances likely occur in
the data aids in identifying limitations and better
interpreting the data despite them. For example, we
can recognize that a household or communitys
surprisingif irregularmaterial wealth must be
attributed to more than just sales of sh or non-timber
forest products, even if we cannot account for how
662 Progress in Human Geography 46(2)
much of it is generated by undescribed activities or
be certain that they are illicit.
(b) Natural resource use, land use, and land transfers. Land
and natural resource use are also shaped by illicit ac-
tivities, though the drivers of change are often obscured
(Tellman et al., 2020). The capital from illicit trade could
be used to purchase land for ranches or plantations, scale
up shing and agricultural production, or invest in a
sawmill, which can all be used as fronts to launder illicit
earnings. These hidden but consequential links between
illicit activities and shifts in land use and resource ex-
traction are common across our research sites.
Illicit activities can obscure data about natural
resource use, such as harvest pressure or extraction
rates. In the Peruvian Amazon, most logging occurs
in unpermitted areas, though most timber circulating
has certicates claiming legal origin (Sears and
PinedoVasquez, 2011). If a timber processor
claims their logs were harvested legally, the in-
tentionality behind this misinformation remains
unclearwhether the processor is actually unaware
Table 1. Assessing the effects of illicit-related ignorance.
(a) Livelihoods, labor allocation, and income
Research themes affected Knowledge obscured Possible misinterpretations
Viability and importance of livelihood
Time allocation of labor
Relative contributions to household
Decision-making about
diversication, intensication,
extensication, or migration
Participation, income, and
importance of illicit activities
Decisions about traditional
livelihoods and labor activities
Reasons individuals emigrate or not
(e.g., danger or supplemental
Trade and trafcking quantities and
Overreported licit livelihood activities
Extra income or apparent wealth ascribed
to licit livelihoods
Total income underreported
Decision-making about livelihoods
(b) Natural resource use, land use, and land transfers
Research themes affected Knowledge obscured Possible misinterpretations
Natural resource use and importance
Drivers of land use change
Decision-making around land use
Land ownership and access
Harvest pressure of forest products
or production quantity of crops
Details of land sales and transfers
(e.g., source of income,
motivation, ownership)
Land use activities
Impacts of trafcking on access
Overestimation or underestimation of
illicit crop production or harvest of
forest products
Land-use change misattributed
Resource use and ecological impacts
Overestimation of access and mobility if
dangers are unaccounted for
(c) Governance, social relations, and power dynamics
Research themes affected Knowledge obscured Possible misinterpretations
Governance decision-making
Loci of power
Social norms, alliances, and
Drivers of local governance
How power is exercised, gained, and
How relations and alliances are
Roles of important actors
Drivers of decisions misattributed due to
rumors and propaganda
Power of ofcial ofces/policies
Role of illicit regimes underrepresented
Economic drivers overemphasized (over
political factors)
Dev et al. 663
of the timbers origins, or is actively concealing the
illicit origin of the timber. Although there are many
factors that can result in absence or error (e.g., recall
bias), the ignorances associated with the illicit are
usually intentional, though the relationality of the
ignorance (to whom it pertains and from where it is
generated), as in the above scenario, may be difcult
to parse. An informant may intentionally contribute
to a researchers ignorance (e.g., refusing interviews,
concealing information, or giving misinformation) or
may be poorly informed themselves. Ambiguity in
relationality and intentionality is prevalent as it
serves protective functions, and considering these
limitations to certainty may help the researcher
navigate the larger landscape of presences and ab-
sences in their work.
Land transfers tend to be poorly documented in
remote areas, and it can be nearly impossible to
ascertain whether illicit activities fund or motivate a
land purchase (Tellman et al., 2020). During research
in northern Mexico, for example, many interviewees
refused to answer interview questions about ranch
sales, leaving gaps within the projectsmaterial
interview data. Others openly recounted past in-
stances where ranches were purchased by cartel
members for growing or transporting drugs but rarely
discussed recent examples of this, leaving it unclear
whether the practice had stopped or information was
being concealed. Regardless, the lapse of time ren-
dered information about past illicit activity safer to
share, creating temporal biases in knowledge. Thus,
the chronicity of ignorance was characterized by an
absence of information in the present tense.
(c) Governance, social relations, and power dynam
ics. Ambiguity around the illicit challenges re-
searchersunderstanding of decision-making in the
socio-political sphere at multiple scalesfrom in-
dividuals and households to community and re-
gional governance bodies. For example, the use of
land for particular ends, such as alluvial gold mining
or forest clearcutting, may be permitted by local
governance institutions only because illicit net-
works threaten or bribe local leaders. As outsider
researchers, it is difcult to see what drives the
decisions of a governance body, and these mo-
tives may only be revealed through legal actions
(e.g., if a leader is convicted or accused of ac-
cepting bribes) or acts of violence (e.g., if leaders
are threatened or assassinated).
Illicit activities carry symbolic power that can
affect resource governance broadly. It is common for
accusations of illicit activity on one hand, or threats
of violence on the other, to be mobilized to legitimize
or enforce claims to land and resources. Such public
claims and narratives can obscure and conceal why
policy and governance decisions are being made. For
example, in Laos, investors and state authorities
categorize certain ethnic groups and landscapes as
sources of opium production, though exact locations
of opium elds are rarely known or monitored. This
has been used to justify both the exclusion from and
targeting of those landscapes and ethnic groups for
agribusiness concessions (Dwyer, 2014;Lu, 2017).
Thus alleged associations with illicit activity can
shape broader geographies of ignorance at multiple
analytical scales.
3 Tracing the origins and drivers of ignorance
Tracing the origins of ignorance helped us recognize
the ways our research practices produce and replicate
ignorance. Spheres of ambiguity around illicit ac-
tivities interact with researcherspractices and
decision-making as well as academic or institutional
conventions to contribute to the ignorance supply
chain (Tab le 2).
Conceptualizations of research questions and
study designs reect and are constrained by gaps in
the literature. For some of us, the paucity of literature
discussing the importance of the illicit for our re-
search topics limited our ability to plan for en-
counters or anticipate their effects. In other cases, we
were broadly aware of illicit activities in potential
research sites and deliberately chose to avoid certain
areas and topics out of safety concerns for ourselves,
research assistants, and informants. In some cases the
individuals or institutions overseeing our work, in-
cluding funders and Institutional Review Boards,
restricted where we could go, what we could ask, or
what methods we could use. Methodological ab-
sences arose when we were instructed not to conduct
certain types of interviews or use certain methods for
collecting data. Though often unintentional, well-
664 Progress in Human Geography 46(2)
justied, or out of our control, these decisions and
restrictions became absentingpractices within the
research process. Normalization of such avoidance
can further perpetuate theoretical absences or under-
theorization of topics important to these places.
During data collection, maintaining research ac-
cess depended on respecting local social norms, and
was inuenced by danger and risk. At times, this
meant avoiding certain spaces and people, averting
ones eyes, or pretending not to witness certain ac-
tivities. Navigating this terrain limited the informa-
tion that we could collect, contributing to the
existence and persistence of empirical ignorances.
The ignorances and avoidance practices of research
collaborators, NGOs, or government agencies also
contributed to empirical ignorance. NGOs, for ex-
ample, often rely on remaining apolitical," avoiding
involvement in political conicts or crossing local
authorities by withholding information or remaining
ignorant themselves.
During analysis and writing, decisions on how to
treat empirical ignorances around the illicit can
transfer those ignorances to wider audiences. Ana-
lytical ignorances are perpetuated when a researcher
does not include ambiguous data in their analysis.
Without methodically assessing ignorance, it is easy
to minimize or ignore data that is anecdotal or based
on incomplete knowledge, potentially leading to
further misinterpretations (see Table 1). At the dis-
semination stage, concerns about data resolution,
condence, and ethics shape how individuals and
research teams navigate these decisions. Researchers
may generate positional ignorance through their need
to maintain condentiality and secrecy on behalf of
Table 2. Ignorance Supply Chainlocating causes of ignorance within the research process.
Research stage Potential drivers of ignorance Examples from the authors
Study design Limited planning due to lack of information in the
Avoiding locations or topics due to logistical or
safety concerns.
Methods and scope restricted due to safety and
ethical concerns or political commitments (by
IRB, host country, funders, or research
Impact of trafcking on small-scale shing absent
in the literature, thus not considered relevant.
Warnings of danger and a recent murder
deterred the investigation of illegal logging;
study sites were chosen to avoid violence.
Funders rejected research proposals due to
concern about danger in the region; IRB
approval was contingent on assurance not to
ask questions about illicit activities.
Data collection Censorship of activities, contacts, and questions
due to safety concerns and local norms.
Information omitted, concealed, obstructed, or
denied; spheres of ambiguity built into the
Political barriers to accessing reliable secondary
data (from public sources, partnerships, or
Vehicles perceived to be owned by illicit actors
were avoided.
Machinery in an illicit goldmine
explicitly concealed by informants who feared
retaliation from superiors should the
machines be destroyed later.
Illicit incomes seldom reported in public data;
remote sensing images do not include
classication for illicit crops; government data
on illicit crop eradication not public.
Analysis &
Details excluded to protect condentiality and
safety of participants and communities.
Data excluded from analysis due to poor data
quality, condence, or resolution.
Disciplinary norms or analytical standards
discount the value of partial knowledge.
Farmers reverting to illicit crops from failed
substitution crops went unreported to
protect the community from eradication
UNODC data on illicit activities too highly
aggregated to clarify uncertainties from
livelihood surveys.
Avoided publishing about illicit activities to
ensure ongoing access to eld sites.
Dev et al. 665
their informantsand themselves. Researchers may
choose not to write about illicit activity for fear of
exposing certain regions or populations to scrutiny or
to protect their own safety, relationships, and access
to research sites. The social and political sensitivity
of reporting on the illicit, even tangentially, can lead
researchers to avoid the topic rather than risk un-
wanted attention or misuse of their results, though
maintaining these ignorances in some cases may
support ongoing inequities and injustices.
VI Conclusions
Illicit activities have impacts throughout the socio-
natural world that are of interest to scholars across
human geography and other disciplines. This is es-
pecially true in certain frontier regions where in-
creasing transnational connectivity has intensied
illicit crop production, smuggling, and conict
(Abraham and Van Schendel, 2005) and where illicit
activities are entangled with regional economies
(Hudson, 2014). Thus, research in such regions is
especially imbricated with the illicit, from conser-
vation scientists studying deforestation associated
with illicit crops (e.g., Bradley and Millington, 2008)
to anthropologists working with marginalized pop-
ulations in conict zones (e.g., Luna, 2018). Though
illicit activities create their own geographies (Hall,
2013), spheres of ambiguity around illicit activities
are liable to obscure the factors that drive decision-
making, environmental changes, and socio-spatial
patterns and make interpretation difcult. Why are
people migrating? Why are they selling land? What
drives investments? Answers may vary wildly
(McSweeney et al., 2017), and common logics may
be elusive for outsider researchers. The proposed
Ignorance Assessment Framework can attune re-
searchers to ambiguities, help them interrogate their
own ignorance, and guide research and reporting.
Ignorance around the illicit has material conse-
quences, often making development and conserva-
tion efforts in drug trafcking regions out of touch
and counterproductive. Alternative development
projects and crime mitigation policy are particularly
prone to perverse outcomes or failure when it is
poorly understood how illicit activities shape ev-
eryday decisions (e.g., D´
avalos et al., 2016;Gilmer,
2014;Salisbury and Fagan, 2013;Sears and Pinedo
Vasquez, 2011). Similarly, conservation efforts are
vulnerable to environmental damage (e.g., narco-
deforestation) and local conict when cartels and
paramilitaries establish operations in protected areas
due to the relative lack of population and surveillance
(e.g., Devine et al., 2020;Greenough, 2004;Kelly
and Ybarra, 2016;McSweeney et al., 2014;Sesnie
et al., 2017;Wrathall et al., 2020;Ybarra, 2012).
Meanwhile, the communities living in resource
frontiers and other ambiguous spaces become less
legible to the world. These regions are already subject
to mischaracterizations (e.g., marginal, criminal, and
chaotic) by powerful actors who stand to gain from
certain narratives and thus strategically cultivate
ambiguity: from state authorities implementing terri-
torializing projects or NGOs pursuing alternative
development plans to corporations seeking to prot
from natural resource extraction or illicit networks
attempting to evade the states gaze. This speaks to
Bests(2008)assertion that ambiguity can present at
once, an object of governancethat one seeks to
containa strategic asset in governancethat is
exploited to achieve a certain endand a limit to
governanceas that which exceeds efforts to control
it(Best, 2008: 363). Although this ambiguity poses
challenges to researchers, to leave such spaces un-
studied is to surrender control of the regional narrative
to those in power. It is important to recognize that
while empirical traces and sensed absences are in-
sufcient to denitively prove the role of the illicit,
limiting analyses to unambiguous data and licit ac-
tivities is likely to misrepresent or obscure the shadow
economies and power structures that impact the lives
of millions of people around the globe.
While the epistemological constraints of eld
research are hardly reducible to the presence of the
illicit, we have found it to require special consider-
ations. We suggest that spheres of ambiguity sur-
rounding illicit activities generate patterns of
constructed ignorance that have yet to be framed within
the literature. Spheres of ambiguity impact each step in
the research process, contributing to an ignorance
supply chain that limits what can be known. Re-
searchers working around the illicit must contend with
how to evaluate the knowledge-ignorance landscape
that is generated. We drew on agnotology to construct
666 Progress in Human Geography 46(2)
an Ignorance Assessment Framework that we offer to
scholars in human geography and beyond to more
explicitly grapple with the causes and implications of
spheres of ambiguity and the subsequent ignorance
generated around the illicit. We suggest that ignorance
related to illicit activity deserves better acknowledge-
ment and scrutiny due to its pervasive impacts not only
on research outcomes, but on regional and global ge-
ographies, interventions, and the lives of local people.
This paper is the product of a joyful and highly collabo-
rative engagement spanning nearly four years among the
authors, with extensive inputs from a few notable parties.
We want to thank Progress in Human Geographys editor,
Louise Amoore, and our two anonymous reviewers for
their careful but challenging and constructive engagement
with the piece. The ideas presented here have also beneted
greatly from astute insights from Patrick Baur, who pro-
vided feedback on an early version of this manuscript. Our
foundational concepts were rened through a discussion
with Brittany Gilmer, who participated in our panel,
Encounters with the Illicit: Characterizing Landscapes of
Ignoranceat the Annual AAG meeting in 2019 in
Washington, D.C.; dialogue among the panelists and those
in attendance helped inspire and guide our initial framing
of this paper.
Declaration of conicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conicts of interest
with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication
of this article.
The author(s) received no nancial support for the re-
search, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
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Author biographies
Dr. Laura Dev is an Assistant Professor in Envi-
ronmental Sciences and Society at the University of
Wisconsin-Platteville. Her current research focuses
on Indigenous land politics, more-than-human re-
lations, and climate justice in the Amazon.
Dr. Karly Marie Miller is an independent scholar
with research interests in coastal political ecology,
focusing in particular on livelihoods and resource
management in the context of coastal conservation
and development projects. She received her Ph.D. in
Marine Science from the University of California,
Santa Barbara.
Dr. Juliet N Lu is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow at
Cornell University in the Atkinson Center for Sus-
tainability and the Department of Global Develop-
ment. She is a political ecologist and China scholar
focused on Chinese overseas agribusiness invest-
ments, development aid, and sustainability
Dr. Lauren S Withey is an independent scholar
with interests in tropical forest conservation and
common property regimes. She received her Ph.D. in
Environmental Science, Policy, and Management
from the University of California, Berkeley.
Dr. Tracy Hruska’s past research has centered
in rangeland political ecology with a particular focus
on the nexus of rural economic development and
natural resource conservation. He received his
Ph.D. in Environmental Science, Policy, and
Management from the University of California,
Berkeley. He currently works in riparian
restoration on the lower Columbia River.
Dev et al. 671
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Full-text available
Valentin Amrhein, Sander Greenland, Blake McShane and more than 800 signatories call for an end to hyped claims and the dismissal of possibly crucial effects.
In the previous chapter, we began exploring the world through the eyes of those engaged in transnational criminal activities and examined the effects that geopolitics has on their choices of locations from which to operate. In this chapter, we apply lessons from the new economic geography literature to how locational decisions are made. This literature focuses on explaining the geographical unevenness of the economic landscape and the dynamics of spatial clustering (or dispersion) of economic activities or what is known in the literature as economic agglomeration. New economic geography provides fresh insights into where illicit actors are likely to cluster to produce, transport, and distribute illegal goods and services. In effect, through ideas concerning the economics of agglomeration, new economic geography alerts us to where black spots might form and work together to influence the nature of the illicit global economy.
“It is a dream come true for criminals and terrorists to find a place where no one can look for them, and where they can mix with, ally with … and work with minimum interference from legal authority” (Levitsky, International Studies Review 10: 392–395, 2008). These safe havens have been called a variety of names from ‘dark corners’ (Crane, International Studies Review 10: 387–391, 2008) to “geopolitical black holes” (Naim, Illicit: How Smugglers, Traffickers, and Copycats Are Hijacking the Global Economy. New York: Anchor Books, 2005)—areas governed by transnational criminal, terrorist, and insurgent organizations that are outside effective state-based government control and are sustained by illicit economic activities. The Daniel Patrick Moynihan Institute of Global Affairs in its Mapping Global Insecurity Project has, to date, identified 150 such places around the globe and completed in-depth case studies of 80. We call these geographic locations ‘black spots,’ recognizing that they represent particular locations that do not fit within our usual definitions of a state. Much like the black holes in astronomy that defy the laws of Newtonian physics, these black spots defy the world as defined by the Westphalian state system. In effect, they provide us with a map of the world as viewed through the eyes of organizations engaged in transnational criminal activities. These black spots are the nodes connecting and facilitating the illicit activities of such organizations and their trafficking in drugs, weapons, people, money, natural resources, household goods, and violence. This chapter sets the stage for the rest of the book, describing the project, its methodology, and the various research questions it was intended to address such as the nature of black spots; how they are governed, financed, and operate; and how they challenge us to rethink sovereignty and the global economy. Throughout the book, we use examples from 80 in-depth case studies and the data that have resulted from asking the same questions of each case.
We demonstrate how international conservation practices in a rebel forest during ceasefire are shaped by and contribute to legacies of racialized political violence. Nature conservation has been shown in some cases to be implemented by armed forces and directly contribute to acts of “green violence” and the makings of “green war”. Less explored in the critical conservation literature, and the focus of our study, are the ways in which conservation projects can also be implicated in the continuation of counterinsurgency through “softer” non-militarized means. Based on ethnographic field research, interviews, and document analysis conducted by both authors, we present a field case study from the lowland forests of Tanintharyi Region in southeast Myanmar. The proposed Lenya National Park falls within territory contested by an ethnic Karen rebel group, who have been under a tenuous ceasefire since 2012 but who have not yet reached a political settlement to end armed conflict. We find that the mapping of Lenya during ceasefire by foreign conservationists legitimizes past forced displacements of Karen civilians by the Myanmar military during decades of war, and impedes the potential return of refugees and internally displaced persons to their customary lands now zoned for the park. Conservationists working to establish the park invoke and build upon racialized discourses of Karen forest dwellers as criminals, first as dangerous rebel supporters, and now as forest destroyers. The ceasefire has also opened up political space for Karen leaders to challenge the making of state forests, who envision an alternative model of community-led conservation based on indigenous rights.
This research is motivated by the compelling finding that the illicit cocaine trade is responsible for extensive patterns of deforestation in Central America. This pattern is most pronounced in the region's large protected areas. We wanted to know how cocaine trafficking affects conservation governance in Central America's protected areas, and whether deforestation is a result of impacts on governance. To answer this question, we interviewed conservation stakeholders from key institutions at various levels in three drug-trafficking hotspots: Peten, Guatemala, Northeastern Honduras, and the Osa Peninsula in Costa Rica. We found that, in order to establish and maintain drug transit operations, drug-trafficking organizations compete with and undermine conservation governance actors and institutions. Drug trafficking impacts conservation governance in three ways: 1) it undermines long standing conservation coalitions; 2) it fuels booms in extractive activities inside protected lands; and 3) it erodes the territorial control that conservation institutions exert, exploiting strict “fortress” conservation governance models. Participatory governance models that provide locals with strong expectations of land tenure and/or institutional support for local decision-making may offer resistance to the impacts on governance institutions that we documented.
In this article, I examine the knowledge politics around pesticides in the United States and the role it plays in honey bee declines. Since 2006, US beekeepers have lost an average of one-third of their colonies each year. Though a number of factors influence bee health, beekeepers, researchers and policymakers cite pesticides as a primary contributor. In the US, pesticide registration is overseen by the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), with the required tests conducted by chemical companies applying for registration. Until 2016, the EPA only required chemical companies to measure acute toxicity for non-target species, which means that many pesticides with sublethal toxicities are not labeled bee-toxic, and farmers can apply them without penalty while bees are on their farms or orchards. In addition, California state and county regulators will typically only investigate a bee kill caused by a labeled bee-toxic pesticide, and so emergent data on non-labeled, sublethal pesticides goes uncollected. These gaps in data collection frustrate beekeepers and disincentivize them from reporting colony losses to regulatory agencies – thus reinforcing ignorance about which chemicals are toxic to bees. I term the iterative cycle of non-knowledge co-constituted by regulatory shortfalls and stakeholder regulatory disengagement an ‘ignorance loop’. I conclude with a discussion of what this dynamic can tell us about the politics of knowledge production and pesticide governance and the consequences of ‘ignorance loops’ for stakeholders and the environment.
Anthropogenic land use has irrevocably transformed the natural systems on which humankind relies. Advances in remote sensing have led to an improved understanding of where, why and how social and economic processes drive globally important land-use changes, from deforestation to urbanization. The role of illicit activities, however, is often absent in land change analysis. The paucity of data on unrecorded, intentionally hidden transactions makes them difficult to incorporate into spatially specific analyses of land change. We present a conceptual framework of illicit land transactions and a two-pronged approach using remotely sensed data to spatially link illicit activities to land uses. Advances in remote sensing have helped to understand the human drivers of land-use change globally, but have neglected the role of illicit transactions. This Perspective presents a framework to identify illicit land transactions, and an approach to link them to land uses using remotely sensed data.