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COVID-19 containment measures and ‘prophecies’ in Kenya

Authors:
9 COVID-19 containment
measures and ‘prophecies’ in
Kenya
Julius Gathogo
Introduction
Between 13 March 2020 to 25 April 2020, Kenya had tested a total of 17,492
people out of which 343 had tested positive to coronavirus (COVID-19). The
country had also posted 98 recoveries and 14 deaths. Although, this is out-
side the scope of this chapter, Kenya had posted 177,282 infections out of
the 1,887,636 cumulative tests by 17 June 2021. The country had also posted
122,018 total recoveries, out of which 88,479 were from the Home Based Care
and Isolation Program while 33,539 were from the various Kenyan Health Fa-
cilities. By 17 June 2021, the cumulative fatalities stood at 3,434 (Wako, 2021).
In the rst two weeks of June 2021 however, the positivity rate in Western
Kenya region shot up dramatically and now constituted 60% of the national
caseload. The Western Kenya region also posted a positivity rate of 25%,
which was against the average national positivity rate of 9%. With the entry
of the so-called Indian variant (Delta), the rise in infections, in the Western
Kenya region, was bound to move upfront. Following the sudden upsurge of
COVID-19 cases in June 2021, the government put a partial lockdown to 13
counties from the region. That is, Kisumu, Siaya, Homa Bay, Migori, Trans
Nzoia, Kakamega, Kericho, Bomet, Bungoma, Nyamira, Kisii, Busia, and
Vihiga (Oketch, 2021). As noted in Angela Oketch (2021, p. 7),
The surge in infections is higher than in Nairobi and Mombasa, which
have been the epicentres of Covid-19 since the rst case was announced
in Kenya in March last year. Last week, the Lake region recorded 1,320
new cases, with Kisumu taking the lead with 368 cases, followed closely
by Siaya (197) and Busia (196). Homa Bay registered 167 new cases, Ker-
icho (102), Kisii (100), Migori (44), Bomet (55), Kakamega (47), Vihiga
(27) and Nyamira (17). Kisumu has emerged as Kenya’s new Covid-19
hotspot, overtaking Nairobi, which, due to its huge population, had
naturally assumed this position since last year.
Such dramatic shifts were also witnessed by 9 October 2020, six months af-
ter the initial March-April 2020 entry of COVID-19 in Kenya, as the gures
DOI: 10.4324/97810 032 41096-9
COVID-19 containment measures 127
shot up considerable. That is, Kenya had 40,620 COVID-19 infections out of
the 580,039 cumulative tests (Maombo, 2020). The number of fatalities had
risen to 755, while the number of recoveries stood at 30,876. And although
the rst wave of the COVID-19 pandemic had been experienced from March
to August 2020, as the locked down country began to open up in September
2020, the second wave had started picking up in early October 2020 as the
infections that had attened began to move upfront. On 9 October 2020,
for instance, 442 virus infections were recorded from a sample of 5,327 who
were tested (Maombo, 2020). In its highest pick, infection rate would go to
about 700 infections, as in the case of 10 July 2020 when 688 infections out of
the 4,522 tested cases. By the end of September 2020, daily infections, coun-
trywide, had however gone down to as below 200 infections per day. In my
view thus, the second wave appears to have begun in October 2020, as high
rate of infections shifted from the traditional bases of Nairobi, Mombasa,
Kiambu, Busia, Machakos, and Kajiado to other Kenyan counties which
were previously recording lower infections. To this end, Sharon Maombo
(2020) has noted thus:
For the rst time, Nakuru takes the lead of coronavirus positives in a
day recording 94 cases. Other counties with new cases include: Nairobi
with 80 cases, Mombasa 47, Embu 20, Kisumu 20, Meru 15, Garissa 12,
Kajiado 11, Kericho 10, Kwale 2 and Bungoma 1.
As positivity rate dropped from 9.1% to about 5% by the end of September
2020 (Tanui, 2020), a general feeling that the rst wave in Kenya was over
could be felt. The second wave, in my view, was less fatal, even though the
opening of schools and other elements of Kenyan economy, still posed a
challenge, as the six months’ campaign to stop its spread had been done
spiritedly. The third wave that can be said to have begun in March 2021, in
my view, was more fatal, as the fatality rates shot up.
As noted earlier, the rst case of COVID-19 was however conrmed in
Kenya on 13 March 2020 (Star 2020). Statistically, the pandemic which was
rst reported in Wuhan, China, on 31 December 2019, and quickly spread
across the world, had infected at least 2,744,614 people by 24 April 2020.
While Kenya had registered 14 deaths by 24 April 2020, the global context
had registered 191,791 deaths; and while Kenya had registered 95 recoveries,
the global context had registered 755,443. In the specic African context, the
Worldmeter’s count showed that there were 28,351 and 1,301 deaths (Menya,
2020).
In the nature of things, the current crisis, where 2020 experienced Coro-
navirus epidemic from China, almost replicates the 1918 Inuenza pan-
demic that killed over 100 million people (Andayi et al., 2020). The main
difference, however, is that COVID-19 was caused by a different virus, and
there was very little likelihood that it could kill such a large number of peo-
ple, as in the case of the 1918 inuenza pandemic. The First World War
128 Julius Gathogo
(hereafter, WWI) was about to end, when the mysterious disease appeared.
In order to maintain the morale of soldiers on the battleeld, Britain, Ger-
many and France decided to hide the information. Only the neutral Spain
reported about the virus. The constant reports from Spain coupled with the
illness of King Alfonso XIII (1886–1941) of Spain nally lifted the lid on the
severity of the inuenza. This also created the wrong perception that the
disease could have originated from Spain; hence the name “Spanish u.”
It is worthwhile, at this stage, to appreciate that Alfonso XIII, also known
as El Africano or the African, was King of Spain from 1886 until the proc-
lamation of the Second Republic in 1931. Alfonso was monarch from birth
as his father, Alfonso XII, had died the previous year (Andayi et al., 2020;
Barry et al. 2008).
Thus, while 1918–1919 brought Spanish Flu, the 2019–2020 ushered in
Coronavirus, hence it equally threatened the people’s lives in a novel way.
Put differently, the abundance life (John 10:10) that led to the act of in-
carnation has found itself under test from different historical times. Was
there any prophetic signal and/or any ancestral communication? During the
1918–1919 inuenza pandemic, otherwise called Spanish Flu, our African
ancestors survived despite lacking the genius of science and technology that
obtains to date.
COVID-19 in Kenya (March–April 2020)
By the end of March 2020, there was no vaccine to prevent coronavirus dis-
ease (COVID-19). Instead Citizens were advised to protect themselves and
help prevent spreading the virus to others by: Washing their hands regu-
larly for 20 seconds, with soap and running water or alcohol-based hand
rub; Covering their noses and mouths with disposable tissues or exed el-
bow when coughing or sneezing; Avoiding close contacts (1 meter or 3 feet)
with people who are unwell; and were also advised to stay at home and self-
isolation from others in the household if one felt unwell. Equally, they were
advised not to touch their own eyes, noses, or mouths if their hands were
not clean.
Of importance to note is that the rst conrmed case of coronavirus in
Kenya took place on13 March 2020 (Star 2020). In this case, a 27-year-old
Kenyan woman (by name Ivy Brenda Cherotich) who travelled from the
United States via London, was conrmed after three consecutive tests (Co-
rona, 2020c). Subsequently, the Kenyan government identied and isolated
a number of people who had come into contact with her. Other cases went
as follows:
On 15 March, Cabinet Secretary for Health, Mutahi Kagwe, announced
that two people who had sat next to the initial patient on the aircraft in
transit from the United States had also tested positive for the virus (Co-
rona, 2020 b; Corona, 2020d). Schools were closed and public gatherings
COVID-19 containment measures 129
were prohibited. Also, as a result, the country’s borders were closed to
all except Kenyan citizens and legal residents.
On 16 March, the government through its spokesman Colonel Cyrus
Oguna said on an update that there were another three people who were
suspected to be carriers of the virus and that their results were to be
released soon (Corona, 2020d).
On 17 March, it was announced by the Health Secretary that a fourth
case had been diagnosed. On 18 March, three more cases conrmed
were by the Health Secretary, bringing the total conrmed cases in
Kenya to seven (Corona 2020a).
On 22 March, eight more cases were conrmed by the Health Secretary,
bringing the total cases conrmed to 15. The government conrmed it
was tracing 363 people who are believed to have had contact with the
eight new cases.
On 23 March, another case was conrmed bringing the total conrmed
cases to 16.
On 24 March, nine more cases reported for a total of 25 nationally.
On 25 March, the rst recovery was conrmed, and three more cases
were recorded, bringing the total conrmed cases to 28 (Corona, 2020e).
On 26 March, three more cases were recorded and bringing the total
conrmed cases to 31. In addition to Nairobi, the government con-
rmed that corona virus cases in Kenya are spread among four other
counties, namely Kajiado, Mombasa, Kili, and Kwale. On the same
date, the rst death of a person infected with the corona virus was re-
ported in Kenya. The patient was a 66-year-old Kenyan man who had
contracted the virus while traveling from South Africa via Eswatini.
On March 28, the ministry of health conrmed Seven more cases, bring-
ing a total tally of conrmed COVID-19 cases in Kenya to 38. On the
same day, the government announced that two patients who had earlier
tested positive had tested negative and were awaiting a second test to
conrm they had fully recovered.
On 29 March, four more cases were recorded bringing the total con-
rmed cases to 42. During a brieng on a Sunday afternoon, the then
Health Cabinet Secretary/Minister, Mutahi Kagwe, said of the four,
one was a Kenyan, one American, one Cameroonian and one a Bur-
kinabé. Hon. Kagwe said three of the cases were based in Nairobi and
one in Mombasa. The CS said of the 42 cases, 24 are male while 18 are
females. Nairobi leads with 31 cases followed by Kili (six), Mombasa
(Three) and Kwale and Kajiado on each. On 30 March 2020, the num-
ber of conrmed cases went up to 50.
On 30 March, eight positive cases were conrmed, making a total of 50;
while on 31 March, nine more cases were conrmed, making a total of
59 cases. On 1 April 2020, 22 cases were conrmed, making a total of
81 cases countrywide. The gure went beyond 100 on 2 April 2020 when
an additional 29 cases were conrmed. This brought the total number
130 Julius Gathogo
to 110 nationally. This led President Uhuru Kenyatta to announce a
cessation of movement in and out of The Nairobi Metropolitan Area for
a containment period of 21 days, on 6 April 2020. Apart from Nairobi,
President Kenyatta ordered the cessation of movement to other highly
affected areas such Kili, Mombasa, and Kwale in the coastal region
of Kenya. On 7th and 8 April, a total of 14 cases each were conrmed,
making a total of 179 Kenyans; and by 15 April, the country had regis-
tered 225 conrmed cases, with a total of ten deaths, and 53 recoveries.
Between 24 and 25 April, 23 cases were conrmed as positive making a
total of 343 cases in Kenya, and 98 recoveries.
Additionally, President Kenyatta announced more measures of com-
bating COVID-19 on 25 April 2020 that included: An extension of the
nationwide 7pm to 5am curfew by another round of 21 days; and a fur-
ther extension of the cessation of movement order affecting Nairobi,
Mombasa, Kili, and Kwale counties by 21 days. He also announced
minimal operations at hotels and other eateries in select counties. Most
signicantly, he announced a rollout of the National Hygiene Pro-
gramme on 29 April 2020. This initiative was geared towards creating
a healthier environment and jobs. The rst phase was envisaged to em-
ploy 26,148 workers over 30 days, and more than 100,000 youths pro-
gressively (Menya, 2020).
Response to COVID-19 pandemic
Admirably, the Kenyan context appears to have learnt from the 1918 Span-
ish Inuenza which was contained belatedly thereby taking a global mor-
tality rate of 2.5%. It was responsible for the death of 0.0052% of the world
population at one person out of 18,750 (Burnet and Clark, 1942). Thus,
in response to the rise of COVID-19 cases, the Government closed all
schools and directed that both private and public sector workers to work
from home, wherever possible, from 15 March 2020. Additionally, travel
restrictions were imposed (Kenyatta, 2020). This was meant to prevent
non-Kenyans from entering the country. The Kenyan nationals were also
required to self-quarantine for a minimum of 14 days. By then, Kenya had
only three COVID-19 conrmed cases, which shows that the steps were
taken early enough.
Following the conrmation of an additional eight cases that brought a
total gure to 16 nationally on 22 March 2020, the Kenyan Government
suspended all international ights with effect from 25 March 2020. Cargo
ights were, however, not suspended. Anyone entering Kenya was hence-
forth compulsorily made to quarantine for 14 days before being allowed
to leave the city of Nairobi or any other entry point, though at one’s own
cost. Other measures taken on 22 March included: All bars were to remain
closed from 22 March, restaurants allowed only for takeaway services, all
public vehicles were to adhere to passenger-distancing guidelines, all public
COVID-19 containment measures 131
gatherings in churches, mosques, funerals, political rallies, and wedding
gatherings of more than 15 people were banned forthwith (Kenyatta, 2020).
Economic response
As noted above, the conrmation of three additional cases of COVID-19, on
25 March 2020, sent national panic, as reports of massive deaths in the west-
ern world had already reached the country with equal fears. Hence, Presi-
dent Kenyatta announced a nation-wide curfew, from 7pm to 5am, starting
from 27 March 2020 (Kenyatta, 2020). Certainly, all these measures had
huge negative impact for a country that was struggling to clear debts with
international lenders. It was also huge inconvenience to individuals living in
edgling economy. Nevertheless, saving life became a priority rather than
saving an economy as President Kenyatta went on to unveil measures to
buffer Kenyans against nancial hardships arising from the above meas-
ures. Such measures included reduction of Pay As You Earn (PAYE) from
a maximum of 30% to 25%, 100% tax relief to Kenyans earning USD 228,
reduction of resident income tax to 25%, reduction of turnover tax rate from
3% to 1% for all micro, small and medium enterprises, temporary suspen-
sion of loan defaulters whose loan account was in arrears effective 1 April
2020, USD 95 million were set aside for vulnerable groups, and the reduc-
tion of Value Added Tax from 16% to 14% with effect from 1 April 2020
(Kenyatta, 2020).
The Kenyan government also increased the allocation of funds for health
care, plus other scal adjustments to the national economy such as: chan-
nelling USD 9.5 million from the Universal Health Coverage kitty to the
employment of new health workers to combat COVID-19, slash salaries for
both the President and the Deputy President by 80%, pay cut for all Cabinet
Ministers by 30%, and the Principal Secretaries by 20%. Other government
employees, civil servants, lecturers, teachers and others were requested to
voluntarily contribute to COVID-19 kitty via a pay cut. Other measures in-
cluded, requesting State and public ofcers aged 50 and above, and who
have other pre-existing medical concerns to take leave from work or work
from home. Those working in the security department were however ex-
cluded. Further, the Central Bank lowered the interest rates from 8.25% to
7.25%. The Central Bank or the National Reserve Bank reduced the Cash
Reserve Ratio from 5.25% to 4.25% and increased liquidity of Ksh 35 billion
to commercial banks (Kenyatta, 2020). The idea here was to help the latter
to be in a position to provide loan services to the ordinary citizens.
Some setbacks
Following the declaration of the national curfew on 25 March 2020, from
7pm to 5am, police brutality akin to the dark days of British colonial-
ism (1920–1963) was witnessed in various parts of Kenya, and especially
132 Julius Gathogo
Mombasa and Nairobi. In these unfortunate situations, video footages that
were disseminated through the social media showed the police giving sense-
less beatings to people who were unable to get back to their houses by 7pm.
In one instance, a truck driver who was caught up with time had his arm
broken out of these beatings, after he was accused of daring to ght the po-
lice. The police ofcers who broke his arm were later sacked by the govern-
ment after both the social and mainstream media exposed the shameful act.
The 27 March 2020 clearly contradicted the goal of the curfew especially
when the police used teargasses on innocent and oblivious citizens in Mom-
basa and Nairobi, a phenomenon that caused a huge outcry in Nairobi.
As Ferry Services delayed in Mombasa’s Likoni area, the innocent people,
rather than the Ferry Management, bore the brunt. Equally, the long queues
in Nairobi caused delays in getting into the public transport vehicles, yet
the police were shown beating huge crowds that were innocently waiting for
their turn to get into the public service vehicles.
The 27 March 2020 episode also saw police unnecessarily detaining peo-
ple who were unable to “obey curfew hours.” Worst of all, ordinary people
were pushed in crowded areas, contrary to curfew’s goals of keeping so-
cial distance from one another. Luckily, such brutalities meted across the
country were condemned across the political divide, and President Uhuru
Kenyatta eventually sacked some of the rogue police ofcers who treated
ordinary men and women with blatant contempt. In the nature of things,
Mireri Junior (2020) noted, thus:
Leaders across the political divide have condemned the brutality meted
out on Kenyans by police ofcers who were enforcing a government’s
curfew to curb the spread of coronavirus. Led by Senate Majority
Leader Kipchumba Murkomen, the leaders said the action of the police
as was witnessed on Friday evening defeated the very purpose of the
curfew. Police and commuters clashed at the Likoni ferry in Mombasa
Friday afternoon, a scenario occasioned by overcrowding as residents
rushed to beat the curfew deadline. The situation was not different in
Kisumu and Eldoret towns as police teargassed Kenyans for outing
the curfew rules. Photos and clips of police beating up Kenyans who
allegedly failed to adhere to the curfew emerged online with netizens
condemning the police for using excessive force in handling Kenyans.
The Elegeyo Marakwet senator said the police action, endangered the
lives of many Kenyans, saying lumping people together could have led
to more infections if one of them had contracted coronavirus.
Economic impact
Apart from the police brutality, noted above, Kenyans suffered in the eco-
nomic front. Micro and macro businesses suffered alike. There were re-
ports that a family feasted on its own pet, after losing out their economic
COVID-19 containment measures 133
livelihoods. Apart from hawkers and ordinary vendors who lost out as a
result of the lockdown, travel restrictions reduced Kenya’s hotel, tourism,
and ower industries to nothing (Menya, 2020). Some Kenyans were how-
ever able to switch from their urban jobs to rural labour, so as to feed their
families. The economic impact thus cannot be explained fully at this stage.
Concrete gures will however be explained with time. In the author’s Em-
manuel Anglican Church, Changamwe, Venerable Geoffrey Guyo Dida em-
ployed a creative method of sustaining the Church through online services.
A Church pay-bill account was also instituted, as weekly reminders to sub-
mit membership fees, love offerings, tithes and other things was set up by
the end of March 2020. A message of “Stay Safe” would always conclude the
reminder.
Impact on stewardship of creation
Stewardship of Creation refers to the theological belief that human beings
are managers of what God has put in place in the world, for “The earth is
the LORD’s, and everything in it, the world, and all who live in it” (Psalm
24:1). As such, responsible religious communities, as Kenyans claims to be,
will always address environmental challenges in the era of corona virus, the
ecological challenges posed by the dumping of plastic masks across Kenya’s
territorial space, the care of abandoned street children as lockdown denied
them ‘leftover’ food, the rivers that are now left as dumping sites for residues
of COVID-19, and animals and birds who relied on human beings and were
now affected by the lockdown that had affected various parts of Kenya’s ter-
ritorial space among other concerns (Mugo & Gathogo 2018). Certainly, a
lot changed after October 2020 as the national lockdown was being revised,
and the economy started to open up.
According to Pkemoi Ng’enoh (2020), tens of stray Cats living around Nai-
robi City Hall were left with nothing to eat after several hotels closed down
in line with the government directive that the restaurants close until further
notice to curb the pandemic. Previously, Cats were feeding from leftovers
dumped by the joints before they would disappear to their hideouts around
Nairobi City Hall and other places around Central Business District. The
same case scenario was also witnessed in other Kenyan cities. James Mulwa
(quoted in Ng’enoh (2020:7), a security guard in Nairobi explained, thus:
The Cats are starving. Before, they would roam around searching for
food, but that is not the case today since coronavirus came knocking on
our doors. Sometimes, we feed them with bread; not long ago, I found a
dead Cat around Nyayo house. I think it died out of starvation. For the
rst time, a dog was spotted along Moi Avenue. It is starvation.
Such stories are in continuum with an early April 2020 announcement by
the Kenya Society for the Protection and Care of Animals (PCA) that some
134 Julius Gathogo
animals under their care risk starving during the lockdown (Ng’enoh, 2020).
The organization cited lack of food donors and minimum movement across
the cities as the real challenge. The society which had 170 Dogs, 105 Cats,
four Horses, and nine Donkeys by April 2020 (Ng’enoh, 2020) was already
overwhelmed and could do little for the roaming domestic animals, some of
whom were dying one by one. A similar scenario, where pets and other do-
mestic animals were abandoned, was visible in India, Philippines and other
parts of the world, as lockdown continued to affect the theology of steward-
ship negatively. With reference to India, Niharika Sharma (2020) has noted
that,
When they found him in an East Delhi locality, towards the end of
February, the tall, dark, and handsome Labrador was hungry, weak,
scared, and depressed. Apparently abandoned by his owners in the
wake of the coronavirus pandemic, the well-bred dog had taken shel-
ter inside a building under construction…Noticing his plight, someone
called Ummeed Social Welfare Society, an Uttar Pradesh-based NGO
that took him in. While the streets of India emptying out over fears of
the novel coronavirus and the lockdown announced in its wake, many
localities are witnessing the emergence of a new set of residents: stray
pedigree pets…. What’s fuelling the fear among the pet owners are news
reports of a couple of dogs and a cat being tested positive for the virus
in Hong Kong.
As the “creation groans as in the pains of childbirth” (Romans 8:22), in
the post COVID-19 Kenya, one wonders how long it would take, and how
best it can be handled. Although there were reports from oral sources
that pets can contract COVID-19, the World Health Organization (WHO)
claried, in their website that there is no evidence that they can transmit
it. Certainly, the care of animals is a religious duty (Genesis 1:28) that
cannot be abdicated. In any case, the Psalmist (147:9) is explicit that God
“gives to the beast its food; and to the young ravens that cry.” The care for
the cosmos is undoubtedly the broader message imbedded in COVID-19
pandemic.
Coronavirus and ‘prophecies’
After Kenya’s Minister Health, Hon Mutahi Kagwe announced the rst con-
rmed case of coronavirus on 13 March 2020, prophets and their prophetic
extravaganza began. This went hand-in-hand with biblical insights, mainly
from the Afro-Pentecostal wing of the church, some of which were tried to
prove that COVID-19 was a biblical fullment; others saw it as prophecies
come true, while yet others saw it as a punishment for unrepentant Kenyans.
The latter failed to appreciate that it was a global challenge where China,
Italy, Spanish, and the United States were some of the most affected. Some
COVID-19 containment measures 135
of the biblical and/or religious messages that have been circulated through
the social media, between March and April 2020, include:
As the world wide quarantine proceeds of Covid-19, even from the
Church, the Holy Mountain where we meet our God of mercy, it is now
the moment to quarantine from every kind of sin for God to embrace us
back. Let us make Church a place of worship, love one another and fear
God. Let us make the world a garden of joy. Let us take a moment with
our hearts and ask ourselves individually, what is God feeling about us?
Jeremiah 7:3, 8–15.
In rephrasing and ‘exegeting’ Jeremiah 7:3 which says, “Reform your ways
and your actions, and I will let you live in this place,” the fullment of a
prophecy” assumes that COVID-19 was just a punishment from God. In
other words, the medical dimension was relegated to the periphery, as the
spiritual dimension took a centre stage. The write-up, which was sent to
the author via WhatsApp forum, gives a ‘clear’ impression that if Kenya
repented her sins, a chance to live now would be guaranteed. This however
turned problematic in that Kenya claims to be an 80% Christian. With very
committed Christians in Kenya’s territorial space equally bearing the brunt
as their businesses were closed down as they obeyed the government im-
posed curfew and the lockdown that went hand-in-hand, one wondered why
they too were under punishment from God. Or was it part of persecutions,
martyrdom, and/or trials and temptations that every believer undergoes?
Why were the Churches, bars, public gatherings, and schools classed to-
gether by the government and were collectively closed down in mid-March
2020? Such happenings did not resonate well with prophet Jeremiah’s call
for a reformation of ways, as the Holy shrines were not spared as well.
The above ‘prophetic’ insight that was circulated in Kenya’s social media
in March and April 2020 is in tandem with another one which was also sent
to the author via WhatsApp forum which said thus:
There is an upcoming disaster worse than COVID-19. Once you are in,
you are doomed forever. COVID-19 will soon end, but if you don’t put
your ways right, and the rapture takes you unawares or you leave this
earth without Christ, then the game is over.
While most of these ‘prophetic’ messages urged revival of the Christians,
the pandemic was nevertheless reduced to a mere spiritual (religious) matter
without taking cognizance all pillars of culture, that includes economics,
politics, kinship, ethics, and aesthetics (Mugambi, 1989). While religion is a
critical pillar of culture, working on one pillar alone is inadequate. Further,
although the call to wash our hearts, keep a distance from evil, cover one-
self with a sneeze of sin, don’t shake hands with abomination, don’t hug a
false teaching (heresy), and sanitize one’s life, were some of the ‘prophetic’
136 Julius Gathogo
insights that were circulated around the country, the danger remained in
that it failed to factor in other pillars of culture thereby rendering it theo-
logically impotent.
Another critical dimension is the numerous ‘prophecies’ by various well-
known afro-Pentecostal leaderships in Kenya. As Damaris Parsitau (2020)
says, the
Self-proclaimed Prophet Owuor has trafcked in fear-mongering
threats, and has even claimed that he had prophesied the pandemic.
He also said it would kill people in Asia because the continent rejected
his prophecy. In Kenya, a section of the public has cajoled him to un-
leash his “mighty prophetic powers” to fend off the virus. They have
also called on him to pray it away.
Parsitau (2020) wonders why there are no spiritual powers to perform mira-
cles and heal coronavirus patients when it is so desperately needed. She goes
on to cite some afro-Pentecostal clerics who, in her view, appeared too igno-
rant of COVID-19; hence they were in a confused state when the government
closed the churches. She cites the case of
Apostles James Maina Ng’ang’a’s video on coronavirus – where he is
unable to pronounce the word coronavirus – showed not just his sheer
ignorance, but also how ill-equipped he and his ilk are when it comes to
offering solutions to such complex 21st-century problems.
The ignorance among the afro-Pentecostal leaders was further dis-
played by Rev. Nathan Kirimi, a Meru-Tigania-based Pastor (Eastern
Kenya), of Jesus Winner Ministry, who angered many Kenyans when he
dismissed COVID-19 as a global hoax (Muchui, 2020a). He went on to
say that God had instructed him not to close his church or terminate
services as coronavirus is inexistent and a non-issue. By 18 March 2020
when Pastor Kirimi was dismissing it as a hoax, coronavirus had al-
ready claimed 9,800 lives globally. In giving the government directive on
banning social gatherings, the Minister for Health, Hon Mutahi Kagwe
invoked the Public Health Act (PHA) which gives him broad legal au-
thority to impose various forms of restrictions whenever a public health
crisis occurs (Muchui, 2020a).
Nevertheless, Rev. Nathan Kirimi was strongly censu red by the main lead-
ership of Jesus Winner Ministry Church who disowned him for misleading
the congregants on the coronavirus pandemic (Muchui, 2020b). Kirimi had
previously lashed out at Bishops who had suspended worship services by 15
March 2020, as his prophecy had shown that COVID-19 was a hoax. Bishop
Edward Mwai, the head of Jesus Winner Ministry, however dismissed Rev.
Kirimi’s position as personal opinion, unlawful, and against the Govern-
ment’s policy of containing the deadly virus. In a statement through the
COVID-19 containment measures 137
Church’s Media Channels that came after a huge protest by Kenyans in the
social media, Bishop Mwai said that the
management, Board and the Secretary of Jesus Winner Ministry wish
to inform Kenyans that the statements made by Rev Nathan Kirimi of
Meru are his personal opinions and do not reect the ofcial position of
the church. The board has already instituted remedies and summoned
the pastor to ensure that such an occurrence won’t be repeated now or
in the future.
(Muchui, 2020b)
As David Muchui (2020a) has comparatively noted,
The clai ms by Mr Kiri mi come as South Korea’s thousands of COVID-19
cases were linked to a religious sect known as Shincheonji Church of Je-
sus [February 2020]. A new wave of infections in South Korea was also
linked to Grace River Church, which had deed calls to suspend ser-
vices. Media reports indicate that the church nally closed its doors on
Sunday after 46 worshippers, including the pastor and his wife, tested
positive for coronavirus. South Korea has recorded more than 8,400
cases [by 18 March 2020] with half of them linked to the Shincheonji
Church of Jesus.
While Rev Kirimi could be blamed for communicating his “theological”
and “prophetic” position openly, he nonetheless spoke for a huge constitu-
ency of afro-Pentecostal leaders who did not have the press around them. As
noted earlier, various ‘prophetic’ positions were aired out, some describing
COVID-19 as a “non-believer” affair, and others described it as a punish-
ment to “homosexual nations” among other remarks from the leadership
that claimed prophetic revelations. Such bizarre positions pointed to an ig-
norant leadership, especially among the evangelical wing of the Church.
Parsitau (2020) perc eptively cautions that “there is a fear that COVID-19 will
expose the clergy’s dark underbelly and call to question Africa’s faith-healing
and miracle industry” (Parsitau, 2020). She intuitively cautions that,
the clergy has been averse to scientic discoveries because science makes
their miraculous shenanigans questionable. Prayers for healing have not
calmed a shocked and scared populace. Many a clergy has frowned on sci-
ence, medicine and theological education, instead spiritualising even non-
spiritual matters as serious as the coronavirus pandemic. Science shakes
the foundation of their spiritual teachings. After all, and in the case of this
pandemic, science has proved to be more practical and reliable than faith.
Parsitau’s radical position on the practicality of science, as opposed to faith,
is certainly driven by this unprecedented act where schools, churches and
138 Julius Gathogo
other social institutions were closed together, globally, following the emer-
gency of the COVID-19. Didn’t science appear to be ruling the world as
opposed to faith? Or has Goliath won the rst battle but lose out to the
metaphorical David (faith) in the long run? Has Parsitau failed to be a good
judge who listens and observes both the plaintiff and the defendant equally
and more keenly? As a good scholar in philosophy and religious studies,
Parsitau is partly informed by the global happenings where for instance,
the world-renowned Pastor Joel Osteen of Lakewood Church, Houston in
the United States had to equally close his church. Osteen Church attracts
50,000 peoples upwards. Additionally, other mega Churches, as in the case
of Pastor T. D. Jakes’ Potters House also suspended their Church services
(Muchui, 2020b) that equally attract thousands of enthusiastic adherents.
Conclusion
The chapter started by addressing the nature of COVID-19 pandemic in Kenya
since the rst case was reported on 13 March 2020. In this case, a 27-year-old
Kenyan woman by name Ivy Brenda Cherotich, who travelled from the United
States via London, was conrmed after three consecutive tests. Although the
scope of the chapter was religio-social reaction of COVID-19 pandemic in the
months of March and April 2020, it was able to clarify that Kenya had posted
177,282 infections out of the 1,887,636 cumulative tests, 122,018 total recover-
ies, and the cumulative fatalities stood at 3,434 by 17 June 2021(Wako 2021).
The chapter also sought to understand the place of the Kenyan Church in
light of all this and explained the dangerous trajectories that were witnessed
among some religious leaders who over spiritualised a medical issue.
In its ndings, the chapter has ably compared COVID-19 with the Spanish
Flu of 1918 which had critical and similar characteristics with COVID-19.
The chapter has also underlined the huge fatalities of the 1918, where about
100 million people died. With Kenya responding to COVID-19 without hes-
itation, the pandemic, may after all not do much damage as envisaged. With
good religio-social management, the setbacks noted in this chapter would
be eliminated. Likewise, there is need for a sober prophetic voice from reli-
gious institutions in delicate matters, as in the case of pandemics. This may
drive the religious leaderships to consult experts and professionals in their
relevant elds in technical issues such as COVID-19 before making public
pronouncements or sending messages.
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... This was in response to Jeremiah's (7:3) appeal: "Reform your ways and your actions, and I will let you live in this place." While forgetting that COVID-19 was not about the Kenyan transgressions or simply a Kenyan affair, some NRM leaders went on to dismiss it as a global hoax (Gathogo 2022c). Sadly, the NRMs in Kenya, as in the rest of tropical Africa where it largely poses as Afro-Pentecostal or as Charismatic churches have had to contend with the moral-ethical challenges more than other religiosocial organisations noted above. ...
... In post-COVID-19 Kenya, Afro-Pentecostals in both rural and urban churches have utilised science and technology through employing online services, and live Facebook worship services, and have improved on technological gadgets in order to advance voice projections, songs, dance and other spiritual-related activities. At the initial stages, most Afro-Pentecostals followed the Ministry of Health's requirements that at times, demanded closure, use of hand wash with soap and other detergents, keeping a distance from one another, controlling church attendance and ensuring smaller and/or manageable numbers, and suspending the Holy Eucharist among other requirements that were in continuum with other requirements of World Health Organisation (WHO) (Gathogo 2022c). There were limited cases where some wayward Afro-Pentecostal leaders insisted on COVID-19 as a global hoax and as a pandemic that would not touch the 'Holy Ones' at all. ...
... There were limited cases where some wayward Afro-Pentecostal leaders insisted on COVID-19 as a global hoax and as a pandemic that would not touch the 'Holy Ones' at all. They would use biblical texts (as in the case of Jeremiah 7) and insist that the reformed ones would not be hurt by the pandemic (Gathogo 2022c). Viewing global calamity as a mere punishment for the sinful people meant that there were pockets of Afro-Pentecostals who did not play to the rhythms of science and technology. ...
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... First, the presence of lockdown measures in Kenya affected access to services, hence limited increases in costs, which is different from Tanzania. [33][34][35] Second, insurance coverage was relatively higher in Kenya than Tanzania, as observed in this study, possibly explaining the limited cost escalation in Kenya compared to Tanzania. Third, the increase in testing costs in Tanzania is likely due to increased testing in private pharmacies and laboratories following a reduced utilisation of services and severe disruption of care in hospitals, which is evident in our data. ...
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... However, disease and death have always been the predicament of humans prior to the pandemic. Chimbidzikai (2022), and Gathogo (2022) sampled opinions in Kenya between March and April 2020 concerning the interpretation of the Bible for survival. Social media survey indicated that Jeremiah 7:3, 8-15 had become popular on the lips of many pastors to the congregants that sin is the cause of the pandemic. ...
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... In Kenya, the capital city of Kenya got the highest number of cases with over 120, 000 confirmed COVID-19 cases. Other counties that took a cue from the former include: Kiambu with about 19, 000, Mombasa with about 17, 000, Nakuru with about 16, 000, Uasin Gishu with about 10, 000, Machakos, Kisumu, Kajiado, and Kilifi with about 7, 000 each, and Busia and Siaya counties with about 6, 000 each (Gathogo 2022a, Male 2022. This article assumes that the actual figures will never be known, as some went unreported, and others benefitted from the indigenous resources; hence they did not handle it 'formally.' ...
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Corona Virus Disease 2019 (COVID-19), an infectious disease caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus, became a reality in Kenya on 13 March 2020 when the first confirmed case was publicly announced. The disease spread across the country and had posted over 300, 000 confirmed cases and over 5, 000 deaths by March 2022. With some risk factors, for COVID-19, remaining: close contacts, coughing, sneezing on by an infected person, poor air flow, and crowded places with infected people, among others, the pandemic remained a major scare, as Kenya geared towards August 2022 general elections which were hotly contested, especially at the presidential levels. There were fears that the 2022 electoral contests would reverse the gains that had been made in the previous two years (2020, 2021), as the government had put up containment measures, that previously banned crowded political rallies. Church gatherings, and other social activities were effectively controlled. Nevertheless, the coming of COVID-19 in March 2020 brought about far-reaching effects that will continue to inform the Kenyan nation for an unforeseeable future. Were the indigenous resources rendered irrelevant by COVID-19? Did the failure to exorcise the demons of COVID- 19 make the religious institutions irrelevant? (Mk. 5:4-20, Lk. 4:33-36). This article seeks to explore how these impacts on the Kenyan society played out, and how communal-inclusive approaches were utilized to usher in an African face in the onslaught against the pandemic. Were there indigenous resources that could inform these discourses?
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The 1918 influenza pandemic was the most significant pandemic recorded in human history. Worldwide, an estimated half billion persons were infected and 20 to 100 million people died in three waves during 1918 to 1919. Yet the impact of this pandemic has been poorly documented in many countries especially those in Africa. We used colonial-era records to describe the impact of 1918 influenza pandemic in the Coast Province of Kenya. We gathered quantitative data on facility use and all-cause mortality from 1912 to 1925, and pandemic-specific data from active reporting from September 1918 to March 1919. We also extracted quotes from correspondence to complement the quantitative data and describe the societal impact of the pandemic. We found that crude mortality rates and healthcare utilization increased six- and three-fold, respectively, in 1918, and estimated a pandemic mortality rate of 25.3 deaths/1000 people/year. Impact to society and the health care system was dramatic as evidenced by correspondence. In conclusion, the 1918 pandemic profoundly affected Coastal Kenya. Preparation for the next pandemic requires continued improvement in surveillance, education about influenza vaccines, and efforts to prevent, detect and respond to novel influenza outbreaks.
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Ngugi wa Thiong’o in Murogi wa Kagogo (Wizard of the Crow) seeks to reclaim the traditional conservation practices which have been destroyed by colonial modernity by building on the contributions of ancestral pantheons. The article argues that the place of the diviner cum medicine man played a central role in the conservation of the environment because of the physical space he/she inhabited (mostly in shrines located in the forests, which meant that those places were treated with respect and therefore conserved) and also because he/she used various trees as a source of cure for the many ailments that people in the society suffered, trees and other vegetation around forests and hills were spared because of the central role they played in the people’s lives. The role that colonialism and clamor for modernity has played in the destruction of nature is also interrogated. The article concludes that Ngugi’s narrative does not champion for a movement back to the primeval past/traditional past because it is impossible anyway but for an embrace of some of traditional/indigenous practices which were used in preserving forests, water sheds, plant life and soil in order to save the environment from further degradation. In view of this, the article seeks to demonstrate how African ancestral resources are critical in environmental preservation as seen by Ngugi as a creative writer.
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The current worst-case scenario for pandemic influenza planning is based on the catastrophic 1918-1919 pandemic. In this article, we examine the strength of cross-protection between successive waves of the 1918-1919 pandemic, which has remained a long-standing issue of debate. We studied monthly hospitalization and mortality rates for respiratory illness in 37 army camps, as well as the rates of repeated episodes of influenza infection during January-December 1918 in 8 military and civilian settings in the United States and Britain. A first wave of respiratory illness occurred in US Army camps during March-May 1918 and in Britain during May-June, followed by a lethal second wave in the fall. The first wave was characterized by high morbidity but had a lower fatality rate than the second wave (1.1% vs. 4.7% among hospitalized soldiers; P < .001). Based on repeated illness data, the first wave provided 35%-94% protection against clinical illness during the second wave and 56%-89% protection against death (P < .001). Exposure to influenza in the spring and summer of 1918 provided mortality and morbidity protection during the fall pandemic wave. The intensity of the first wave may have differed across US cities and countries and may partly explain geographical variation in pandemic mortality rates in the fall. Pandemic preparedness plans should consider that immune protection could be naturally acquired during a first wave of mild influenza illnesses.
Kenya confrms frst coronavirus case-VIDEO
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Kenya coronavirus cases rises to 3
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Kenya reports 3 suspected virus cases
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