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Preliminary evidence of the effectiveness of a brief self‐control intervention on reducing the short‐term harmful consequences of violent video games on adolescents
Abstract
Exposure to violent video games can cause a wide array of harmful consequences to adolescents. This study shows preliminary evidence of the effectiveness of a brief intervention to decrease aggression and increase self-control following exposure to a violent video game. Participants (157 high-school students; age range: 13–19) were randomly assigned to play a violent or nonviolent video game for 25 min. Next, they were exposed to an intervention (i.e., a brief article) designed to induce weak versus strong beliefs in self-control capabilities. We also included a neutral article unrelated to self-control. After reading the article, aggression and self-control-related variables (i.e., impulses inhibition, cognitive performance) were measured. Aggression was operationalized using the intensity and duration of aversive noise participants gave an accomplice on the Competitive Reaction Time Task, impulse inhibition was operationalized using the ability to resist eating candies, and cognitive performance was operationalized using the “spot the differences” task. Our results found that adolescents who played a violent video game were more aggressive and reported lower levels of impulse inhibition (i.e., ate more candies). However, inducing beliefs in self-control capabilities by reading a brief article stating that the human’s brain is a powerful tool for exercising self-control eliminated these harmful effects. The interaction was nonsignificant for cognitive performance. Overall, our study offers initial evidence that a brief intervention might help limit the harmful consequences of exposure to violent video games on adolescents.
Adolescence is a high-risk age for exposure to violent media (EVM) and bullying. Some previous theories and empirical studies have highlighted a moderated mediating model that normative beliefs about aggression (NBA) as a mediator and self-control (SC) as a moderator for the link between EVM and aggressive behaviors (including bullying behaviors). However, most previous studies analyzed traditional bullying (TB) and cyberbullying (CB) separately, which is not conducive to finding the differences between the two bullying behaviors. Therefore, this study aims to compare the differences between risk prediction models of TB and CB among adolescents. A total of 777 Chinese adolescent students (336 girls; Mage = 13.57 ± 0.98) completed questionnaires including EVM, NBA, TB, CB, and SC. The results showed that: (1) EVM was positively related to adolescent TB/CB; (2) NBA mediated the above relations; and (3) SC buffers the direct effect of EVM on TB and the effect of NBA on TB. However, SC buffers the effect of NBA on adolescent CB but not buffers the direct effect of EVM on CB. This study highlights the necessity of distinguishing offline and online situations in aggressive behavior research. We suggested "online disinhibit hypothesis" would be adopted to explain why protector factors (e.g., SC) do not buffer the link between aggression-related risk factors (e.g., EVM) and online aggression (e.g., CB).
We conducted a preregistered multi-laboratory project (k = 36; N = 3531) to assess the size and robustness of ego depletion effects using a novel replication method, termed the paradigmatic replication approach. Laboratories implemented one of two procedures that intended to manipulate self control and tested performance on a subsequent measure of self control. Confirmatory tests found a non-significant result, d = 0.06. Confirmatory Bayesian meta-analyses using an informed prior hypothesis (δ = 0.30; SD = 0.15) found the data were four times more likely under the null than the alternative hypothesis. Hence, preregistered analyses did not find evidence for a depletion effect. Exploratory analyses on the full sample (i.e., ignoring preregistered exclusion criteria see supplemental online materials found a statistically significant effect (d = 0.08), with data about equally likely under the null and informed prior hypotheses. Exploratory moderator tests suggested that the depletion effect was larger for participants reporting more fatigue but was not moderated by trait self control, willpower beliefs, or action orientation.
Long-standing social problems such as poor achievement, personal and intergroup conflict, bad health, and unhappiness can seem like permanent features of the social landscape. We describe an approach to such problems rooted in basic theory and research in social psychology. This approach emphasizes subjective meaning-making—working hypotheses people draw about themselves, other people, and social situations; how deleterious meanings can arise from social and cultural contexts; how interventions to change meanings can help people flourish; and how initial change can become embedded to alter the course of people’s lives. We further describe how this approach relates to and complements other prominent approaches to social reform, which emphasize not subjective meaning-making but objective change in situations or in the habits and skills of individuals. In so doing, we provide a comprehensive theoretical review and organization of a psychologically informed approach to social problems, one that encompasses a wide-range of interventions and applies to diverse problem areas.
Exerting self-control in a first task weakens self-control performance in a subsequent unrelated
task (ego depletion). In self-control research new strategies are required to investigate
the ego-depletion effect, which has recently been shown to be more fragile than previously
assumed. Moreover, the relation between ego depletion and trait self-control is still unclear,
as various studies have reported heterogeneous findings concerning the interplay of both
variables. We addressed these lacunas by drawing on a sample of N = 120 students, who
participated in two test sessions. In the first test session, we assessed trait self-control and
several control variables. The second test session followed an experimental design and
tested the effects of ego depletion on invested effort and cognitive performance trajectories
in an ecologically valid computer-based assessment setting (i.e., a 30-minute mathematical
problem-solving and reasoning test). Trait self-control was then used as a moderator of the
ego-depletion effect. Combining an established ego-depletion paradigm (i.e., the sequential-
task paradigm) with multilevel modeling of time-on-task and performance changes, our
results indicate (1) that trait self-control predicted the motivation to solve cognitive tasks, (2)
that ego depletion led to a progressive performance decrease, and (3) that the negative
effect of ego depletion on performance was stronger for students with high trait self-control.
Additional analyses revealed that our results could not be alternatively explained by fatigue
effects. All effects were robust even after controlling for the students' cognitive abilities,
which are known to be closely related to mathematical performance. Our results provide evidence
that the self-control invested in order to keep performance at a consistently high level
wanes over time. By modeling progressive ego-depletion effects while considering trait self-control,
we provide an alternative approach that may help future researchers to investigate
the underlying mechanisms of self-control.
Research has shown that exposure to violent media increases aggression. However, the neural underpinnings of violent-media-related aggression are poorly understood. Additionally, few experiments have tested hypotheses concerning how to reduce violent-media-related aggression. In this experiment, we focused on a brain area involved in the regulation of aggressive impulses—the right ventrolateral prefrontal cortex (rVLPFC). We tested the hypothesis that brain polarization through anodal transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS) over rVLPFC reduces aggression related to violent video games. Participants (N = 79) were randomly assigned to play a violent or a nonviolent video game while receiving anodal or sham stimulation. Afterward, participants aggressed against an ostensible partner using the Taylor aggression paradigm (Taylor Journal of Personality, 35, 297–310, 1967), which measures both unprovoked and provoked aggression. Among those who received sham stimulation, unprovoked aggression was significantly higher for violent-game players than for nonviolent-game players. Among those who received anodal stimulation, unprovoked aggression did not differ for violent- and nonviolent-game players. Thus, anodal stimulation reduced unprovoked aggression in violent-game players. No significant effects were found for provoked aggression, suggesting tit-for-tat responding. This experiment sheds light on one possible neural underpinning of violent-media-related aggression—the rVLPFC, a brain area involved in regulating negative feelings and aggressive impulses.
Most psychological studies rely on student samples. Students are usually considered as more homogenous than representative samples both within and across countries. However, little is known about the nature of the differences between student and representative samples. This is an important gap, also because knowledge about the degree of difference between student and representative samples may allow to infer from the former to the latter group. Across 59 countries and 12 personality (Big-5) and attitudinal variables we found that differences between students and general public were partly substantial, incoherent, and contradicted previous findings. Two often used cultural variables, embeddedness and intellectual autonomy, failed to explain the differences between both groups across countries. We further found that students vary as much as the general population both between and within countries. In summary, our results indicate that generalizing from students to the general public can be problematic when personal and attitudinal variables are used, as students vary mostly randomly from the general public. Findings are also discussed in terms of the replication crisis within psychology.
Good self-control has been linked to adaptive outcomes such as better health, cohesive personal relationships, success in the workplace and at school, and less susceptibility to crime and addictions. In contrast, self-control failure is linked to maladaptive outcomes. Understanding the mechanisms by which self-control predicts behavior may assist in promoting better regulation and outcomes. A popular approach to understanding self-control is the strength or resource depletion model. Self-control is conceptualized as a limited resource that becomes depleted after a period of exertion resulting in self-control failure. The model has typically been tested using a sequential-task experimental paradigm, in which people completing an initial self-control task have reduced self-control capacity and poorer performance on a subsequent task, a state known as ego depletion. Although a meta-analysis of ego-depletion experiments found a medium-sized effect, subsequent meta-analyses have questioned the size and existence of the effect and identified instances of possible bias. The analyses served as a catalyst for the current Registered Replication Report of the ego-depletion effect. Multiple laboratories (k = 23, total N = 2,141) conducted replications of a standardized ego-depletion protocol based on a sequential-task paradigm by Sripada et al. Meta-analysis of the studies revealed that the size of the ego-depletion effect was small with 95% confidence intervals (CIs) that encompassed zero (d = 0.04, 95% CI [−0.07, 0.15]. We discuss implications of the findings for the ego-depletion effect and the resource depletion model of self-control.
Empathy-putting oneself in another's shoes-has been described as the "social glue" that holds society together. This study investigates how exposure to sexist video games can decrease empathy for female violence victims. We hypothesized that playing violent-sexist video games would increase endorsement of masculine beliefs, especially among participants who highly identify with dominant and aggressive male game characters. We also hypothesized that the endorsement of masculine beliefs would reduce empathy toward female violence victims. Participants (N = 154) were randomly assigned to play a violent-sexist game, a violent-only game, or a non-violent game. After gameplay, measures of identification with the game character, traditional masculine beliefs, and empathy for female violence victims were assessed. We found that participants' gender and their identification with the violent male video game character moderated the effects of the exposure to sexist-violent video games on masculine beliefs. Our results supported the prediction that playing violent-sexist video games increases masculine beliefs, which occurred for male (but not female) participants who were highly identified with the game character. Masculine beliefs, in turn, negatively predicted empathic feelings for female violence victims. Overall, our study shows who is most affected by the exposure to sexist-violent video games, and why the effects occur. (200 words).
The resource model of self-control casts self-control as a capacity that relies on some limited resource that exhausts with use. The model captured our imagination and brought much-needed attention on an important yet neglected psychological construct. Despite its success, basic issues with the model remain. Here, we ask six questions: (i) Does self-control really wane over time? (ii) Is ego depletion a form of mental fatigue? (iii) What is the resource that is depleted by ego depletion? (iv) How can changes in motivation, perception, and expectations replenish an exhausted resource? (v) Has the revised resource model unwittingly become a model about motivation? (vi) Do self-control exercises increase self-control? By providing some answers to these questions – including conducting a meta-analysis of the self-control training literature – we highlight how the resource model needs to be revised if not supplanted altogether.
Violent video games glorify and reward immoral behaviors (e.g., murder, assault, rape, robbery, arson, motor vehicle theft). Based on the moral disengagement theory, we predicted that violent games would increase multiple immoral behaviors (i.e., lack of self-control, cheating, aggression), especially for people high in moral disengagement. High school students (N = 172) who had completed a measure of moral disengagement were randomly assigned to play one of the Grand Theft Auto (GTA) violent video games, or a nonviolent game. Self-control was measured using the weight of uneaten chocolates (i.e., M&M’s) in a bowl by the computer. After gameplay, participants could cheat on a test to win raffle tickets for attractive prizes (e.g., iPad). Aggression was measured using a competitive task in which participants could give an ostensible partner unpleasant noise blasts through headphones. Results showed that violent video games decreased self-control and increased cheating and aggression, especially for people high in moral disengagement.
Much of psychology focuses on universal principles of thought and action. Although an extremely productive pursuit, this approach, by describing only the "average person," risks describing no one in particular. This article discusses an alternate approach that complements interests in universal principles with analyses of the unique psychological meaning that individuals find in their experiences and interactions. Rooted in research on social cognition, this approach examines how people's lay theories about the stability or malleability of human attributes alter the meaning they give to basic psychological processes such as self-regulation and social perception. Following a review of research on this lay theories perspective in the field of social psychology, the implications of analyzing psychological meaning for other fields such as developmental, cultural, and personality psychology are discussed.
Importance:
Although several longitudinal studies have demonstrated an effect of violent video game play on later aggressive behavior, little is known about the psychological mediators and moderators of the effect.
Objective:
To determine whether cognitive and/or emotional variables mediate the effect of violent video game play on aggression and whether the effect is moderated by age, sex, prior aggressiveness, or parental monitoring.
Design, setting, and participants:
Three-year longitudinal panel study. A total of 3034 children and adolescents from 6 primary and 6 secondary schools in Singapore (73% male) were surveyed annually. Children were eligible for inclusion if they attended one of the 12 selected schools, 3 of which were boys' schools. At the beginning of the study, participants were in third, fourth, seventh, and eighth grades, with a mean (SD) age of 11.2 (2.1) years (range, 8-17 years). Study participation was 99% in year 1.
Main outcomes and measures:
The final outcome measure was aggressive behavior, with aggressive cognitions (normative beliefs about aggression, hostile attribution bias, aggressive fantasizing) and empathy as potential mediators.
Results:
Longitudinal latent growth curve modeling demonstrated that the effects of violent video game play are mediated primarily by aggressive cognitions. This effect is not moderated by sex, prior aggressiveness, or parental monitoring and is only slightly moderated by age, as younger children had a larger increase in initial aggressive cognition related to initial violent game play at the beginning of the study than older children. Model fit was excellent for all models.
Conclusions and relevance:
Given that more than 90% of youths play video games, understanding the psychological mechanisms by which they can influence behaviors is important for parents and pediatricians and for designing interventions to enhance or mitigate the effects.
Why does performing certain tasks cause the aversive experience of mental effort and concomitant deterioration in task performance? One explanation posits a physical resource that is depleted over time. We propose an alternative explanation that centers on mental representations of the costs and benefits associated with task performance. Specifically, certain computational mechanisms, especially those associated with executive function, can be deployed for only a limited number of simultaneous tasks at any given moment. Consequently, the deployment of these computational mechanisms carries an opportunity cost - that is, the next-best use to which these systems might be put. We argue that the phenomenology of effort can be understood as the felt output of these cost/benefit computations. In turn, the subjective experience of effort motivates reduced deployment of these computational mechanisms in the service of the present task. These opportunity cost representations, then, together with other cost/benefit calculations, determine effort expended and, everything else equal, result in performance reductions. In making our case for this position, we review alternative explanations for both the phenomenology of effort associated with these tasks and for performance reductions over time. Likewise, we review the broad range of relevant empirical results from across sub-disciplines, especially psychology and neuroscience. We hope that our proposal will help to build links among the diverse fields that have been addressing similar questions from different perspectives, and we emphasize ways in which alternative models might be empirically distinguished.
Recent randomized experiments have found that seemingly “small” social-psychological interventions in education—that is, brief exercises that target students’ thoughts, feelings, and beliefs in and about school—can lead to large gains in student achievement and sharply reduce achievement gaps even months and years later. These interventions do not teach students academic content but instead target students’ psychology, such as their beliefs that they have the potential to improve their intelligence or that they belong and are valued in school. When social-psychological interventions have lasting effects, it can seem surprising and even “magical,” leading people either to think of them as quick fixes to complicated problems or to consider them unworthy of serious consideration. The present article discourages both responses. It reviews the theoretical basis of several prominent social-psychological interventions and emphasizes that they have lasting effects because they target students’ subjective experiences in school, because they use persuasive yet stealthy methods for conveying psychological ideas, and because they tap into recursive processes present in educational environments. By understanding psychological interventions as powerful but context-dependent tools, educational researchers will be better equipped to take them to scale. This review concludes by discussing challenges to scaling psychological interventions and how these challenges may be overcome.
According to the resource model of self-control, overriding one's predominant response tendencies consumes and temporarily depletes a limited inner resource. Over 100 experiments have lent support to this model of ego depletion by observing that acts of self-control at Time 1 reduce performance on subsequent, seemingly unrelated self-control tasks at Time 2. The time is now ripe, therefore, not only to broaden the scope of the model but to start gaining a precise, mechanistic account of it. Accordingly, in the current article, the authors probe the particular cognitive, affective, and motivational mechanics of self-control and its depletion, asking, "What is ego depletion?" This study proposes a process model of depletion, suggesting that exerting self-control at Time 1 causes temporary shifts in both motivation and attention that undermine self-control at Time 2. The article highlights evidence in support of this model but also highlights where evidence is lacking, thus providing a blueprint for future research. Though the process model of depletion may sacrifice the elegance of the resource metaphor, it paints a more precise picture of ego depletion and suggests several nuanced predictions for future research.
© The Author(s) 2012.
Recent work has revealed a relationship between pathological video game use and increased impulsivity among children and adolescents. A few studies have also demonstrated increased risk-taking outside of the video game environment following game play, but this work has largely focused on one genre of video games (i.e., racing). Motivated by these findings, the aim of the current study was to examine the relationship between pathological and non-pathological video game use, impulsivity, and risky decision making. The current study also investigated the relationship between experience with two of the most popular genres of video games [i.e., first-person shooter (FPS) and strategy] and risky decision making. Consistent with previous work, ~7% of the current sample of college-aged adults met criteria for pathological video game use. The number of hours spent gaming per week was associated with increased impulsivity on a self-report measure and on the temporal discounting (TD) task. This relationship was sensitive to the genre of video game; specifically, experience with FPS games was positively correlated with impulsivity, while experience with strategy games was negatively correlated with impulsivity. Hours per week and pathological symptoms predicted greater risk-taking in the risk task and the Iowa Gambling task, accompanied by worse overall performance, indicating that even when risky choices did not pay off, individuals who spent more time gaming and endorsed more symptoms of pathological gaming continued to make these choices. Based on these data, we suggest that the presence of pathological symptoms and the genre of video game (e.g., FPS, strategy) may be important factors in determining how the amount of game experience relates to impulsivity and risky-decision making.
Previous research has documented specific changes in visual attention as a result of playing action-based video games (Green and Bavelier, 2003). Typically, these games require players to make responses to selected stimuli, distribute their attention across the visual field, and orient to multiple moving targets. We sought to extend these findings by examining whether children who play these types of video games display changes in visual spatial attention relative to non-game playing children. A total of 114 children between the ages of 7 and 17 years were tested. Children were classified post-hoc as 'game players' if they reported playing first-person perspective action video games or ball-based sports video games in the 12 months prior to testing. The effect of age on the measures tested was first assessed by comparing 7-10, 11-13 and 14-17 years old. The impact of game playing was then assessed by comparing gamers and non gamers across these age ranges. Consistent with previous findings in the literature, game players demonstrated faster processing in a selective visual search task. More interestingly, game players exhibited a larger flanker compatibility effects (administered as part of the Attentional Network Test - Fan et al., 2002) and better performance on a children friendly version of the Useful Field of View (Ball et al., 1993), similarly to what Green and Bavelier (2003) have observed in adult gamers. These findings indicate enhanced visuo-spatial attention in young gamers compared to non-gamers. Furthermore, game players could apprehend more objects as measured by a ball tracking task (Pylyshyn and Storm, 1988), indicating an increase in the number of objects that can be attended. This confirmed our hypothesis that playing video games enhances different aspects of visual spatial attention in children as well as in adults. Thus, the normal developmental time course of visual spatial attention skills appears to be not only determined by maturational factors, but also quite plastic in the face of activities such as action or ball-sports gaming. This opens the possibility of using vdieo gaming as a tool to potentiate visual attention skills in patients, young or old, with visual deficits.
The authors discuss the problem with failing to sample stimuli in social psychological experimentation. Although commonly construed as an issue for external validity, the authors emphasize how failure to sample stimuli also can threaten construct validity. They note some circumstances where the need for stimulus sampling is less obvious and more obvious, and they discuss some well-known cognitive biases that can contribute to the failure of researchers to see the need for stimulus sampling. Data are presented from undergraduate students (N = 106), graduate students (N = 72), and psychology faculty (N = 48) showing insensitivity to the need for stimulus sampling except when the problem is made rather obvious. Finally, some of the statistical implications of stimulus sampling with particular concern for power, effect size estimates, and data analysis strategies are noted.
Abstract ,The impact that violent video games have on aggressive behavior is a serious topic, with implications for video game players and non-players, school teachers, parents, and society, as a whole. Over two decades of empirical work using a variety of research methods has found conclusive evidence that violent video game play causes later aggressive behavior. However, to date, there are few public policies that effectively limit children’s consumption of such violent media. The current chapter describes the results of empirical findings on violent video games and aggression, some of the barriers related to implementing effective public policy, and the current state of public policy concerning violent video games in the United States and in Europe. Violent Video Games and Public Policy 3 Violent Video Games and Public Policy “I have been playing violent video games since I was young and I have not gone out and punched people or shot anybody.” This quote (paraphrased from a internet chat room) emphasizes the common misperception that many video game players and parents of these players have towards the effects that violent video games have on aggressive behavior: “I see violent media
Experimental studies show that violent video games cause people to behave more aggressively, but how long does the effect last? In most experiments, aggression is measured immediately after gameplay. The present experiment is the first to test the long-term causal effects of violent video games on aggression. By the flip of a coin, participants played a violent or nonviolent game for 20 min. Within each group, half ruminated about the game. The next day, participants competed with an ostensible opponent on a competitive task in which the winner could punish the loser with painful noise blasts through headphones. Results showed that violent video games increased aggression 24 hr later, but only among men who ruminated about the game. Rumination keeps aggressive thoughts, feelings, and behavioral tendencies active. If players ruminate about the violence in a game, the aggression-stimulating effects of the game persist long after it has been turned off.
In this article, we review research that explores how the effects of media violence on aggression may be diminished and how media productions may be used to reduce aggressive attitudes and behaviors. Studies show that adults' comments before or during media exposure can reduce the impact of violent programming on children's aggressiveness under some circumstances. Experiments involving more extensive media literacy curricula show that some approaches can alter attitudes toward media violence and, in a few cases, intervene in aggressive behavior. Studies of the impact of antiviolence media productions reveal that although such efforts can be effective, unanticipated "boomerang" effects are prevalent. Overall, the effectiveness of the 3 types of interventions was highly variable, and age and gender differences were prominent. The findings suggest that more research is needed to determine the best approaches to developing parental interventions, media literacy strategies, and prosocial media presentations for reducing youth violence.
It is well established that violent video games increase aggression. There is a stronger evidence of short-term violent video game effects than of long-term effects. The present experiment tests the cumulative long-term effects of violent video games on hostile expectations and aggressive behavior over three consecutive days. Participants (N = 70) played violent or nonviolent video games 20 min a day for three consecutive days. After gameplay, participants could blast a confederate with loud unpleasant noise through headphones (the aggression measure). As a potential causal mechanism, we measured hostile expectations. Participants read ambiguous story stems about potential interpersonal conflicts, and listed what they thought the main characters would do or say, think, and feel as the story continued. As expected, aggressive behavior and hostile expectations increased over days for violent game players, but not for nonviolent video game players, and the increase in aggressive behavior was partially due to hostile expectations.
Executive functions (EFs) make possible mentally playing with ideas; taking the time to think before acting; meeting novel, unanticipated challenges; resisting temptations; and staying focused. Core EFs are inhibition [response inhibition (self-control-resisting temptations and resisting acting impulsively) and interference control (selective attention and cognitive inhibition)], working memory, and cognitive flexibility (including creatively thinking "outside the box," seeing anything from different perspectives, and quickly and flexibly adapting to changed circumstances). The developmental progression and representative measures of each are discussed. Controversies are addressed (e.g., the relation between EFs and fluid intelligence, self-regulation, executive attention, and effortful control, and the relation between working memory and inhibition and attention). The importance of social, emotional, and physical health for cognitive health is discussed because stress, lack of sleep, loneliness, or lack of exercise impairs EFs. That EFs are trainable and can be improved with practice is addressed, including diverse methods tried thus far. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Psychology Volume 64 is November 30, 2012. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/catalog/pubdates.aspx for revised estimates.
Trait self-control (TSC) has been conceptualized as a general and abstract ability to exert self-regulation across multiple domains that has mostly beneficial effects. However, its relationship to situational depletion of self-regulatory resources has received little attention. We systematically explore the interplay of trait and situational self-control in two studies (total N = 264). In contrast with a positive view of TSC, the results show greater ego depletion effects for high (vs. low) self-control abilities across such diverse domains as candy consumption (Study 1), risk-taking behaviour (Study 2) and achievement motivation (Study 2). It is proposed that these ironic effects are attributable to high-TSC individuals' less frequent active inhibition of impulses in everyday life and their resulting lack of experience in resisting acute temptations. A third study (N> = 358) corroborated this general reasoning by showing that TSC is indeed associated with less frequent impulse inhibition in daily routines. Our data point to a downside of dispositional self-control in ego depletion paradigms. Other explanations and potential future avenues for resolving inconsistent findings across the literature are discussed.
The purpose of the present study was to revise the Barratt Impulsiveness Scale Version 10 (BIS-10), identify the factor structure of the items among normals, and compare their scores on the revised form (BIS-11) with psychiatric inpatients and prison inmates. The scale was administered to 412 college undergraduates, 248 psychiatric inpatients, and 73 male prison inmates. Exploratory principal components analysis of the items identified six primary factors and three second-order factors. The three second-order factors were labeled Attentional Impulsiveness, Motor Impulsiveness, and Nonplanning Impulsiveness. Two of the three second-order factors identified in the BIS-11 were consistent with those proposed by Barratt (1985), but no cognitive impulsiveness component was identified per se. The results of the present study suggest that the total score of the BIS-11 is an internally consistent measure of impulsiveness and has potential clinical utility for measuring impulsiveness among selected patient and inmate populations.
Laboratory measures play an important role in the study of aggression because they allow researchers to make causal inferences. However, these measures have also been criticized. In particular, the competitive reaction time task (CRTT) has been criticized for allowing aggression to be operationalized in multiple ways, leaving it susceptible to “p‐hacking.” This article describes the development of the CRTT and the ways in which its paradigm flexibility and analytic flexibility allows it to test a wide range of hypotheses and research questions. This flexibility gives the CRTT significant scientific utility, but as with any research paradigm, comes with the obligation that it has to be used with integrity. Although safeguards exist and there is little evidence of misuse, study preregistration can increase confidence in CRTT findings. The importance of findings such as those of Hyatt et al. (in press), which provide further evidence for the validity of the CRTT, are also noted.
To clarify and quantify the influence of video game violence (VGV) on aggressive behavior, we conducted a metaanalysis of all prospective studies to date that assessed the relation between exposure to VGV and subsequent overt physical aggression. The search strategy identified 24 studies with over 17,000 participants and time lags ranging from 3 months to 4 years. The samples comprised various nationalities and ethnicities with mean ages from 9 to 19 years. For each study we obtained the standardized regression coefficient for the prospective effect of VGV on subsequent aggression, controlling for baseline aggression. VGV was related to aggression using both fixed [β = 0.113, 95% CI = (0.098, 0.128)] and random effects models [β = 0.106 (0.078, 0.134)]. When all available covariates were included, the size of the effect remained significant for both models [β = 0.080 (0.065, 0.094) and β = 0.078 (0.053, 0.102), respectively]. No evidence of publication bias was found. Ethnicity was a statistically significant moderator for the fixed-effects models (P ≤ 0.011) but not for the random-effects models. Stratified analyses indicated the effect was largest among Whites, intermediate among Asians, and nonsignificant among Hispanics. Discussion focuses on the implications of such findings for current debates regarding the effects of violent video games on physical aggression.
The topic of violence in the media has fueled considerable public and scholarly controversy and concern and has inspired decades of social science research. Those who conduct research on teaching about media violence through media literacy education tend to take up the position of intervention, with studies that test whether such instruction can bolster critical attitudes and orientations toward media violence and perhaps make negative media violence effects less likely to occur. There is mixed evidence for some of these outcomes and general indication of complexity in student responses to teaching about media violence.
Compared to other genres, action video games have been the principal focus of recent research on their possible impact on cognition. Most of these studies have concentrated on visual attentional processing. Action games place considerable demands on the spatial and temporal allocation of attentional processing, since players are required to perform multiple tasks simultaneously while constantly adapting to the rapidly changing game environment. Playing action video games could alter many attentional processes, and significant group differences have been found between action game players and non-players in a variety of attentional tasks from cross-sectional studies. Furthermore, and more critically, improved attentional performance after non-players’ experience with an action video game has been observed in several training studies. We review some of the empirical evidence, discuss methodological considerations, and compare two proposed theories of learning. While much remains to be understood about the cognitive and neural mechanisms of action video game playing, existing results point to the conclusion that playing action video games does boost visual attention.
We reanalyze the recent multilab preregistered study on ego-depletion by Hagger and Chatzisarantis (2016 Hagger, M. S., & Chatzisarantis, N. L. D. (2016). A multilab preregistered replication of the ego-depletion effect. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 11, 546–573. doi:10.1177/1745691616652873[CrossRef], [Web of Science ®]) as if their data were obtained under the research program-strategy (Witte & Zenker, 2016a Witte, E. H., & Zenker, F. (2016a). Beyond schools—Reply to Marsman, Ly, and Wagenmakers. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 38, 313–317. doi:10.1080/01973533.2016.1227710[Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®], 2016b Witte, E. H., & Zenker, F. (2016b). Reconstructing recent work on macro-social stress as a research program. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 38, 301–307. doi:10.1080/01973533.2016.1207077[Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®]). This strengthens Hagger and Chatzisarantis’s (2016 Hagger, M. S., & Chatzisarantis, N. L. D. (2016). A multilab preregistered replication of the ego-depletion effect. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 11, 546–573. doi:10.1177/1745691616652873[CrossRef], [Web of Science ®]) main conclusion, because our reanalysis more directly corroborates the absence of a medium-sized, or a small-sized, ego-depletion effect (d = .50 under α = β = .05; d = .20 under α = β = .01). We explain how a smaller ego-depletion effect of d = .04 can be tested under similar conditions, having determined this value by maximum likelihood estimation, and compare the research program-strategy to a standard meta-analytic integration.
Statistics is essential to the process of scientific discovery. An inescapable tenet of statistics, however, is the notion of uncertainty which has reared its head within the arena of reproducibility of research. The Journal's recent initiative, Cores of Reproducibility in Physiology, is designed to improve the reproducibility of research: each article is designed to elucidate the principles and nuances of using some piece of scientific equipment or some experimental technique so that other researchers can obtain reproducible results. But other researchers can use some piece of equipment or some technique with expert skill and still fail to replicate an experimental result if they neglect to consider the fundamental concepts of statistics of hypothesis testing and estimation and their inescapable connection to the reproducibility of research. If we want to improve the reproducibility of our research, then we want to minimize the chance that we get a false positive and---at the same time---we want to minimize the chance that we get a false negative. In this review I outline strategies to accomplish each of these things. These strategies are related intimately to fundamental concepts of statistics and the inherent uncertainty embedded in them.
This revised text provides updates that reflect new findings in the field of media violence research during childhood and adolescence. Throughout the book, special attention is paid to evaluating the role of developmental processes and to stressing the importance of methodology in understanding media violence research. Findings have been divided into two main areas: aggressive behavior and aggression-related constructs (e.g., emotions, cognitions, arousal) to help clarify media violence-related effects on youth.
Psychological research on behavior has waned in recent decades. One underappreciated reason for this trend is that the field lacks a general-purpose framework targeted to the study of behavior. This chapter presents one such framework, a metatheory called the I3 Model (pronounced "I-cubed model"), which suggests that all behavior emerges from a combination of three orthogonal processes. Instigation encompasses the effects of exposure to a particular target object in a particular context that normatively affords a certain behavior. Impellance encompasses the effects of situational or stable factors that increase the likelihood that (or the intensity with which) the individual experiences a proclivity to enact the behavior when encountering that target object in that context. Inhibition encompasses the effects of situational or stable factors that increase the likelihood that (or the extent to which) people will override this proclivity, thereby reducing or eliminating the behavior's enactment. According to "Perfect Storm Theory," which is derived from the I3 Model, the highest likelihood or intensity of behavior emerges when instigation and impellance are strong and inhibition is weak. The generativity and integrative potential of the I3 Model and Perfect Storm Theory are illustrated with novel reviews of the literatures on aggression and eating behavior.
In 2 experiments, 169 1st- and 3rd-graders selected because of their high exposure to TV violence, were randomly divided into an experimental and a control group. Over 2 yrs, the experimental Ss were exposed to 2 treatments designed to reduce the likelihood of their imitating the aggressive behaviors they observed on TV. The treatments involved teaching the Ss that (a) TV violence is an unrealistic portrayal of the real world, (b) aggressive behaviors are not as acceptable in the real world as they appear on TV, and (c) one should not behave like the aggressive characters seen on TV. The control group received comparable neutral treatments. By the end of the 2nd yr, the experimental Ss were rated as significantly less aggressive by their peers, and the relation between violence viewing and aggressiveness was diminished in the experimental group. (35 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
Citizens complete a survey the day before a major election; a change in the survey items' grammatical structure increases turnout by 11 percentage points. People answer a single question; their romantic relationships improve over several weeks. At-risk students complete a 1-hour reading-and-writing exercise; their grades rise and their health improves for the next 3 years. Each statement may sound outlandishmore science fiction than science. Yet each represents the results of a recent study in psychological science (respectively, Bryan, Walton, Rogers, & Dweck, 2011; Marigold, Holmes, & Ross, 2007, 2010; Walton & Cohen, 2011). These studies have shown, more than one might have thought, that specific psychological processes contribute to major social problems. These processes act as levers in complex systems that give rise to social problems. Precise interventions that alter themwhat I call wise interventionscan produce significant benefits and do so over time. What are wise interventions? How do they work? And how can they help solve social problems?
Objective: This study examined the sustained efficacy of a media violence intervention in reducing media violence use, normative acceptance of aggression, and aggressive behavior in adolescents. It used an experimental design to evaluate the effects of the intervention over a period of 30 months. Method: N = 627 German 7th and 8th graders were assigned to a 5-week school-based intervention to reduce media violence use or to a no-intervention control group. Media violence use, normative acceptance of aggression, and aggressive behavior were measured 3 months before the intervention (T1), 7 months post intervention (T2), and at 2 follow-ups 18 (T3) and 30 (T4) months after the intervention. This article focuses on the findings from the 2 follow-ups. Results: Controlling for baseline levels and various demographic covariates, media violence use at T2, T3, and T4 and self-reported physical aggression at T3 were significantly lower in the intervention group, and the indirect path from the intervention to T3 aggression via T2 media violence use was significant. Lower T2 media violence use predicted lower T3 normative acceptance of aggression among participants with lower initial aggression. No effects on nonviolent media use and relational aggression were observed. Conclusion: The findings show that a short class-based intervention can produce lasting changes in media violence use that are linked to a decrease in aggression.
Many experiments have shown that one’s ability to refrain from acting on aggressive impulses is likely to decrease following a prior act of self-control. This temporary state of self-control failure is known as ego-depletion. Although mindfulness is increasingly used to treat and manage aggressive behaviour, the extent to which mindfulness may counteract the depletion effect on aggression is yet to be determined. This study (N = 110) investigated the effect of a laboratory induced one-time mindfulness meditation session on aggression following depletion. Aggression was assessed by the intensity of aversive noise blast participants delivered to an opponent on a computerised task. Depleted participants who received mindfulness induction behaved less aggressively than depleted participants with no mindfulness induction. Mindfulness also improved performance on a second measure of self-control (i.e., handgrip perseverance); however, this effect was independent of depletion condition. Motivational factors may help explain the dynamics of mindfulness, self-control, and aggression.
We suggest that psychologists can play a larger role in the solution of important social problems. Psychology brings two important qualities to the study of social problems: attention to psychological process and rigorous methodology. Our key task is to define social problems in part as psychological problems, and to conduct rigorous research that tests novel psychological solutions. Examples of research that has taken this path-research on race differences in academic performance, on the training of executive function and intelligence, and on the provision of socially constructive default decisions-are provided. We argue that addressing social problems can enrich our science by connecting psychologists to interdisciplinary teams and by providing contexts in which to demonstrate, in striking ways, the value of a psychological approach.
© 2009 Association for Psychological Science.
Whether video game play affects social behavior is a topic of debate. Many argue that aggression and helping are affected by video game play, whereas this stance is disputed by others. The present research provides a meta-analytical test of the idea that depending on their content, video games do affect social outcomes. Data from 98 independent studies with 36,965 participants revealed that for both violent video games and prosocial video games, there was a significant association with social outcomes. Whereas violent video games increase aggression and aggression-related variables and decrease prosocial outcomes, prosocial video games have the opposite effects. These effects were reliable across experimental, correlational, and longitudinal studies, indicating that video game exposure causally affects social outcomes and that there are both short- and long-term effects.
G*Power (Erdfelder, Faul, & Buchner, 1996) was designed as a general stand-alone power analysis program for statistical tests commonly used in social and behavioral research. G*Power 3 is a major extension of, and improvement over, the previous versions. It runs on widely used computer platforms (i.e., Windows XP, Windows Vista, and Mac OS X 10.4) and covers many different statistical tests of the t, F, and chi2 test families. In addition, it includes power analyses for z tests and some exact tests. G*Power 3 provides improved effect size calculators and graphic options, supports both distribution-based and design-based input modes, and offers all types of power analyses in which users might be interested. Like its predecessors, G*Power 3 is free.
To address the longitudinal associations between adolescents' use of media violence and aggression, 1,715 high school students in Germany participated in 3 measurements over a 2-year period. Self-reported physical aggression and teacher-rated overall aggression were the outcome variables. A destructive testing approach showed that media violence predicted both self-reported physical aggression and teacher-rated aggression over 24 months, controlling for initial aggression as well as several sociodemographic and psychological covariates. Nonviolent media use was unrelated to self-reported or teacher-rated aggression. Latent growth mixture modeling identified 3 trajectories of use - stable low, stable high, and desistance - and parallel trajectories of self-reported physical aggression were found. Participants in the stable high group scored higher on aggressive behavior at the first wave than did stable low users. Desisters differed significantly from stable high users by showing a decrease in aggressive behavior over time. The findings are discussed in terms of the unique role of media violence use as a risk factor for adolescent aggression.
Context
The relationship between exposure to aggression in the media and children's aggressive behavior is well documented. However, few potential solutions have been evaluated.Objective
To assess the effects of reducing television, videotape, and video game use on aggressive behavior and perceptions of a mean and scary world.Design
Randomized, controlled, school-based trial.Setting
Two sociodemographically and scholastically matched public elementary schools in San Jose, Calif.Participants
Third- and fourth-grade students (mean age, 8.9 years) and their parents or guardians.Intervention
Children in one elementary school received an 18-lesson, 6-month classroom curriculum to reduce television, videotape, and video game use.Main Outcome Measures
In September (preintervention) and April (postintervention) of a single school year, children rated their peers' aggressive behavior and reported their perceptions of the world as a mean and scary place. A 60% random sample of children were observed for physical and verbal aggression on the playground. Parents were interviewed by telephone and reported aggressive and delinquent behaviors on the child behavior checklist. The primary outcome measure was peer ratings of aggressive behavior.Results
Compared with controls, children in the intervention group had statistically significant decreases in peer ratings of aggression (adjusted mean difference, −2.4%; 95% confidence interval [CI], −4.6 to −0.2; P = .03) and observed verbal aggression (adjusted mean difference, −0.10 act per minute per child; 95% CI, −0.18 to −0.03; P = .01). Differences in observed physical aggression, parent reports of aggressive behavior, and perceptions of a mean and scary world were not statistically significant but favored the intervention group.Conclusions
An intervention to reduce television, videotape, and video game use decreases aggressive behavior in elementary schoolchildren. These findings support the causal influences of these media on aggression and the potential benefits of reducing children's media use.
The association between media literacy and media ethics is discussed in this essay, and data gathered from a media literacy study with 93 public school 6th-grade students are presented. The study details the introduction and evaluation of a media literacy program that was intended to encourage learning and critical thinking about media violence, using a selection of "high-risk" portrayal factors as a foundation. Statistical comparisons between preprogram and postprogram responses and between those participating and those in a control group show some increases in the comprehension of key concepts used in the study of media violence and critical thinking about the topic. Open-ended responses also demonstrate enhanced sophistication in analyzing media violence after participating in the program.
An experiment with 351 second through sixth graders was conducted to determine the effectiveness of an active mediation strategy: encouraging children to focus on the feelings of the victim of violence in a cartoon. Although boys who watched the cartoon without the mediation were more aggression-prone after viewing than a control group, boys who received the mediation did not show an increase in aggressive tendencies. Neither the cartoon nor the mediation affected girls' aggression-proneness.
We propose and demonstrate that although depletion of self-regulatory strength is common, it is not inevitable. Four experiments show that under certain conditions, consumers can amplify their self-regulatory strength and, as a result, increase their ability to control their behavior. Experiments 1-3 examine the depleting effects of cost and pleasure information by exposing dieters and nondieters to either cost or pleasure information about chocolate. The results of experiments 1-3 show that when dieters have the ability to monitor the costs of consumption, they are motivated to mobilize additional strength and increase their ability to self-regulate. In experiment 4 we show the practical implications of our work and show that dieters are better able to control their eating because they choose to focus more on the cost (versus pleasure) of consumption.
This study advances research on media literacy by comparing the effectiveness of two versions of a media literacy intervention over time. Participants (156 children in 4th or 5th grade) were randomly assigned to one of two treatment groups or a control group. Both treatment groups were exposed to an instructional intervention designed to reduce the negative effects of media violence. One of the groups was given an additional cognitive activity immediately following the instructional intervention. Participants in all 3 groups had their aggressive tendencies measured at 4 points in time. Results indicate that when the children participated in a cognitive activity after receiving the media literacy intervention, they experienced an immediate reduction in willingness to use aggression after exposure to violent media. However, the same media literacy intervention without the cognitive activity led to an increase in willingness to use aggression. Our longitudinal results indicate that children receiving an intervention without a cognitive activity might also remain more willing to use aggression over time.
An experiment with 5–7- and 10–12-year-old children compared 2 approaches to mediating children's violent television viewing. Factual mediation provided children with facts about a violent program's production techniques. Evaluative mediation provided negative evaluations of the program's characters. The findings revealed that evaluative mediation was the most effective strategy for promoting positive outcomes, particularly for younger children. Factual mediation had either no effect or increased some children's vulnerability to media violence. The implications of these findings for developing mediation strategies and media literacy programs are discussed.