Racial Justice Allyship Requires Civil Courage: A Behavioral Prescription for Moral Growth and Change

Abstract

In racialized societies, race divides people, prioritizes some groups over others, and directly impacts opportunities and outcomes in life. These missed opportunities and altered outcomes can be rectified only through the deliberate dismantling of explicit, implicit, and systemic patterns of injustice. Racial problems cannot be corrected merely by the good wishes of individuals—purposeful actions and interventions are required. To create equitable systems, civil courage is vital. Civil courage differs from other forms of courage, as it is directed at social change. People who demonstrate civil courage are aware of the negative consequences and social costs but choose to persist based on a moral imperative. After defining allyship and providing contemporary and historical examples of civil courage, this paper explains the difficulties and impediments inherent in implementing racial justice. To enable growth and change, we introduce ten practical exercises based on cognitive-behavioral approaches to help individuals increase their awareness and ability to demonstrate racial justice allyship in alignment with valued behaviors. We explain how these exercises can be utilized to change thinking patterns, why the exercises can be difficult, and how psychologists and others might make use of them to expand the capacity for civil courage in the service of racial justice.

Full text

CIVIL COURAGE 1
Racial Justice Allyship Requires Civil Courage:
A Behavioral Prescription for Moral Growth and Change
Monnica T. Williams [1, 2], Sonya Faber [3], Arghavan Nepton [2], Terence H. W. Ching [4]
[1] University of Ottawa, School of Psychology, Clinical Program, Canada
[2] University of Ottawa, Department of Cellular and Molecular Medicine, Neuroscience, Canada
[3] Angelini Pharma, Rome, Italy
[4] University of Connecticut, Department of Psychological Sciences, USA
Corresponding Author: Monnica T. Williams, PhD, ABPP, University of Ottawa, School of Psychology,
136 Jean-Jacques Lussier, Vanier Hall, Ottawa, Ontario, K1N 6N5, Canada. Phone: (343) 961-1290, Fax:
(613) 562-5169, Email: Monnica.Williams@uOttawa.ca
Acknowledgments: The authors would like to thank Matthew Skinta, PhD, for his review of the paper and
useful comments.
Author Contribution Statement (CRediT): All authors who made a substantial scientific contribution to this
paper are listed as authors. Authors MTW and SF were equal contributors to the conceptualization, project
administration, and supervision and main contributors to the writing of the paper. Author SF was the primary
contributor to the artistic visualization and consignor for art for this manuscript. AN and TC were contributors
to the writing of the original draft. AN was a primary contributor to the review and editing of the paper.
Funding: This research was undertaken, in part, thanks to funding from the Canada Research Chairs Program,
Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) grant number 950-232127 (PI M. Williams).
Citation: Williams, M. T., Faber, S. C., Nepton, A., & Ching, T. (in press). Racial justice allyship requires
civil courage: Behavioral prescription for moral growth and change. American Psychologist. [accepted
10/1/2021]
© 2021, American Psychological Association. This paper is not the copy of record and may not exactly replicate the fi-
nal, authoritative version of the article. Please do not copy or cite without authors' permission. The final article will be
available, upon publication, via its DOI: 10.1037/amp0000940

CIVIL COURAGE 2
Racial Justice Allyship Requires Civil Courage:
A Behavioral Prescription for Moral Growth and Change
Abstract
In racialized societies, race divides people, prioritizes some groups over others, and directly impacts
opportunities and outcomes in life. These missed opportunities and altered outcomes can be rectified only
through the deliberate dismantling of explicit, implicit, and systemic patterns of injustice. Racial problems
cannot be corrected merely by the good wishes of individuals – purposeful actions and interventions are re-
quired. To create equitable systems, civil courage is vital. Civil courage differs from other forms of courage,
as it is directed at social change. People who demonstrate civil courage are aware of the negative conse-
quences and social costs but choose to persist based on a moral imperative. After defining allyship and provid-
ing contemporary and historical examples of civil courage, this paper explains the difficulties and impedi-
ments inherent in implementing racial justice. To enable growth and change, we introduce ten practical exer-
cises based on cognitive-behavioral approaches to help individuals increase their awareness and ability to
demonstrate racial justice allyship in alignment with valued behaviors. We explain how these exercises can be
utilized to change thinking patterns, why the exercises can be difficult, and how psychologists and others
might make use of them to expand the capacity for civil courage in the service of racial justice.
Keywords: courage; racism; social justice; education; diversity; training; activism
Public Significance Statement: Racial justice is an important goal for the well-being of racialized people
globally. However, most Americans, psychologists included, find it difficult to align their values and inten-
tions with actions. This paper offers a frank discussion of the issues of shame and discomfort that often sur-
round issues of racial injustice and describes cognitive-behavioral approaches to cultivating civil courage.

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Ties That Bind Us: Race and Racial Justice
“In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends.”
– Martin Luther King, Jr.
Although overt and legalized forms of racism have declined over recent decades, racism remains em-
bedded in our structures and systems as well as in the psyches of many throughout the Western world
(Dovidio & Gaertner, 2004; Gaertner & Dovidio, 2005; Hochman & Suyemoto, 2020). Nonetheless, it can be
difficult to understand the nature of racism, especially among those who have not experienced or studied it,
and it is even more difficult to know what to do about it. This is particularly salient for psychologists who may
wish to cultivate a multicultural and antiracist approach in their trainees or in themselves. This analysis seeks
to explore the space between knowledge of the problem and the ability to make a change.
The very concept of race is in and of itself racist, as racial categories were invented to divide us, to
determine which people were property (e.g., enslaved people) or had some other subordinate status (Haeny et
al., 2021). Nonetheless, it is important to discuss and study race because it is a major determinant of physical
and mental health outcomes across a person’s lifespan (Benner et al., 2018; Paradies et al., 2015). The US and
most other Western nations are racialized societies, which means that opportunities and outcomes in life are
influenced by the invented category called race, which is often characterized by skin shade and has no mean-
ingful connection with other biological traits (Hochman, 2020; Umek & Fischer, 2020). These opportunities
and outcomes have been determined by the explicit and implicit decisions of persons in power over hundreds
of years and can be reformed only through the deliberate dismantling of explicit, implicit, and systemic pat-
terns of injustice (Roberts & Rizzo, 2020). For example, the construction of a toxic garbage dump or a pol-
luted highway in a majority Black neighborhood that leaves a White neighborhood untouched cannot be reme-
died by the good wishes of individuals alone. Purposeful action is needed.
To reduce these negative outcomes and make progress toward an equitable system, it is essential for
fair-minded individuals to embrace a racial justice orientation. Racial justice includes the fair treatment of
people of all racial categories, leading to fair opportunities and outcomes for everyone. Racial justice is not
just the absence of discrimination but also the installation of deliberate systems and supports to create and sus-
tain equity (Hochman & Suyemoto, 2020).
A Special Kind of Courage
Civil courage is defined as brave behavior accompanied by indignation about injustice that is intended
to embody or transform societal and ethical norms without considering the social cost to oneself (Broz, 2008;
Grietmeyer et al., 2007). Civil courage is distinguished from altruistic behavior and other forms of courage
because it is often punished, as it entails risks that almost always lead to ostracism – from a group that the
courageous individual belongs to as well as society at large (Grietmeyer et al., 2007). What is important to
underscore is that a social cost is assumed.
Unfortunately, bias and racism have been deeply ingrained in the unconscious of nearly all people in
Western society, regardless of race, and have greatly influenced cultural norms; these issues must be ad-
dressed (Roberts & Rizzo, 2020; Salter et al., 2018). Many White people have been socialized not to notice
the ubiquitous presence of structural injustice; therefore, even before the injustice can be addressed, they must
be taught to perceive it. A critical contribution to this conversation was Peggy McIntosh’s invisible knapsack,
which described a number of daily advantages that White people enjoy but rarely think about (McIntosh,
2003). The corollary to invisible advantages for White people is invisible disadvantages for people of color.
Although racialized people do notice racism, they have been socialized not to speak out about it by society at
large and sometimes even by their own ethnic group (Young et al., 2020). This makes racial justice work diffi-
cult.

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To deprogram one’s unconscious cultural habits and patterns requires moral courage because the dis-
cussion and examination of race, in particular Whiteness and Blackness, are topics that most Americans (as
well as Canadians and British people) have been socialized to avoid (Hughes & Chen, 1997; Underhill, 2018).
There is a Navajo proverb that says, “You can’t wake a person who is pretending to be asleep,” which in this
case means that when there is a problem, it is sometimes easier to pretend that it is not happening and ignore
those who might try to sound an alarm. By virtue of their learning history, people do not want to face these
issues, and those who transgress sociocultural norms by raising concerns pay a measurable cost (e.g., McKin-
ney, 2006; Spanierman & Smith, 2017). This means that even standing up to point out, for example, that there
is a toxic garbage dump in the poor area of town, where the wealthy dump their trash, can be seen sociologi-
cally as an unwelcome affront and even be perceived as an attack by those who benefit from this structural
injustice.
Why We Fight
The authors’ backgrounds and experiences in education and research are relevant to the subject and
perspective of this article. Their varied racial identities (Black, Asian) and ethnicities (African American, Sin-
gaporean Chinese, Iranian) provide a unique perspective on how to change racially influenced behavior. They
were motivated by frequent requests from students and colleagues, recognizing that merely wanting to do the
right thing has not been enough, for a more structured, deliberate, and reasoned guide to how to take personal
steps toward changing attitudes and actions to become an active agent rather than a passive bystander in issues
of everyday injustice. One of the authors is a Canada Research Chair in mental health disparities and racism
expert, one is a biomedical scientist and pharmaceutical manager, one is a doctoral neuroscience student and
researcher, and one is an early-career psychologist clinical researcher, and all have notable teaching experi-
ence.
The authors approach this topic from both professional and personal interest as people of color who
have experienced and witnessed everyday injustices not experienced by their White students and colleagues,
to whom such events can seem invisible (e.g., Alabi, 2015). The motivation, impetus, and tools to change an
issue that one cannot perceive may be unclear or even puzzling to those who are not racialized. Recent highly
public racially charged events, however, have galvanized people of all races who are now asking how to make
behavioral changes in order to move in the direction of valued behaviors. A Chinese proverb states, “Tell me
and I’ll forget. Show me and I may remember. Involve me and I’ll understand.” It is in this vein that we offer
an approach for psychologists, trainees and those interested in deepening their commitment to social justice in
which involvement is central and concrete experiential exercises to create a shift in behaviors and cognitions
are included. This paper is not meant as an exhaustive review of the literature; rather, it is intended as a dis-
cussion of civil courage and how to foster it in others and ourselves in the service of racial justice.
Civil Courage Is a Prerequisite for Allyship
In psychology, terms such as racial justice allyship are used to indicate individuals who have started
the process of seeing, acknowledging, self-educating, proactively implementing racial justice (Williams &
Sharif, 2021). Spanierman and Smith (2017) further describe White allies as those who understand institu-
tional racism and White privilege, reflect on their own racism, work in solidarity with people of color, and,
critically, “encounter resistance from other White individuals” (p. 609). That being said, anyone can be a ra-
cial justice ally, as racialization is historically codified and hierarchical based on skin color and presumed her-
itage. For example, an East Asian person can be a racial justice ally toward a Native American if the East
Asian person has more racial privilege in a given social context.
The decision to face the repercussions of allyship (e.g., social ostracism or rebuke) and the ability to
find the courage to face the inevitable backlash are implied in racial justice allyship. However, the concept of

CIVIL COURAGE 5
civil courage provides an additional powerful term to focus precisely on the psychological weak point that
prevents the success of would-be racial justice allies – those who cannot find the will or who do not know
why they find it so difficult to act on their convictions.
Although courage is considered a virtue and a major character strength, there is no universally ac-
cepted definition of courage (e.g., Lopez et al., 2003; Pury et al., 2007; Putman, 1997; Snyder & Lopez,
2007). Putman (1997) and Pury and colleagues (2007) define three sorts of courage: physical, moral, and psy-
chological. Additionally, types of morally courageous persons have been defined in the literature. Monin and
colleagues (2008) define moral rebels as “individuals who take a principled stand against the status quo, who
refuse to comply, stay silent, or simply go along when this would require that they compromise their values”
(pp. 76–77). Although not identical, moral rebels are similar to those who express civil courage in terms of the
backlash (and in some cases threats and exclusion) that they experience as a result of their action.
The study of civil courage specifically, and how it is elicited, comes from a handful of psychology
publications that define its boundaries and characteristics. According to Lopez and colleagues (2003), civil
courage is akin to moral courage, and as Pury and colleagues (2007) define it, civil courage and physical cour-
age are closely associated as well. In contrast to previous studies that make no distinction between civil cour-
age and other forms of bravery or helping behavior (e.g., Batson, 1998), Greitemeyer and colleagues (2007)
posit that the implicit theories that motivate civil courage are notably different from those that motivate other
types of helping behavior. Psychological experiments have shown that the more bystanders who are present,
the less likely it is that someone will help a person in distress – primarily because individuals think that some-
one else will intervene, and they take behavioral cues from those around them (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2005;
Latané & Nida, 1981). However, bystander studies in young children show that they do not have a “bystander
problem” and courageously rush to render aid regardless of social approbation (Staub, 2019).
The number of bystanders is only one factor in emergency need-for-help situations. Studies spanning
the period from the late 1970s to today have shown that race also plays a decisive role in intervention rates for
help (Gaertner, et al., 1977; Katz et al., 2018). In the earliest laboratory studies, when White participants
thought that they were the only observer, they almost always helped victims in distress, regardless of the vic-
tims’ race. In contrast, when the participants were advised that other witnesses were also present, they helped
White victims twice as often as Black victims (75% vs. 38%) (Gaertner & Dovidio, 1977). More recent by-
stander research similarly demonstrates the ongoing influence of race (Katz et al., 2018).
In contrast, Greitemeyer and colleagues (2006, 2007) show that the number of bystanders and mood,
two classic factors that influence helping behavior, have no impact on civil courage. Moreover, in their third
study, Greitemeyer (2006) illustrates that the classic helping models (e.g., Latané & Darley, 1970) are unable
to thoroughly predict civil courage. These studies demonstrate that there is a difference between this kind of
courage and other types of bravery. The person demonstrating civil courage knows and accepts that they may
suffer from displaying civil courage and chooses to proceed anyway. Since English vocabulary lacks words to
elucidate the important nuances of these differences in human behavior, we borrow this word from the Ger-
man “zivilcourag,” as there exists a body of German literature and a history of discussing and considering
civil courage as a unique concept.
The word “zivilcourag” was first coined by the Lutheran theologian and pastor Dietrich Bonhoeffer.
In July 1939, Bonhoeffer left New York almost as soon as he had arrived to return to his native Germany and
the dangers of the burgeoning war. Although he had accepted a safe haven offered by American friends, he
wrote, “I have come to the conclusion that I made a mistake in coming to America. I shall have no right to
take part in the restoration of Christian life in Germany after the war unless I share the trials of this time with
my people.” He was later executed by the Third Reich.

CIVIL COURAGE 6
Examples of Civil Courage
Civil courage encompasses a range of actions, some comparatively small and others requiring the ulti-
mate sacrifice. Some notable examples of civil courage are featured in Figure 1:
Figure 1. Civil courage exhibited across many cultures. 1A. The German soldier: A young soldier in Berlin helped a
child cross the newly built Berlin Wall. On the night of 12 August 1961, an order was given to prevent crossing between
East and West Berlin. Despite his awareness of the instruction from the East German government forbidding crossing,
the soldier showed civil courage by helping the boy, and for this, he was removed from his unit. The original photo de-
scription read, “No one knows what became of him” – a rare example of civil courage, originally caught on film. 1B.
Tank Man: In 1989, a Chinese man carrying two shopping bags stood alone in defiance before a line of tanks to block
their way toward Beijing’s Changan Boulevard in Tiananmen. The tanks were headed to clear civil rights student protest-
ers from Tiananmen Square. His image became a symbol of freedom, courage, and defiance against unwinnable odds.
1C. Colin Kaepernick: In 2016, an NFL quarterback protested systemic racism and police brutality by kneeling while
the US national anthem was playing (Wyche, 2016). This action shocked viewers, and the aftermath destroyed his ath-
letic career. Undaunted, he persisted. To this day, although widely praised for his courage, he is shunned by his own
sport. 1D. Bree Newsome: In 2015, a 30-year-old African American woman scaled the flagpole on the South Carolina
capitol grounds and took down the Confederate flag. From the top of the pole, she called out, “You come against me in
the name of hatred, repression, and violence. I come against you in the name of God.” For this act of courage, she was
arrested.
In-Group Solidarity
We all like to believe we would be the one risking social disapproval to help someone in need or that
we would speak up for a stranger being persecuted, but studies show that it is rare for people to help if it re-
quires inconveniencing themselves and becomes even more rare as the social or physical costs increase (Shot-
land & Stebbins, 1983). Likewise, most people overestimate their willingness or capacity to act when faced
with genuine injustice (e.g., Williams et al., 2021). Group solidarity is a powerful and highly evolutionarily
selected social phenomenon (Vienrich & Creighton, 2018). Breaking group solidarity causes emotional pain,
which is associated with measurable pain-specific brain activity (Malfliet et al., 2017) and, regardless of how
it was created, will have social consequences.
Because of racial injustice, White in-group solidarity is often associated with the consolidation of un-
just power. As previously noted, White Americans are socialized not to challenge racist structures that provide
advantages to them. DiAngelo (2018) defines White solidarity as “the unspoken agreement among Whites to
protect white advantage and not cause another white person to feel racial discomfort by confronting them
when they say or do something racially problematic” (p. 57).
A recent experimental study demonstrates the difficulties that White Americans have with demon-
strating civil courage around issues of racial justice. Kanter and colleagues (2020) designed a research study
in which a neutral White conversational partner (a confederate instructed to agree with the participant) con-
versed with other White participants about racially controversial news events. Despite their intentions, partici-
pants did not defend out-groups (Williams et al., 2021). These difficulties extend to real-life settings, where it
was found that even after a successful day-long antiracism training, White people did not maintain their inten-
tions to be allies one month later (Williams et al., 2020).

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One mechanistic means of maintaining White solidarity and power is arguably through the commis-
sion of racial microaggressions – small, covert acts of racism often unnoticed by those who perpetrate them
(Williams, 2020). When oppressive racial stereotypes and racist ideologies are chronically assimilated by peo-
ple of color, maladaptive shame and even anger toward the self as a racialized being can occur (Pyke, 2010).
These psychological outcomes can disincentivize challenging everyday racial injustices, even when they occur
to oneself or others among one’s in-group.
Additional factors promote the centrality of Whiteness, such as Asian cultural values that emphasize
emotional restraint and interpersonal harmony when paired with internalization of the “model minority” myth
(Chao et al., 2013; Wei et al., 2013). While seemingly positive in nature, the model minority stereotype per-
petuates the fallacy that all individuals of Asian descent are high-achieving and well-adjusted relative to other
groups of color. Thus, ascription to the model minority ideal becomes a Sisyphean task and contributes to var-
ious forms of psychopathology (e.g., anxiety and depression), especially when the reality of racism and race-
based barriers conflicts with unrealistic self-imposed or perceived expectations of success (Li & Suyemoto,
2016; Nadal et al., 2014). A wider understanding of these hidden, underexamined psychological mechanisms
and knowledge about why they are harmful are helpful for Asian racialized individuals, as they allow deeper
internal analysis and the freedom to challenge restrictive cultural norms that are ultimately harmful when they
prevent individuals from standing up for justice. While harmony, diligence, and restraint are admirable values,
they should not take precedence over justice.
In summary, White individuals are socialized by in-group solidarity not to stand up or speak out
against injustice from which they personally benefit, while Black, Asian, Hispanic, Native
American, and other racialized or minoritized individuals are socialized by fear, in-group complicity, and in-
ternalized racism to similarly not challenge injustice, although they may not benefit or only marginally benefit
from these power structures. The lifelong socialization process around White solidarity is a powerful force
behind inaction. For White Americans, being seen as a “race traitor” and facing the possible loss of “White”
status exert a powerful effect (e.g., McKinney, 2006). Likewise, racialized persons are socialized in various
ways, i.e., through fear rather than solidarity, not to speak out. Racial justice allies of all races, conversely,
embody civil courage. They accept that their actions will result in social disapproval of some kind but persist
based on a moral imperative.
Despite the best intentions, it seems to be very difficult for individuals of any race to demonstrate
civil courage as a racial justice ally when such a demonstration requires acting against in-group social norms,
even though they may aspire to do so. These difficulties are observed across racial groups, although they are
enforced by different mechanisms, depending on the race of the individual. It is important to see and under-
stand how our particular socialized environment, which is often racially unique, prevents us from practicing
civil courage so that we can specifically address the forces that influence our personal journey. This under-
scores the need for more intentional and personalized approaches for individuals from all educational and so-
cial backgrounds to potentiate change.
Walking the Walk: A Prescription for Change
In one of the earliest literary examples of civil courage, Roman citizen Paul (née Saul) of Tarsus and
Silas in the New Testament Book of Acts intervened to free a child and were beaten and thrown in prison for
it. In a demonstrative act of allyship and civil courage, Paul and his friends remained in prison to save their
Roman jailer from punishment even though they could have fled. Echoing across the centuries, in 2017,
transgender Filipino pastor Marrz Balaoro was arrested for holding same-sex marriage ceremonies in Hong
Kong. He vowed to continue officiating such marriages despite the threat of prosecution. Honoring the deeply
meaningful drive to connect people who love each other, he said, “I can [perform] (same-sex marriages) and
will continue to do so” (Taylor, 2020).

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How can we become people like Paul or Marrz Balaoro, willing to suffer, psychologically or physi-
cally, for the sake of what we know to be right? It is possible to train oneself to become a person who is more
rather than less inclined to show civil courage. However, as Black feminist poet Audre Lorde opines (1984), it
is clear that the tools we have now are inadequate for the house we would like to build; therefore, we must
create better tools. Likewise, we must move beyond mere awareness. Murrell (2020) points out the need for
intervention-based behavioral and competency-based approaches when considering individual inconsistencies
between self-perceptions and actions.
As such, in preparing to become antiracist, projustice people who will act on convictions and show
civil courage, practice and training are required. For example, in preparation for strikes against California ag-
ricultural firms to protest the exploitation of their non-White Hispanic laborers, organizer Cesar Chavez ex-
plained, “Non-violence is not inaction. It is not discussion. It is not for the timid or weak. … Non-violence is
hard work. It is the willingness to sacrifice. It is the patience to win” (United Farm Workers, 2017). The
movement that Chavez started was modeled after the fortitude of 1956 Civil Rights protesters who prepared
themselves for civil disobedience with singing, prayer, and teachings on nonviolence. They steeled themselves
to suffer without retaliating by practicing being taunted and abused in preparation for planned sit-ins at all-
White establishments, where the taunting and abuse would be real (Clark & Coy, 2015).
Assumption of a Just Society Validates Its Rules
Civil courage requires knowledge of the injustice of the rules and willingness to break them – there
are ways to create knowledge of the unwritten rules and complementary actions that can teach us how to break
them. One of the unwritten rules of American society is that with hard work, anyone can become prosperous
(Kwate & Meyer, 2010; Maderia et al., 2019). It is conventionally believed that people who are poor, there-
fore, do not work hard enough, thus positioning poverty as one’s own fault and the system as just. The as-
sumption of a just world validates such rules. Society is, however, unjust. The opportunity to acquire wealth is
distributed unequally by race, and just as there is solidarity based on race, there is solidarity based on wealth
or economic status (Kraus et al., 2017, 2019; Kwate & Meyer, 2010). These in-group economic mindsets lead
to internal bias and mask our innate impulses of human compassion and empathy (Sierksma et al., 2015). Giv-
ing activates regions of the brain associated with social connection and trust (Moll et al., 2006). This trust can
break down class barriers (Devine et al., 2012) and work against socioeconomic mindsets that function as
rules preventing us from helping those who need help. As early as Roman times, charity was understood to be
a criticism of the social order. The last pagan Roman emperor wrote to a temple in Asia Minor in 362 CE that
Christians “support not only their own poor but ours as well, everyone can see that our people lack aid from
us.” Here, significantly, even in the third century, helping is implicitly criticized (Satlow, 2010). So too, char-
ity can be an act of civil courage.
Leaping ahead to 2019, an immigration reform activist in Arizona was handcuffed and arrested for the
crime of having provided migrants with food, water, clean clothes, and beds, risking a jail sentence of 20
years. In the case of these Good Samaritans, accepting the consequences of these acts of civil courage is un-
ambiguous, as one stated, “Whatever happens with my trial, the next day, someone will walk in from the de-
sert and knock on someone’s door. … If they are thirsty, we will offer them water; we will not ask for docu-
ments beforehand” (Warren, 2019). In both cases, charity as public action – in one case against societal norms
and in the other against explicit rules – can be seen as an implicit condemnation of bystander inaction and the
disruption of an unjust system.
Young children act on the impulse to help without being concerned about the rules (Beier et al., 2014;
Hepach et al., 2012). Empirical studies by Straub (1971) show that children learn the conventional rules of
helping behavior around sixth grade, when they stop helping a needy confederate in a separate room because
they are afraid of breaking the rules, which can be either implicit or explicit (Straub, 1971). Some children try

CIVIL COURAGE 9
to balance the impulse to both keep the rules and help by breaking their pencils to manufacture a reason to
leave the room. By this age, only when explicitly given permission to do so do they help a bystander. Im-
portantly, children do not have to be told the rules to lose the bystander helping impulse; rather, they must be
given explicit permission to elicit bystander helping (Hepach et al., 2012; Paulus & Moore, 2012). By adoles-
cence, most young people do not intervene when they see someone being harmed (Chapin & Stern, 2021).
These experiments show that we lose the natural early childhood inclination to help (Beier et al.,
2014; Hepach et al., 2012) and must be retaught that under certain circumstances, the need to help another
person overrides the rules (Bierer et al., 2014; Staub, 2019; Thornberg et al., 2012). Over 400 years, the rules
of our society became institutionalized practices that ensured social distance and geographical separation be-
tween races. By childhood, these rules are an implicit and powerful force that operates as a default condition
(Guess, 2006). The impulse to act against these rules can be taught, and understanding the unwritten rules can
provide a clearer pathway to seeing how to do so (Devine et al., 2012; Staub, 2019).
Real Risk: Behavioral Prescription for Change
In the following section are ten practical exercises designed to build awareness and foster civil cour-
age, based on cognitive-behavioral approaches (e.g., Foa & Kozak, 1986; Machalicek et al., 2021; Sewart &
Craske, 2020) and ordered from (typically) easiest to most challenging. The first set of exercises is designed to
help us see and understand the unwritten rules of society about interacting with other races. The risk level is
primarily psychological (i.e., “I might find out I am not the ‘good’ person I thought I was.”) These exercises
develop civil courage by teaching the participant to be courageous in examining their assumptions, beliefs,
anxieties, and internal state of mind (Devine et al., 2012; Rosen et al., 2019). The second set of exercises is
conceived to help build civil courage in cases where risks become more tangible. They examine and set chal-
lenges for addressing the unspoken rules by which we still live (Guess, 2006). By definition, no risk can be
completely safe. Real growth requires real risk, and in general, more risk elicits greater growth (Crane et al.,
2019). Civil courage often requires walking without a safety net and accepting the consequences.
These exercises can be practiced by anyone, and most have origins in the published literature (see
Supplementary Table for overview and references). We explain the utility of each exercise, how one may
learn from and grow by doing each exercise, and the psychological reasons why they may be difficult to carry
out. Several of these exercises have been administered to our own clinical psychology graduate students as
part of their culture and diversity training or as part of diversity workshops that we have conducted (Williams,
2019b). In classroom settings, each week, students were asked to do one of the exercises as homework, write
about it, and then share their experience in class. In gathering feedback on learner experiences, we have wit-
nessed how the exercises have been helpful and impactful. The exercises are ideally conducted with a group
of others in an encouraging environment to share challenges and successes.
1. Mapping Relationships: Support Network Diagram
Create a “friendship support network” diagram, including who would most readily be called on in
times of need. The following should be indicated on the map: 1) intimacy of the relationship, 2) race, 3) eth-
nicity, 4) gender, 5) socioeconomic status, 6) sexual orientation, and 7) religion. The designer of the map has
artistic license to be creative, using words, symbols, or any organizing framework that feels comfortable. The
experience of creating the map should be recorded as well as any reflections regarding the dimensions of di-
versity represented and how the map informs the learner’s understanding of cultural differences (Williams,
2020).
This exercise is a social networking tool that allows people to recognize, graphically, that they likely
live very segregated lives (Cox et al., 2016). Many people like to think that their circle of friends and ac-
quaintances is diverse but find that contrary to their stated values, they have a monochromatic relationship

CIVIL COURAGE 10
map. This discovery leads to cognitive dissonance, as people are confronted with the knowledge that they may
not be who they believed themselves to be (Roth et al., 2018). Such a discovery can, however, be the begin-
ning of essential personal reflection. For example, most White psychology graduate students confronted with
this exercise in our classes were dismayed to realize how few friends of other races they actually had, to the
point that a few were in tears when presenting their maps to the class. One transgender student of color who
had a rich level of racial diversity in his map realized that all of his friends were atheists, which impeded his
understanding of faith traditions. Friendship circles may be diverse in some dimensions but not in others.
This exercise was a critical learning experience and good starting point for the graduate clinical psy-
chology students who completed it because it helped them understand the areas in which they needed to grow
to understand their diverse clients (Okech & Champe, 2008). Discussing the exercise in the group setting
helped to build the students’ ability to have conversations about diverse identity issues, which is an area of
challenge for trainees and faculty alike (Sue et al., 2009, 2010). A few rekindled prior friendships with people
of color that had lapsed; cross-racial friendships are an important means of learning about others (Ragins &
Ehrhardt, 2020). The diversity of one’s friendship network can help improve ethnic identity development
(Kornienko, Santos, & Updegraff, 2015). In summary, many realized they had to deliberately diversify their
networks to be the people they wanted to become.
2. Who Is Lucky? Chance versus Effort
In this exercise, the participant should list as many times in their life as they can remember
being lucky, trying to find at least ten. When the list is finished, each instance should be divided into what per-
centage was the result of opportunity (meaning no personal effort was expended – also called a “gift,”
“chance,” or “providence”) and what percentage was the result of preparation or personal effort. Example: “I
am lucky to have been born in America.” This could be divided into 100% (unearned) opportunity and 0%
preparation or own effort. If one was “lucky to have gotten a good job offer,” this might be scored 50% oppor-
tunity, 50% preparation.
Luck as a concept tends to exclude events that are achieved primarily by effort and preparation; if an
instance is pure luck, or random, then it was not earned. Implicit bias may develop when people believe that
racialized groups have been recipients of largesse that they did not earn or should not have access to, espe-
cially if these benefits are perceived to be scarce (Kraus et al., 2019; Krosch, Tyler, & Amodio 2017). We
tend to exaggerate the proportion of our life events that are influenced by work/preparation in comparison to
luck/opportunity (Roth, Steffens, & Vignoles, 2018).
The implication of luck is that an event has occurred by chance, but in common usage, luck designates
many events (the gain of a job, a school admission, a house) that occur as a mixture of chance, opportunity,
and preparation. Many lucky events are not chance but rather events where winners and losers are designated
based on race or wealth. As such, luck is a slippery word that potentially hides a multitude of ills. It is socially
permissible to state that one has been lucky in the sense of having achieved something unearned; however,
saying that one’s achievements have been brought about by racial privilege, which is also unearned, is socially
shunned. It is therefore helpful as a perspective-taking task to consider the role played by unearned benefits in
our lives and our personal contribution and balance of opportunity and privilege (Cohan, 2019; Forscher et al.,
2017; Kwate & Goodman, 2014). A similar exercise might be to list all our unearned advantages that have re-
sulted in life successes to date.
In our classroom settings, we find that disadvantaged and minoritized students usually have an easier
time identifying luck and opportunity in their lives than do White people, who tend to cling to the notion that
they have earned every good thing that has happened to them (e.g., Kwate & Goodman, 2014; Maderia et al.
2019). This exercise can be particularly enlightening when shared in a diverse group so that the participants
can learn about varied experiences even among their own peers.

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3. Honestly Assessing Dislikes
In this exercise, an approach based io cognitive behavioral therapies (CBT) with a modified form of
intergroup contact is used to address prejudice against specific subgroups of people (Brown, Xu, &
Glowinski, 2021; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2008). The participants should think about at least three types of people
they usually avoid based on appearance and stereotypes. These could be as varied as men in suits, Asian peo-
ple sitting together at a mall, or people who support a disliked politician; however, the participants should
consider any negative stereotypes they have about any ethnic group and reflect on what impacts these dislikes
may have on their relationships with the disliked group as well as any possible misconceptions. The task is to
then find and assemble three images on the internet that typify these types of individuals. Through a process
of introspection, the participants should reflect on why they avoid these groups and subsequently, in daily life,
find someone who exemplifies each picture and strike up a short, friendly conversation with that person. This
could be done anywhere, such as at a restaurant, coffee shop, or tram stop or in line at the grocery store.
Approaching interracial interactions with the goal of personal growth can reduce anxiety in these in-
teractions. In a study by Goff and colleagues (2008), when people were focused on judging their performance
during interracial interactions, their anxiety increased because this focus centered their attention on how they
were being evaluated. However, when they approached these interactions as opportunities to learn new skills
and gain important knowledge, it reduced their fear of being judged. Thus, this study illustrates that racial
anxieties can be reduced if learners view interracial interactions as opportunities for skill building (Godsil &
Richardson, 2017).
Before starting, participants should predict how the conversation might proceed and record any fears
or concerns. These can be compared with what actually happened, and any discrepancies can provide a source
of introspection. Psychology graduate students who performed this exercise were surprised to find, in viola-
tion of their expectations, that when they actually interacted with real people, their stereotypes and biases
were disproven. Several students, for example, found that when they approached and started friendly conver-
sations with diverse people, including police officers, people at bus stops, bikers, or people of another ethnic-
ity, they were received positively, in contrast to their own expectations. This exercise helps to humanize peo-
ple who seem very different and build the participant’s ability to engage those from feared social groups
(Devine et al., 2012; Williams et al., 2020). In a classroom setting, discussing positive experiences and dis-
proven biases has the effect of changing the mindset of the learner, and sometimes also that of the people they
interact with, who may harbor their own biases. This principle is the same as that found in inhibitory learning
approaches, where one makes predictions and processes the expectancy violation (Sewart & Craske, 2020).
4. Talking about Race with a Colleague of a Different Race
Talking about race is one of the most difficult exercises for many Americans. Americans in general,
but White Americans specifically, are taught from a young age to avoid any discussion of race, particularly
with people of a different race (DiAngelo, 2018; Underhill, 2018). However, if we cannot speak about a sub-
ject, we cannot study or correct any problems associated with it.
An op-ed documentary in the New York Times conducted a focus group of White people and asked
them on camera to reflect on race and, in particular, on Whiteness. It is instructive to see how difficult these
participants found the exercise and their descriptions of their cognitions and emotions in the moment (Foster
& Stevenson, 2015). Statements by participants included the following: They are afraid to offend anyone and
do not want to see any racism that might be inside them, so they do not want to talk about race. They under-
stand that as a White person, they are advantaged in society, and although they do not want differences based
on race to exist, even bringing up race as a topic might imply that there truly are differences between races,
and they do not want to think about this. They know they are White but do not like to think that they have a
racial identity and do not consider what this might mean. One mentioned a sense of shame and guilt because

CIVIL COURAGE 12
of racism by White people. Finally, as a White person, they must have a sense of responsibility, but when they
have heard racist jokes, they have not spoken up.
The issues expressed in this op-ed doc video would be expected to come up in any substantial discus-
sion of race in the USA; therefore, participants should be prepared to encounter these issues and think about
them before starting the next exercise. Here, the task is to find a willing colleague of a different race for a dis-
cussion about racialization. Before starting this exercise, participants should write down their predictions of
how the discussion will proceed and how it will end. The discussion should specifically include race-related
experiences. The personal thoughts and experiences of both parties should be exchanged. After finishing the
conversation, the participants should reflect on what actually occurred and write down whether they now feel
closer to or more distant from their colleague. It is important to be respectful of the emotional burden and time
of the person being asked, as racialized persons may receive many such requests. A stranger should not be en-
listed with this request; rather, the conversational partner should be someone known to the learner.
As stated above, most White people struggle with asking a person of color about their racialized expe-
riences because they fear that such questions will be met with disapproval, and they likewise struggle with
talking about their Whiteness because they have never considered it or talked about it before (Sue et al., 2010;
Underhill, 2018). However, our experience is that in most cases, they find that the conversation goes better
than expected and that their racialized conversation partner is glad to talk about their experiences and does so
with an enviable level of sophistication and fluidity. Research has shown that reciprocal interactions across
racial differences can reduce interracial anxieties (Kanter et al., 2020; Schultz et al., 2015; Williams et al.,
2020). Likewise, a person of color who converses with a person of color from a different ethnic group may
learn about how other groups navigate racialization. Most people find that they feel closer to their partner after
the conversation (Williams et al., 2020), and expectancy violations help facilitate learning (Sewart & Craske,
2020).
5. Visiting a Place of Worship of a Race and Ethnicity Different from Your Own
In this exercise, the participant exits their comfort zone to be the minority in a group of good-natured
people who are different as a way to improve their perspective-taking ability and practice engaging in cross-
racial social connections (Hodson et al., 2018; Todd et al., 2011). The exercise is to attend a service at a house
of worship where everyone “looks different” from the participant (Rehfuss & Parks-Savage, 2011; Williams,
2020). Houses of worship in the USA are often clustered into racial and ethnic enclaves. Studies have shown
that in White churches, talking about race results in the loss of parishioners, so the topic of racism is widely
avoided if at all possible, but most Black churches have a different mindset and are often welcoming of diver-
sity (Emerson & Smith, 2000). The participant should go alone and expect to experience what it is like to be a
cultural outsider. Here, the participant will not benefit by entering unseen, sitting in the last row, and slipping
out unnoticed. The participant should rather sit near the front, do their best to be an active participant, and be
prepared to interact with the people around them. Beforehand, the participant should write about and reflect
on any anxieties, taking into consideration the experiences of others who may be marginalized due to differ-
ences in race, culture, or nationality.
The participant should linger to chat if the opportunity arises. If asked why they have attended, they
should simply say that they “wanted to learn more about the faith and the community.” The number-one rea-
son that students voice resistance to this activity is that they think they will not be welcome. This fear can eas-
ily be addressed by calling in advance and asking whether visitors are welcome. The vast majority heartily
welcome visitors, even of a different faith or race. The participant should also ask whether there are any tradi-
tions or customs that visitors should respect (e.g., style of dress, place to sit).

CIVIL COURAGE 13
Most students who have completed this task say that although they felt awkward at first, the congrega-
tions were welcoming, and they had an important positive overall experience. Positive cross-racial relation-
ships can be very powerful in the development of antiracist attitudes (Raggins & Ehrhardt, 2020). One White
student found a Korean church so welcoming that she made it her permanent church home. Notably, one
Black student reported a negative experience when visiting an all-White traditional Protestant church. As
these are individualized exercises, and people of color have already had many experiences of being a racial
outsider, Black Americans may benefit more from finding a different dimension of difference to explore (for
example, an African American student might visit a Black Islamic gathering, if they are unfamiliar with that
faith, or an African church). A variation on this exercise is to attend a church where the congregation speaks a
different language than that of the participant. This is an excellent way to connect with the experience of im-
migrants, who may arrive in a new country without knowledge of the dominant language.
6. Assessing One’s Own Racial Identity
Racial and ethnic identity are multifaceted concepts pertaining to how people develop a sense of be-
longing to their group. As they learn to identify with their ethnoracial groups, individuals progress through
different stages through which they come to understand the group customs and values and their place in soci-
ety (Abaied & Perry 2021; Liu et al., 2019). White people and people of color alike often struggle with this
process (Helms, & Carter, 1990; Liu et al., 2019; Pyke, 2010). In this exercise, the participant writes about
their own ethnic and racial identity, an exercise designed to improve intercultural competence (DiAngelo,
2018; Weigl, 2009). The participant should write about their positive and negative associations with their
identity. Any feelings of shame, embarrassment, and stigma, along with feelings of appreciation and pride,
should be recorded and shared with a supportive person (Williams, 2020).
If the participant is a White American, they should write an essay about the question “What does be-
ing White mean to me, and what did I think when I learned that I was a White American?” Most racialized
people can talk about what being a racialized person means, their understanding of their culture, and their so-
cial standing associated with their race. Many Black Americans can recall their realization at a younger age
that they would be treated worse than those with lighter skin and how that made them feel (e.g., Hughes &
Chen, 1997). For White individuals, part of this exercise is to record how it made them feel to realize that they
are part of a group that is treated better by society based on the lightness of their skin. Why might expressing
this realization be difficult? White Americans do not have much experience in thinking about Whiteness as an
identity; as a result, Whiteness often goes unexamined (Helms & Carter, 1990). There is a dearth of publica-
tions about White American identity (Roberts et al., 2020). After many conversations with fair-skinned Euro-
peans who have come to live in America or stay for long visits, we find that they can almost always immedi-
ately recall the moment they realized that they would be treated better than the many people around them with
darker skin and how that made them feel. As a European businessman noted, “If you travel to India, you may
know that they have a caste system which still influences their society, but you don’t necessarily expect to im-
mediately become an unwitting participant in it.”
Many White Americans cannot consciously pinpoint the moment they realized that they would be
treated better and that, as a result, others would be treated poorly. However, in her highly acclaimed essay in
The Guardian, Suzy Hansen (2017) wrote poignantly about this moment upon considering James Baldwin's
assertion about Whiteness (“White children, in the main, and whether they are rich or poor, grow up with a
grasp of reality so feeble that they can very accurately be described as deluded”):
“I came across a line in a book in which a historian argued that, long ago, during the slavery era, black peo-
ple and white people had defined their identities in opposition to each other. The revelation to me was not
that black people had conceived of their identities in response to ours, but that our white identities had been
composed in conscious objection to theirs. I’d had no idea that we had ever had to define our identities at all,

CIVIL COURAGE 14
because to me, white Americans were born fully formed, completely detached from any sort of complicated
past. … My lack of consciousness allowed me to believe I was innocent, or that white American was not an
identity like Muslim or Turk.”
The codification in a society of in- and out-groups sets up hostility based on the characteristics of who
is favored and who is shunned. The hostility is often not conscious but when unexamined can fester and be a
source of implicit biases. Many White Americans, when asked about their White identity, answer that they do
not see themselves as White Americans but rather as “normal” Americans (e.g., Foster & Stevenson, 2015;
Hegarty, 2017). This label is problematic because they are then defining the default American as White. The
lack of consideration of Whiteness as an identity is part of the cultural habit of being White in America and
perpetuates the inability to mitigate the consequences of a racialized society. Both White people and people of
color can benefit from an examination of their racial identities (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2018). Those who have
engaged in greater exploration of their ethnoracial identity have a clearer sense of what this aspect of their
identity means for their lives and demonstrate better psychological adjustment (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2018;
Williams et al., 2012).
7. Defending Convictions in a Hostile Forum
Despite the fact that many Americans believe racism is declining and overt expressions of racism are
rare, one place where American racism is plain and open can be found online, where people express their fears
and hate behind a dark digital curtain. Many news sites have moderated comment sections where anyone can
post an opinion that are frequented primarily by White male commenters (Watson, Peng, & Lewis, 2019).
Even when moderated, articles about race often generate scores of ugly comments (Loke, 2012).
For the advanced participant, this is an opportunity to practice opposing hate in a real-life situation as
a conscious, self-aware active bystander in a controlled environment (Watson, Peng, & Lewis, 2019). A post
supporting racial justice and critiquing racist comments can be made completely anonymously. After practic-
ing the low-stakes version several times, posters can start adding their name to their comments and work their
way up to addressing racist statements on their own social media sites (e.g., Facebook). That said, profession-
als do need to consider what they post on social media and should attend to reasonable rules imposed by their
workplace or graduate program. Posts need not be antagonistic. They can be as simple and dispassionate as
correcting inaccurate information being advanced against stigmatized groups (e.g., “Actually, Black people
are quite generous, giving more to charity than any other group”; Ashley & James, 2018) or saying something
positive about a person of color who has recently been attacked in the media (e.g., “Megan Markle had a lot of
courage to open up about feeling suicidal”). It is important to be prepared for the backlash that will likely oc-
cur in these situations (Crane et al., 2019; Krämer et al., 2018; McKinney, 2006). It is likely that the racist us-
ers will direct their verbal venom at the participant, which can be hurtful. The participant should keep in mind
that those who are spewing hate are the ones with the problem, and the attack is caused not by the participant
but rather by the bigotry of the attacker.
This exercise is useful in cultivating civil courage, as it is intended to directly address the social anxi-
ety that prevents people from speaking up when they hear someone say something racist. Anyone can try this
exercise, as noted in the section on in-group solidarity; hesitancy to speak out, and the desire to overcome it,
occurs among those of all races. Confronting feared but relatively safe situations in a controlled and gradual
manner reduces anxiety and helps individuals respond better when similar situations arise unpredictably.
These are the same cognitive-behavioral principles used to extinguish social phobias and symptoms of obses-
sive-compulsive disorder (Foa & Kozak, 1986).
8. Challenging the Status Quo in the Workplace
Financially insecure and racialized people may be among those least able to take risks in their work-
place; however, those with union members in their family history know that these courageous persons were

CIVIL COURAGE 15
willing to lay their jobs on the line in heroic acts of civil courage that brought benefits to all working Ameri-
cans (Hagedorn et al., 2016). One recent example involves the University of North Carolina, where BIPOC
faculty colleagues of the acclaimed Black journalist Nikole Hannah Jones were willing to leave their jobs be-
fore she was finally offered tenure (Rappaport, 2021). The erosion of community and solidarity has lowered
the level of risk that people are willing to take, yet as we spend a significant proportion of our time in the
workplace, there are still actions here that can build civil courage. Workplaces may demonstrate racism in
many forms (Williams, 2019a). A starting point would be to simply ask a responsible administrator about the
organization’s gender or diversity plans (e.g., “What is our department doing to improve racial diversity
among incoming graduate students?”). If the participant belongs to an advantaged group, asking on behalf of a
group other than their own can be particularly powerful, bringing new attention to the issue and providing a
way to venture outside their comfort zone and demonstrate support as an ally (e.g., Gardner & Ryan, 2020).
Similarly, asking whether salaries for position levels and counts of race per position can be made public or
asking about the gender and racial makeup at the managerial and executive levels of a company are polite
ways to challenge the workplace status quo. Taking even a small risk can be a source of tension, but resilience
can be strengthened by willing exposure to such stressors, which therefore can also be a way to produce
growth (Crane et al., 2019; Moisuc et al., 2018).
Another workplace exercise is to practice centering the voices of racialized or other marginalized peo-
ple in group meetings (Hancock & Rubin, 2015). This entails noticing who is speaking and who is being heard
and then making a public and visible effort to focus attention on the voices of those who are not being heard at
the risk of not being heard oneself or becoming the focus of unwanted attention. The benefits of such allyship
work are building the cognitive and affective skills to handle racial issues, developing the stamina needed for
constructive engagement across racial divides, and personal growth (Erskine & Bilimoria, 2019).
9. Calling out Bigoted Behavior of Colleagues and Friends
Conversations between individuals in an in-group may be different when external nonmembers are
not present (Wellman et al., 2009). However, sexist and racist comments are typically unaddressed in the of-
ten homogeneous circles where they tend to sprout, leaving the perpetrator to think that such comments are
acceptable and reinforcing hurtful social norms (Douglass et al., 2016). The task here is to let the offender
know that you disapprove because the behavior is bigoted. Published studies can provide insight into how to
mentally prepare for this task (Willow, 2011). Optimism, attention, and concern for the greater good are fac-
tors known to positively influence the pursuit of a valued goal in the face of a threat or challenge (Moisuc et
al., 2018; Wellman et al., 2009). Optimistic expectancies energize individuals to actively intervene after wit-
nessing racist jokes in spite of countervailing social norms (Wellman et al., 2009). However, participants must
also be reminded of the salience of their own values. Therefore, it can help to remind oneself that actions have
meaning and that regardless of the response of the person being confronted, such confrontations are part of
building civil courage and demonstrating moral behavior.
As noted in exercise 7, confronting prejudicial behavior need not be aggressive or adversarial. For ex-
ample, sometimes simply repeating back an offensive comment is enough to alert the speaker to the negative
impact. Likewise, one can ask the offender to clarify their comment, which often causes the offender to
reevaluate what they said (Sue et al., 2019). Another option is to explain how the comment landed and ask
whether the commenter intended it to be as hurtful or unsettling as the hearer experienced it. One could say,
“What you said made me feel very uncomfortable. Those are misconceptions rooted in ignorance (or racist
ideas), and I wanted you to know that.” This example clearly states that the behavior is not appreciated and
that someone may speak out against it. This approach relies on the strength of the relationship with the other
person to enable a meaningful dialogue. Do not be surprised if fragility emerges. The friend or colleague may
be offended or embarrassed. Rather than considering their own behavior, they may make a case that they can-
not be bigoted or a racist because they love all people or have done some good deeds for an oppressed group.

CIVIL COURAGE 16
Do not let this argument derail the point of the conversation. The important thing is to act in accordance with
one’s true values and point out that the harmful behavior has no place in the relationship. These types of ac-
tions have been shown to be conducive to building civil courage (Moisuc et al., 2018; Wellman et al., 2009).
10. Choosing a More Colorful, More Integrated Life
In this post-COVID era, many people are on the move; nonetheless, housing in the US remains stub-
bornly racially segregated (Bailey et al., 2017; Lewis et al., 2011). Studies have shown that Asian and His-
panic neighborhood composition does not matter to most Americans, while Black neighborhood composition
continues to be a consideration, especially for White Americans with children under age 18 (Crowder &
South, 2008; Lewis et al., 2011). Although when asked, White people provided alternative reasons, the effect
of Black composition was the net of the variables that White people offered as justifications (Lewis et al.,
2011). Although Emerson and colleagues (2011) have published several studies on segregated housing and its
effects on society, less well known is the fact that Dr. Emerson, a White man, committed a profound act of
civil courage by defying conventional mores and moving his family out of a White and into a predominantly
Black area, sending his young children to the local school. He was criticized incessantly, with predictions of
scholastic catastrophe for his children and inability to build wealth through real estate, and he has spoken pub-
licly about the toll of such criticism. However, he found that being an active part of a system designed to ben-
efit him based on race was no longer acceptable (Zambrana, 2017).
In many communities across the US, there also exist parallel, mainly non-White immigrant communi-
ties, which operate separately and often out of sight, in many cases because some members of these communi-
ties lack legal status to work and live in the country. Members of these communities actively avoid contact
with persons outside their local circles due to the fear of persecution and eventual separation from their fami-
lies. Regardless of the legal status of these individuals, becoming involved in a supportive way with such
communities breaks generational social rules that dictate that communities remain divided by race. Such pro-
social involvement requires facing our own interracial anxieties and xenophobia and changing the way in
which we live.
Visiting a barbershop in a racially diverse or immigrant community, buying vegetables at a bodega
filled with people who look different from you, and socializing in a cafe or bar frequented by same-sex cou-
ples are simple ways to start to live differently (Rosen et al., 2019). Some of those who choose to change the
way in which they live will risk the disapproval of their colleagues or friends. However, diverse communities
have been positively related to trust, and choosing to live, shop, patronize businesses, socialize, or work in im-
migrant or minority districts where the denizens are mostly different from oneself makes a powerful public
statement, especially when acting against societal pressure established by the unjust mores of past generations
(Crowder & South, 2008; McKenna et al., 2018). This kind of civil courage has the power to transform soci-
ety (Nai et al., 2018).
Discussion
Leveraging Privileged Identities for Change
Exercise six may be particularly difficult because as adults, we tend to think of identity as immutable
(Roberts & Gelman, 2016). As such, considering negative associations with our identity can cause feelings of
discomfort or even pain and despondency. Children begin to develop a racial identity early in life as they see
how people group others by race. Studies have found that a major difference between the socialization of
White people into Whiteness and the socialization of racialized families is that most White children are taught
that race is a subject that should not be discussed (Abaied & Perry, 2021; Underhill, 2018). The lack of dis-
cussion does not make the issue go away but rather reinforces the current system of colorblind indifference to
racial inequality.
Racial identity is an elephant in the room that parents of color do not have the luxury of ignoring, as
the profiling of racialized children starts as early as preschool (Waxman, 2021). Following a viewing of the

CIVIL COURAGE 17
film Twelve Years a Slave, a German mixed-race adolescent exclaimed, “How can I be White and not be
ashamed by the complicity? How can I be Black and not be ashamed by the victimization? How can I even
stand to be German at all? This is a shitshow.” For people who identify with a particular sports team or geog-
raphy, experiencing loss associated with these teams or places can be a painful experience. A much greater
meaning and potential burden is attached to one’s ethnic identity.
However, it is important to keep in mind that although feelings of complicity and victimization can be
accompanied by shame, identity is not destiny. Traits that are viewed by society as negative aspects of identity
can become positive, and aspects of one's own identity that are viewed as negative can be positive depending
on one’s perspective. For example, consider the following:
• To be a White ally is to know, accept and understand that although you did not choose your White
identity, it gives you special power in US society to bring attention, intervention and justice to situa-
tions in which a person of a darker skin color would not be able to act. You can choose, for example,
to be a Shield of the Oppressed.
● Being a racialized person in US society is also something you did not choose and may not be able to
change, but lifelong experience gives you the eyes to see injustice and suffering and the empathy to
make positive changes that a White person may not immediately notice. To do so is ultimately to pro-
mote interpersonal connection and harmony. You can speak up and choose to be a Voice for the Si-
lenced.
● To look like a White American but feel that your identity is that of a racialized or minoritized person
(as persons who identify as gender-nonconforming, Jewish, mixed-race, or of Hispanic ethnicity often
do) gives you the unique position of being able to be an unseen witness in the camps of the unjust, to
hear and see things that a clearly racialized person would not know or hear, and then to make positive
changes either in front of or behind the scenes. You can choose to be an active witness as a Spy in the
House of the Unjust.
Society and fate will dole out advantages and disadvantages based on identity, ethnicity, and race, but
each individual can ultimately decide what this identity means and how it will be wielded (e.g., Bassett, Tso-
sie, & Nannauck, 2012; Comas-Díaz, 2010). Each individual is wonderfully unique, and each aspect of an
identity, regardless of how it is viewed by society or oneself, can be used in its own way to demonstrate
unique, situational civil courage, further justice, and work against racism.
How Psychologist Educators Can Use these Exercises
Some people become diversity educators by intent, having trained and planned for this work over the
course of their education, whereas others stumble upon this work quite by accident. It is not uncommon for
educators of color to be drafted into these roles, often without proper training or preparation for the inevitable
backlash from students who do not appreciate challenges to their comfortable worldviews (e.g., Boatright-
Horowitz & Soeung, 2009; Sue et al., 2009). However, in the process of this work, we have learned that this
material cannot be taught in a purely intellectual manner. Learners must engage and wrestle with the material
in an experiential way. Emotional engagement is critical to learning, but doing this work requires skill and
care, as emotional dysregulation and its opposite, suppression, are detrimental to the process (Kanter, Rosen,
et al., 2019). These exercises can provide educators with some of the tools, skills, and experiences needed to
anticipate, understand, and competently respond to the discomfort that will predictably arise from classroom
conversations centered on race. In a similar vein, as part of its diversity programming for psychology doctoral
students, the University of North Carolina requires an experiential exercise referred to as a “cultural plunge,”
where students plan an experience in which they temporarily become a stigmatized person rather than some-
one with privilege and then process this experience with a senior student. Despite the challenges, student par-
ticipants report positive growth from the experience (Bardone-Cone et al., 2016).

CIVIL COURAGE 18
Our students have similarly told us that exercises such as those outlined here can help foster a multi-
cultural perspective that better enables them to recognize racial injustice when it occurs and provide them with
the fortitude to act against it in the moment. In fact, many have said that this was the most meaningful and im-
pactful course they had ever taken. Like any exercises that promote growth, these are challenging, but CBT
principles inform us that over time, such experiences reduce anxiety, relieve cognitive distortions around race,
and become easier to carry out (Devine et al., 2012; Foa & Kozak, 1986; Machalicek et al., 2021; Williams et
al., 2020). Nonetheless, the exercises can be more difficult than anticipated; therefore, students will need
praise and support as they work through them (Williams, 2019b). Students should be informed that the exer-
cises will not eliminate all fears, and they can feel anxious but still act courageously. It can be helpful to re-
mind learners that this is an ongoing process, and they cannot expect to get everything right the first time. Stu-
dents will need time and space to process and make meaning out of these engagements. Furthermore, the exer-
cises should not be viewed as a checklist of to-do’s but rather as starting points for ongoing growth. (See Sup-
plementary Materials for a list of more resources to guide growth in these areas.)
Civil Courage in Clinical Practice
Even in clinical practice, civil courage is required for those who want to be allies to people of color.
One recent example is a situation in which a White early-career psychologist was told by his state licensing
board (KY) that unless he rescinded a positive parental fitness report about a Black father, which he knew to
be valid, he would be subject to disciplinary action and his license could be revoked. Despite being out-
gunned, he refused to give in to these racist demands, even though he also knew there could be consequences.
He was even discreetly informed that he could instead implicate his supervisor (a person of color) and avoid a
licensing board hearing, but he decided to be a Shield for the Oppressed and endure having his psychologist
license suspended for a year to protect two innocent people for the cause of justice.
There have been other important moments when it would have behooved psychologists to exercise
civil courage, and the tragic result was loss of life. As we have discussed, there are numerous reasons that
people do not behave courageously when they know they should. One example concerns work done by psy-
chologists James Mitchell and Bruce Jessen for the US Department of Defense that resulted in enhanced tor-
ture techniques for prisoners of war and the death of at least one detainee. Apparently, many leaders of the
American Psychological Association (APA) had knowledge of this program, and during all torture sessions, a
psychologist was required to be present, but the few psychologists who tried to speak out were threatened or
ignored (Elkins, 2016). It took a journalist to publicly blow the whistle on this compromised relationship,
leading to the weighty 500-page Hoffman Report (Hoffman et al., 2015). The public reaction was so severe
that the APA was forced to act immediately and subsequently banned its members from participating in na-
tional security interrogations. Had civil courage been a part of the training that all psychologists receive, per-
haps this situation would have ended sooner or never have occurred at all.
Conclusion and Future Directions
We have yet to quantify how much people will change as a result of these specific exercises, which
could be an important area of future study. However, interventions based on these principles have shown tan-
gible benefits. There are recent examples of intervention programs and bystander training that have success-
fully resulted in behavioral changes for individuals and active bystanders who have been taught to proactively
intervene in the presence of unjust behavior (e.g., Burns et al., 2019; Haynes-Baratz et al., 2021; Staub, 2019).
For example, the programs designed by Straub (2019) targeted groups as diverse as students and police de-
partments and included promoting self-awareness, confronting implicit biases, behavioral modification tech-
niques, intergroup social connections, rejection of passivity, empathy development, and active intervention.
The results have demonstrated that psychological healing and humanization can grow through active, mean-
ingful engagement with unfamiliar cultures (i.e., sharing a holiday meal).
The desire to help persons in need, as shown by changes in bystander activism after early childhood

CIVIL COURAGE 19
(Hepach et al., 2012; Staub, 2019), is a malleable tendency that can be corroded or restored (Palmer et al.,
2015). The exercises described in this paper can increase caring, empower participants with new skills, and
provide the mindset necessary to break the unjust rules of society to help those suffering due to oppression
and racialization. However, as a cautionary note, just as we can gain empathy, we can also continue to lose it.
When powerful people promote public messages of fear and hate toward stigmatized groups, such as new im-
migrants of color, hate can be further ignited and empathy further lost (Newman et al., 2020).
Courage is something that many aspire to, but in the case of civil courage, the accompanying message
of loss and pain is unpopular. Creating a racially just society will require civil courage, willingness to stand up
to institutions and processes that propagate harm, with the knowledge that doing so will surely have a social
price but is worth the cost.
Supplemental Table: Exercises to Support and Build Civil Courage
Title
Purpose
Reasoning
Supporting Literature
1. Mapping
Relation-
ships: Sup-
port Network
Diagram
Understanding
Social Rules of
Race Rela-
tions
Recognize visually/graphically the extent of segregation
in everyday life
Cox et al., 2016; Wil-
liams 2020
Confront self-image; elicit realistic personal reflection
and gain understanding of own relationship choices
Roth, Steffens, & Vi-
gnoles, 2018
Visualize areas requiring personal growth (i.e., to un-
derstand clients)
Okech & Champe, 2008;
Sue et al., 2009, 2010
Consider engaging in cross-racial friendships for per-
sonal learning and growth
Kornienko, Santos, &
Updegraff, 2015;
Ragins & Ehrhardt,
2020
2. Who is
Lucky?
Chance vs.
Effort
Understanding
Social Rules of
Race Rela-
tions
Visualize and understand the extent of personal entitle-
ment
Cohan, 2019; Kraus et
al., 2019; Roth, Steffens,
& Vignoles, 2018;
Weigh balance of own unearned benefits with gains
based in efforts to consider how this perception may dif-
fer based on race (in part by comparing with others in a
diverse group)
Forscher et al., 2017;
Krosch, Tyler & Amodio
2017; Kwate & Good-
man 2014; Maderia et al.
2019
3. Honestly
Assessing
Dislikes
Understanding
Social Rules of
Race Rela-
tions
Address prejudice against races and people groups and
reduce anxieties using a CBT approach with a modified
form of intergroup contact
Brown, Xu, & Glowinski,
2021; Godsil & Richard-
son, 2017; Goff et al.,
2008; Pettigrew &
Tropp, 2008
Encourage participant to humanize people who seem
different and build the ability to engage with feared
groups
Devine et al., 2012; Wil-
liams et al., 2020
Change biased mindsets through expectancy violation,
processing experiences, and disproving biases
Devine et al., 2012;
Sewart & Craske, 2020;
Williams et al., 2020;
4. Talk about
Race with a
Colleague of
a Different
Race
Understanding
Social Rules of
Race Rela-
tions
Recognize social pressure and taboos about acknowl-
edging race and racialization
DiAngelo, 2018; Un-
derhill, 2018
Address fears around discussion of race through ex-
pectancy violation; encourage humanization of different
people groups though social connection
Sewart & Craske, 2020;
Williams et al., 2020
5. Visiting a
Place of Wor-
ship of a Dif-
ferent Race
Understanding
Social Rules of
Race Rela-
tions
Break social taboos to voluntarily become minoritized in
a group of good-natured people through desensitization
to improve ability to engage in intergroup social connec-
tions
Hodson et al., 2018; Re-
hfuss & Parks-Savage,
2011; Williams, 2020
Build positive cross-racial connections to develop anti-
racist attitudes
Raggins & Ehrhardt,
2020;
Schultz et al., 2015:
Todd et al., 2011

CIVIL COURAGE 20
6. Assessing
Own Racial
Identity
Understanding
Social Rules of
Race Rela-
tions
Break social taboos around race; Improve intercultural
competence by assessing own ethnic and racial identity
DiAngelo. 2018; Liu et
al., 2019; Weigl, 2009
Confront personal sense of self-worth and identity con-
nected to race; challenge social beliefs; encourage hon-
est assessment of own identity to facilitate growth
Umaña-Taylor et al.,
2018; Williams, 2020
Encourage assessment of racial identity, reasons for its
avoidance, its effects on society, and how awareness
helps in understanding of the social rules
Helms & Carter, 1990;
Roberts et al., 2020
Provide awareness of White perspective of White iden-
tity
Foster & Stevenson,
2015; Hegarty, 2017
7. Defend
Convictions
in a Hostile
Forum
Build Civil
Courage
Practice defending people different from yourself from
those with racist attitudes to build resiliency. Make use
of moderated comment sections of a public forum.
Loke, 2012; Watson,
Peng, & Lewis, 2019
Provide a situation of real risk to experience emotional
pain. Prepare the participant for backlash which is ex-
pected in future higher stakes situations.
Crane et al., 2019; Krä-
mer et al., 2018;
Prepare individuals to respond with calm and reason in
future anxiety-provoking situations using same CBT
principles for extinguishing social phobias and OCD
Foa & Kozak, 1986
8. Challeng-
ing the status
Quo in the
Work- place
Build Civil
Courage
Build civil courage by risking workplace disapproval
based on racial advocacy and allyship.
Crane et al., 2019; Gard-
ner & Ryan, 2020
Build civil courage by risking group disapproval based
on empowering dispossessed voices (e.g., based on
gender or race)
Crane et al., 2019; Er-
skine & Bilimoria, 2019;
Moisuc et al., 2018
9. Calling out
Bigoted Be-
havior of Col-
leagues and
Friends
Build Civil
Courage
Build awareness of ubiquity of negative speech which
silences and disempowers based on race; motivate in-
tervention and build resiliency
Douglass et al., 2016;
Wellman, Czopp, &
Geers 2009
Empower civil courage by providing information about
how optimism, attention, and concern for the greater
good positively influence the pursuit of a valued goal in
the face of a threat or challenge
Moisuc et al. 2018;
Wellman, Czopp, &
Geers 2009
Empower civil courage by reminding readers about the
salience of their own values and that rejecting harmful
behavior builds civil courage
Moisuc et al., 2018;
Wellman, Czopp, &
Geers 2009; Yokoyama
et al., 2011
10. Choosing
a More Color-
ful, More Inte-
grated Life
Build Civil
Courage
Build awareness on perceiving the influence of unjust
race-based social rules. Provide individuals with leveled
actionable suggestions.
Bailey et al., 2017; Lewis
et al., 2011; Nai et al.
2018; Zambrana 2017
Encourage and empower readers to live, shop, patron-
ize, socialize, or work in immigrant or racialized commu-
nities. Build civil courage to act against race-based so-
cietal pressure established by past generations. Build
resilience through public actions.
McKenna et al., 2018;
Nai et al., 2018
This table features evidence-based cognitive strategies which have been shown to reduce bias, increase empa-
thy and reduce bystanderism. These strategies are multifaceted and include components that address different
aspects of a complex racialized socialization and worldview. Some of the above exercises address one or
more of these facets including, stereotype replacement (4, 5), perspective taking (1, 2, 3, 6, 10), individuation
(4, 6), counter-stereotypic imaging (3, 5, 10), and increasing opportunities for contact (5, 10). In addition, later
strategies focus on building empathy, resilience and taking measured risks (7, 8, 9). Taken together the exer-
cises are grounded in effective strategies previously demonstrated to reduce prejudicial attitudes and build em-
pathy, resilience and community (Crane et al., 2019; Forscher et al., 2017; Nai et al., 2018; Todd et al., 2011;
Thornberg et al., 2012; Wellman et al., 2009). Empirical studies and meta-analyses are listed in boldface.

CIVIL COURAGE 21
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