Collective Strategies and Spatialities of Neighborhood Food Coproduction during COVID-19 Pandemic

Abstract

This
paper explores the strategies and spatiality of neighborhood food coproduction
during the second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. The COVID-19
pandemic has created global food instability, requiring collective strategies
to source and transform food for people in need. This paper is particularly
interested in the neighborhood-driven coproduction of food for the rising rate
of home-isolated COVID-19 patients, which generates new spatial programming and
interconnections between dwellings, the neighborhood, and the city. This paper
examines these issues using Twitter data, harnessing 141,208 tweets related to
COVID-19 and neighborhoods in Indonesia. These tweets are then further filtered
to provide 128 food-related tweets, which are then analyzed using categorical
and networked revelation analysis. The analysis demonstrates strategies of food
coproduction, including sourcing food ingredients, managing daily food
transformation, and creating centralized structures. The spatiality of food
coproduction highlights neighborhood accessibility, food placement structures,
and dwelling configurations. The food coproduction strategies exist as a
dynamic and responsive approach toward the fluctuating conditions of
neighborhood dwellers, shaping the spatiality of the neighborhood and
heightening the residents’ resilience.

Full text

International Journal of Technology 12(6) 1228-1238 (2021)
Received August 2021 / Revised October 2021 / Accepted November 2021
International Journal of Technology
http://ijtech.eng.ui.ac.id
Collective Strategies and Spatialities of Neighborhood Food Coproduction
during COVID-19 Pandemic
Kristanti Dewi Paramita1
*
, Afifah Karimah1, Yandi Andri Yatmo1
1Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Universitas Indonesia, Kampus UI Depok, Depok 16424,
Indonesia
Abstract. This paper explores the strategies and spatiality of neighborhood food coproduction
during the second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. The COVID-19 pandemic has
created global food instability, requiring collective strategies to source and transform food for
people in need. This paper is particularly interested in the neighborhood-driven coproduction of
food for the rising rate of home-isolated COVID-19 patients, which generates new spatial
programming and interconnections between dwellings, the neighborhood, and the city. This paper
examines these issues using Twitter data, harnessing 141,208 tweets related to COVID-19 and
neighborhoods in Indonesia. These tweets are then further filtered to provide 128 food-related
tweets, which are then analyzed using categorical and networked revelation analysis. The analysis
demonstrates strategies of food coproduction, including sourcing food ingredients, managing daily
food transformation, and creating centralized structures. The spatiality of food coproduction
highlights neighborhood accessibility, food placement structures, and dwelling configurations. The
food coproduction strategies exist as a dynamic and responsive approach toward the fluctuating
conditions of neighborhood dwellers, shaping the spatiality of the neighborhood and heightening
the residents’ resilience.
Keywords: Coproduction; COVID-19; Food; Neighborhood; Twitter
1. Introduction
In This paper discusses strategies of food coproduction during the COVID-19 pandemic
in Indonesia and explores the spatiality of such coproduction in the context of urban
neighborhoods. Coproduction has been recognized as a vital aspect of pandemic responses
that leans on community empowerment to assist overburdened public services (Berawi et
al., 2020; Miao et al., 2021). Food has been an eminent issue of coproduction during the
pandemic, with the imbalance of global supply systems and rising issues of unequal access
to food (Hobbs, 2020; Sardeshpande et al., 2021). Spatially, discussion about food
coproduction during the pandemic has often been limited to the production of raw food
material and, therefore, has largely focused on areas outside living spaces to generate food
resources, such as urban gardens (Sardeshpande et al., 2021), overlooking the wider
complexity of food procurement in relation to other pandemic conditions.
This article explores the strategies and spatiality of food coproduction in the event of
a rising rate of home-isolated COVID-19 patients. Addressing such a condition draws
*
Corresponding author’s email: kristanti.dewi@ui.ac.id, Tel.: +62-813-82790386; Fax: +62-21-7863514
doi: 10.14716/ijtech.v12i6.5218

Paramita et al. 1229
attention to various food processes other than food gardening. Exploring these processes
potentially allows a richer understanding of the different fragments of a city’s livelihood.
This article consider urban and architectural theories that discuss food, coproduction, and
the relevance of coproduction as a neighborhood response during the COVID-19 pandemic.
This study utilizes Twitter data harnessed during the surge of the second wave of COVID-
19 in Indonesia, which took place between June and July 2021. During this period of
enforced limitations on movement, such data provide insights into individual neighborhood
experiences in response to the pandemic (Booth et al., 2018). Twitter narratives are
explored to highlight important patterns in food coproduction strategies and spatiality,
demonstrating the importance of food coproduction during COVID-19 and its implications
for the discourse on coproduction in the built environment.
2. Food, Coproduction, and Neighborhood
Our everyday engagement with food reveals the experiential and perceptual
boundaries of space, including households, neighborhoods, and the wider global context
(Marte, 2007). The physicality of food processes, such as cooking and eating, brings the
experience of being on the outside inside and vice versa, blurring spatial boundaries
(Franck, 2005; Marlor, 2021; Teston, 2020). As a spatial system, food signifies
interconnected activities that enable its continuous existence in society (Franck, 2005;
Hobbs, 2020). However, the complexity and intensity of the food system is often hidden,
creating an illusion of food as something that is always there (Franck, 2005). The hidden
food system also creates a division between spatial scales, where food is produced and
sourced, disregarding connections across spatial scales and in between regions (Franck,
2005). The disconnection of food system creates a higher need to value the locality of food
production and to better demonstrate the connections between food, context, and
community. There has been wide discussion about how the collective production of food in
a local context can generate interaction and a sense of community, strengthening social
relations and enhancing social cohesion (Borrelli and Mela, 2018).
This article explores the process of food coproduction in society during the COVID-19
pandemic. The idea of coproduction primarily addresses the organization of resources and
spaces contributed to by government and non-government (citizen or other types)
stakeholders (Stevenson and Petrescu, 2016). Coproduction must be done voluntarily to
actively create value (Hays, 2018). Spatially, the process of coproduction not only concerns
the possibilities of spatial occupation but also focuses on the way space is developed,
managed, and used (Petcou and Petrescu, 2015), providing opportunities for alternative
spatial programming. The process of coproduction reflects an immediate response in times
of uncertainty and disruption, enabling higher resilience in society (Marte, 2007; Stevenson
and Petrescu, 2016).
During the pandemic, coproduction is vital as the crisis has led to higher urgency for
shared responsibility, particularly in providing resources and services for health and well-
being needs (Steen and Brandsen, 2020; Yatmo et al., 2021). The flows of food in society
have been beleaguered by multiple disturbances, such as lagging food processing and
disrupted distribution networks, which have created food supply issues (Hobbs, 2020).
Constant exposure to threats has also led to changing behaviors in food purchasing and food
handling within society, with new emphases on cleanliness and perishability (Candra et al.,
2021; Schmidt et al., 2020; Suryantini et al., 2021). Such concerns influence the organization
of space to support healthier food processes (Karimah and Paramita, 2020; Suryantini et
al., 2021). Changes in domestic space are also reflected in the urban space as both scales

1230 Collective Strategies and Spatialities of Neighborhood Food Coproduction during
COVID-19 Pandemic
are interwoven (Martinelli, 2019). However, there is currently limited discussion about
such multi-scale changes, particularly regarding the evolving conditions of the pandemic.
Consideration of food for home-isolated patients is part of the discussion about food
insecurity driven by the COVID-19 pandemic, which also consists of the need for food for
vulnerable populations (Adams et al., 2020; Singh et al., 2021). The number of home-
isolated patients has risen with high hospital occupancy rates, leading to issues of food
procurement and food preparation at home (Mahato and Vardhan, 2021). With its limited
risk of food-borne viral distribution, community kitchens have become one coproduction
approach to respond to food insecurity and provide food for people in need (Young, 2020).
The community kitchen is an effort to produce ready-to-eat meals to be distributed to other
members of the community (Lacovou et al., 2013). Such kitchens are often owned by local
charities, which accept private or public donations (Young, 2020). However, they may also
be driven by a culturally based community or even self-created (Beresford, 2021).
While there has been wide discussion about culture- and charity-based food
coproduction structures, there is currently only a limited understanding of the system and
spatiality of more localized, neighborhood-based forms of food coproduction, which often
become lifelines for home-isolated patients. The neighborhood is a category of urban space
in which the similar identity of a group is reinforced (Certeau et al., 1998). It is also a key
space for people to access resources (Meegan and Mitchell, 2001). Neighborhood-based
food coproduction is important as the neighborhood enables residents to craft
relationships to meet their daily needs, maintain collective safety, and demand resources
from higher organizational structures (Hays, 2018). Neighborhood-based food
coproduction is also arguably more dynamic and responsive than charity- or culture-based
food coproduction as these latter sources are not permanently embedded in a fixed food
supply chain but instead dynamically evolve according to threats and needs. Spatially, how
food is acquired, sorted, and delivered in the neighborhood demands different thinking
about the flow and accumulation of material driven by interpersonal relationships and
needs (Marco et al., 2021). It is important to reconsider how food coproduction may prompt
social and spatial structures to evolve and change in such a context, influencing the
resilience of the neighborhood community as a whole in response to the COVID-19
pandemic.
3. Methodology
This paper explores the strategies and spatiality of neighborhood-based food
coproduction during the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. It utilizes Twitter data from the
second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, harnessed between June 20 and July 5, 2021. This
period intersects with the government’s Micro-Scale Public Activity Restrictions (PPKM)
regulation, which took place from July 3, 2021 and was scheduled to continue until August
20, 2021. During the second wave, the overall daily number of COVID-19 cases rose to
56,757 on July 15 (KOMPAS, 2021). Such severity led to a high occupancy rate (90%) of
hospital beds (The Jakarta Post, 2021a), overwhelming the health system and leading to a
high rate of self-isolated patients at home (The Jakarta Post, 2021b). In Jakarta, the capital
city of Indonesia, the inability to medically attend to such patients led to high reports of the
deaths of home-isolated patients, which reached 2,313 patients by July 22.
Voluntary COVID-19 task forces in local neighborhood administration units (often
called rukun tetangga) have become the frontline in addressing such second wave battles.
This administration units provides a relatively accurate and updated database of patients
in the neighborhood and organizing necessary resources to care for such patients, including
medicine, food, and even televisions to combat boredom (The Jakarta Post, 2021c). This

Paramita et al. 1231
paper explores the occurrence of neighborhood-based food coproduction in Indonesia
through a narrative compilation of Twitter data. Twitter has been recognized as an
important platform that reflects neighborhood civic life (Bingham-Hall and Law, 2015).
Utilizing Twitter also enables the analysis of multiple neighborhoods at once (Booth et al.,
2018). In total, the study acquired 141,208 tweets posted in the Indonesian language,
resulting from 36 COVID-19-related queries, including ‘pandemi’ (pandemic), ‘korona’
(corona), ‘lockdown’, ‘berjemur’ (sun-bathing), and ‘penyebaran’ (spread). The tweets were
filtered using spatial terms unique to the Indonesian urban neighborhood context, such as
‘komplek’ (housing complex) or ‘cluster’ (small group of landed houses in an urban context),
leading to 781 tweets. Further filtering was done using food-related terms, such as
‘makanan’ (food) or ‘lauk’ (dishes), resulting in the final quantity of 128 analyzed tweets.
The analysis of the 128 tweets was conducted using two main approaches: first, the
extracted keywords from each acquired tweet were categorized, and then network
revelation analysis of the relationships that occurred within and between the categorized
keywords was carried out. These analyses highlighted an array of themes emerging from
the comparison, connectivity, and frequency of words collected from the tweets’ narratives,
which further revealed the strategies and spatiality of food coproduction in the
neighborhood.
Figure 1 Exploratory analysis of Twitter data using NVivo
The first part of the analysis aimed in a straightforward way to read the relevant
keywords or phrases in each tweet concerning food coproduction at the neighborhood scale
during the pandemic. The process of categorization allowed us to locate the extracted
keywords or phrases from each tweet in their position within the sentence structure of the
tweet. It allowed the removal of noisy words from the overall narratives (such as
punctuation and conjunctions) to increase the criticality of the analysis. Such processes of
extraction and categorization were conducted using both NVIVO and Microsoft Excel. Both
software programs were used to highlight and locate the extracted data into categories
concerning ways, tools, actors, and places.
The second part of the analysis aimed to identify the potential themes of the narratives,
depicted by the networks of relation produced using the categorized data. This part was
conducted using Orange Data Mining software. The form of the data in each category was

1232 Collective Strategies and Spatialities of Neighborhood Food Coproduction during
COVID-19 Pandemic
fragmented into single words, allowing visualizations that show the links of correlations
between the data. Based on theoretical understandings from the literature cited above,
several categories of data were grouped to be staged within each network revelation
diagram.
4. Strategies and Spatiality of Neighborhood Food Coproduction during COVID-19
4.1. Neighborhood Food Coproduction Strategies
During the second wave, a large proportion of the tweets reveal collective initiatives in
the neighborhood to cater to the food needs of home-isolated patients. Based on the
keywords networked and categorized in the following diagrams, we identified various food
coproduction measures that depended on the quantity of the patients to be cared for in the
neighborhood and the intensity of the food needs in the neighborhood.
Some keywords found in Figure 2a, such as ‘makanan’ (food), ‘mateng’ (cooked),
‘gofoodin’ (buy food using a delivery application), and ‘masakin’ (cook), demonstrate the
strategy of delivering home-cooked or purchased ready-to-eat meals daily. This strategy
often works when there is a sufficient availability of neighbors with the skills and resources
to take turns providing the meal. Some keywords in Figure 2b, such as ‘uang’ (money) and
‘stok sayur’ (vegetable stock), indicate how neighbors may regularly provide money or raw
food ingredients to be cooked by the patients at home. This strategy may cater to patients
who are less severely ill or have family members who can cook at home, which is explored
further in the actor word cloud diagram.
Figure 2c illustrates the variety of actors that participate in neighborhood food
coproduction, both in caring for home-isolated patients and in other activities. Other than
the neighborhood leaders themselves, the actor keywords demonstrate the existence of
individual assistance in the keywords ‘tetangga’ or ‘warga’ (individual neighbors),
designated voluntary groups based on age and gender, such as ‘remaja2’ (teenagers) and
‘ibu’ (mothers), and special task forces, such as ‘satgas’ and ‘security.’ The network
revelation diagram in Figure 2d demonstrates how these actors have diverse roles within
the scenarios of food coproduction, including cooking and delivering food and coordinating
with patients and neighbors.
Figure 2 Identifying the acts (a), type of food (b), and actors (c) as part of neighborhood food
coproduction strategies (d)

Paramita et al. 1233
When a higher number of patients requires daily meals support (15 patients and
above), some tweets point to the need to build a community kitchen in the neighborhood
to cook a larger amount of food. Such kitchens are also often present outside the
neighborhood to cater to patients outside the neighborhood and receive outside donations
of money and food. Despite the practicality of a community kitchen, some tweets indicate
that the food in the community kitchen showed less consideration of food variety and
nutrients, while the tweets discussing home-cooked or purchased meals indicate types of
food that are less repetitive and more dense in nutrients. There is also some fear that the
community kitchen might exacerbate transmission risks. By contrast, some tweets discuss
how frequent daily food delivery by neighbors created social burden and stress for the
neighbors, particularly when food resources are limited in the neighborhood.
4.2. Neighborhood Food Coproduction Spatiality
The tweets harnessed in this study demonstrate a shift in food processes during the
surge of home-isolated COVID-19 patients (Figure 3), indicating the process of
coproduction. Further analysis of the tweets demonstrates that the spatiality of
neighborhood food coproduction highlights neighborhood accessibility in managing the
flow of food sources, spatial structures required for food placements, and the spatial
experience of food.
Figure 3 Shift in the spatiality of food processes during the COVID-19 surge
The diagrams in Figure 4 demonstrate keywords that reflect neighborhood
accessibility and food purchases during the pandemic. Keywords from the diagrams in
Figure 4a imply difficulties of food sourcing in the event of road blockages, which leads to
collective strategies in managing food distribution. Keywords such as ‘portal’, ‘ditutup’
(closed), ‘muter’ (turn around), and ‘cari’ (looking) imply difficulties reaching the
neighborhood due to road closures, while keywords such as ‘kedepan’ (to the front), ‘titip’
(deposits), ‘ambil’ (acquire), ‘pos’ (post), and ‘gerbang’ (gates) suggest that the closure of
the neighborhood requires residents to acquire their own packages at various
neighborhood pick-up points. The network revelation diagram in Figure 4b illustrates the
connections between these points, including neighborhood gates, security posts, and even
the alley’s portal. The accessibility measures at these points may occur for prolonged
periods or according to particular time schedules, such as during the night.
Other strategies utilized in managing a safe food sourcing and distribution involve
additional procedures required to gain entry to the neighborhood, which tended to be
imposed on visitors. For example, some tweets indicate that vegetable vendors need to
show a swab test results letter or that guests are required to pass through a disinfection
chamber before entering. Such conditions of accessibility influence the availability of food
sources by, for example, limiting food vendors from staying around the area, influencing
food ingredient purchases by giving preference to less-perishable foods, and reducing food
order frequency due to longer delivery times. This different availability of food in turn
influences the extent to which food can be coproduced for patients in need as well as the

1234 Collective Strategies and Spatialities of Neighborhood Food Coproduction during
COVID-19 Pandemic
composition of the food offered.
Within the dwelling itself, the existence of spatial structures in which to place food
becomes an important aspect of food coproduction where the domestic and the
neighborhood space intersect. Figure 4c demonstrates the distribution intensity of the most
important keywords highlighted in the tweets with regard to particular spatial elements
within or around the dwelling that are valuable for accommodating food provision for
home-isolating dwellers. Examples are ‘teras’ (terrace), ‘pagar’ (gate), ‘box’, ‘cantolin’
(hang), ‘gagang’ (handle), ‘pintu’ (door), and ‘jendela’ (window). The network revelation
diagram in Figure 4d demonstrates the connectivity between and proximity of these spatial
elements, which are informed further by the narratives on how the utilization of these
elements may vary depending on the objective of the food. Some residents hang boxes
outside the gates of their dwelling with an updated announcement about the condition of
the home’s residents. In some cases, when food is not provided by the neighbors, they ask
for donations from neighbors and passersby to be placed in the designated boxes. Deliveries
of food ingredients and ready-to-eat meals tend to be placed in areas that are more secure
and easily reached from inside the dwelling, such as terrace tables or front door handles.
Figure 4 Network revelation of the spatiality of neighborhood food coproduction
Food placement structures enable the severity of the patient’s illness to be monitored.
A tweet reports that after food on a door handle was left untouched after two deliveries,
neighbors broke into one of the dwellings and found that one of the dwellers had died. In
addition to donation and daily deliveries, other tweets also report that such spatial
elements are used for other food purposes, such as providing food gifts from people other
than the neighbors or welcoming gifts from neighbors after the resident returns from
hospitals. The utilization of these spatial elements demonstrates the multiple events of food
production during the pandemic, the variability of residents’ conditions, and the secured
storage of the food.
The spatial experience of food coproduction in the neighborhood highlights various
interactions between inside and outside stakeholders and spaces. A tweet reports that

Paramita et al. 1235
some residents would regularly shout from the dwelling’s garden to a next-door neighbor
who was in isolation, checking regularly if the neighbor still had sufficient food. Some
tweets state that some home-isolating residents sunbath together while snacking and
chatting with their nearby neighbors. Other tweets highlight interactions between home-
isolating dwellers and friends and family who deliver food, specifying that the conversation
happens across the window that separates them. Furthermore, other tweets express worry
about home-isolated patients whose windows are located next to the neighborhood food
stall, fearing transmission risks while the window is open for air circulation.
These tweets address certain issues that highlight connectivity between spaces. The
configuration and proximity of dwellings in the neighborhood is important to enable daily
check-ups and daily interaction related to food availability and consumption. The visibility
of the home from the outside becomes important to providing a contained but observable
area for neighbors and visitors during food provision. The configuration of dwellings and
other food activity spaces in the neighborhood also require an orientation that ensures safe
airflow.
Figure 5 Strategies and spatiality of neighborhood food coproduction during the COVID-19
surge
Based on the study, Figure 5 outlines a new spatial programming that occurs between
the dwelling, neighborhood, and city. Such programming is influenced by the following
three main food coproduction strategies: 1) the outsourcing process of food sources; 2) the
distribution of cooking roles across the neighborhood or through a centralized structure;
and 3) the process of food delivery checking measures. These strategies can be used in an
integrative way or interchangeably, depending on the severity of patients’ conditions and
the rising number of patients in the neighborhood.
5. Conclusions
This article explores neighborhood food coproduction strategies and spatiality in
response to the varied conditions of home-isolating patients in neighborhoods in Indonesia.
The Twitter study visualized in Figures 2 and 4 highlights the organization of different food
process strategies happening in the neighborhood in light of the patients’ differing
conditions and the availability of resources. The study concludes by addressing how these
strategies inform new spatial programming between the dwelling, neighborhood, and the
city.
The spatial programming of these food coproduction strategies enables a particular

1236 Collective Strategies and Spatialities of Neighborhood Food Coproduction during
COVID-19 Pandemic
flow of food and people through the organization of neighborhood accessibility, food
placement structures, and dwelling configuration and orientation. Neighborhood
accessibility enables the frequency and variety of food sourcing possibilities. Food
placement structures become an important intersection between public and private areas,
influencing the direction of food flow, as well as the frequency of the food provider. The
food coproduction process also provides an important opportunity to observe the patient’s
condition. The orientation of the dwelling and the visibility of the surfaces create
opportunities for interaction and observation during food delivery, ensuring regular
updates on the patient’s health condition.
Neighborhood food coproduction demonstrates dynamic possibilities for managing
the community’s food needs based on the precarious conditions of the patients. It shows
that the flows and processes of food are shaped by the complex spatial interrelation
between the dwelling, neighborhood, and wider city context, which continuously changes
during the pandemic. Further exploration of the Twitter narratives may uncover further
social and spatial processes happening in society during the pandemic.
Acknowledgements
The research on which this article is based is supported by Penelitian Dasar 2021, a
research grant provided by the Directorate General of Research and Development at The
Ministry of Research and Technology/National Research and Innovation Agency, Republic
Indonesia, under the Grant Number NKB-039/UN2.RST/HKP.05.00/2021.
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