The New Social Question: Rethinking the Welfare State
... Due to the economic and societal pressures that arose in the 1970s, the meaning of the welfare state shifted away from its protective and inclusive functions (Lister, 2003;Rosanvallon, 2000) to an 'enabling' or 'active' welfare state in which people need to be 'activated' instead of 'passively' protected. The ideal of social protection as a citizen-and rights-based entitlement (Marshall & Bottomore, 1992) "lost ground against a more stringent interpretation of social protection in which individual responsibility and quid pro quo have become key" (Cantillon & Van Lancker, 2012, p. 658). ...
... Moreover, non-compliance leads to (the threat of) benefit cuts or disqualification. In the light of this new vision of a 'work-fare state', individuals are made responsible for preventing or dealing with social risks themselves (Rose, 1996;Rosanvallon, 2000). Consequently, being vulnerable or disadvantaged comes to be seen as a consequence of their own shortcomings. ...
The main purpose of this thesis is to gain a better understanding of access to social rights for people experiencing homelessness (PEH). In many welfare states, the principle of 'no address, no rights' persists, making social rights contingent on having a registered address. This creates a 'Postal Paradox' (Byrne, 2018) where the absence of an address restricts access to rights, perpetuating homelessness. Several European countries have introduced alternative registration systems for address-less persons, and there is growing recognition of the 'right to an effective postal address' for PEH , as formulated in the Homeless Bill of Rights by FEANTSA and the Housing Rights Watch (2017). The thesis primarily investigates the reference address at a Public Centre for Social Welfare (PCSW) in Belgium, by using quantitative and qualitative research methods. The analysis of an integrated administrative dataset reveals the severe complexity of chronic homelessness, and show significant challenges in the importance of making visible those who are 'administratively invisible'. The qualitative analysis made use of different perspectives to examine address-lessness, both from a non-take-up and administrative burdens perspective. Findings reveal a disconnect between policy design and implementation, impacting a vulnerable population group. Despite its intention to include the most excluded, the policy's implementation is hindered by conditionality, administrative burdens, and conflicting goals. This inconsistency results in exclusion of non-compliant individuals, leading to severe repercussions such as a loss of access to fundamental rights and further administrative and social exclusion.
... A jóléti állam koncepciója válságba került. Ha áttekintjük a jólléti állam kihívásaira vonatkozó szakirodalmat, akkor egy komplex válságrendszer képe rajzolódik ki, amely -ahogy Rosenvallon (2000) és Pierson (2006) is kiemeli -, egyszerre financiális (gazdasági), ideológiai és társadalmi válság is. A financiális válságot az 1970-es évekbeli energiaválság és az azt követő gazdasági visszaesés táplálta. ...
... Mit eredményezett ez a paradigmaváltás? A legfontosabb következmény a szociális jogok körének szűkülése, a jóléti állam értékalapját jelentő társadalmi szolidaritás csökkenése, valamint a materiális és individuális értékek térhódítása a köz-és magánszférában egyaránt (Rosenvallon 2000;Pongrácz 2017). A kormányzati gondolkodás középpontjába a piaci gondolkodásmód, a vállalkozói habitus, a "befektetési szemlélet" került. ...
... New borders and various bordering processes are activated, as transnationalism, globalisation and economic integration dynamics combined together have rekindled 'old' forces, whilst 'new' forces were unleashed in Europe and the globe, characterised by the collapse of consensus in politics. Yet, many those who rekindled the interest on 'the social question' which was prominent in the late 19th and early 20th century, speaking of "the new social question" in the 1990s and 2000s, failed to address the question migrants and migration, as well as race and gender, such as Rosanvallon (2000). Reactions to these processes can be schematically categorised into three camps of 'fixers': those calling for 'authoritarian restoration' of the 'old' order who are nostalgic of some idealised 'golden age of nation-states'; the mainstream 'managers' of neoliberal globalisation, who Copyright Material 22 Europe's perfect storm have brought the world where it is now and who essentially propose more of the same and, finally, various alternative and critical forces who reject both the 'old order' and the neoliberal globalisation, seeking new worlds drawn from experiences of the commons by building a common humanity, solidarity and a world of hope. ...
... confiscation of bank deposits) that served as a model for the Bail-in Directive that followed (see author 2013a). Countries of the EU periphery such as Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece are facing "the new social question" (Rosanvallon 2000), which is re-surfacing violently and with new terms, as the old structural adjustment programmes imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in the poorer countries of the South now are imposed on the debt-suffering periphery of the Eurozone, resulting in the drastic collapse of the late European welfarism and causing poverty, homelessness, mass unemployment, closure of small businesses and destruction of social security. ...
... Posteriormente, las sociedades industrializadas encontraron en la producción fabril y el trabajo asalariado el vector para abordar este fenómeno a través de la expansión de servicios básicos, tales como salud, educación y pensiones. No obstante, a partir de 1970 tuvo lugar una serie de transformaciones sobre la economía y la producción que derivó en una redefinición del rol del empleo y el resurgimiento de la cuestión social como fenómeno moderno (Fitoussi y Rosanvallon, 1997;Rosanvallon, 2000). La desestructuración de las relaciones laborales, marcada por la pérdida de relevancia del empleo como integrador social, condujo a la metamorfosis de la cuestión social (Castel, 1997). ...
... Los derechos sociales resultan así hoy muchas veces cuestionados no solo a propósito de las cargas económicas que suponen para los Estados, sino ya en sus propios fundamentos son vistos como problemáticos o carentes de una sólida justificación normativa. La idea de Estado social, en definitiva, parece atravesar también una significativa crisis "filosófica" o "conceptual" (Rosanvallon, 2000;Olson, 2006). ...
Los derechos sociales han sido vistos con frecuencia únicamente como demandas de igualdad, a menudo incluso en tensión con las libertades individuales. En este artículo, por el contrario, desde la perspectiva teórica del reconocimiento, se busca explorar una posible justificación de los derechos sociales en nombre de la libertad. En primer lugar, se examina en qué sentido es posible considerar a las experiencias de injusticia social como restricciones injustificadas de las libertades individuales. Enseguida se discuten dos modelos de justificación de los derechos sociales: uno basado en la idea de autonomía pública y otro en la idea de autonomía privada. Finalmente, se propone una justificación alternativa de los derechos sociales que subraya su significado para experiencias cooperativas de libertad.
... Uma questão atual é que a fragilidade do processo de desmercantilização da mão de obra se associa a outro elemento importante à sustentação do Estado de bem-estar, que são os valores (Rosanvallon, 2000;Lobato, 2016). A noção de cidadania, base política da construção do modelo constitucional, parece não ter alcançado o fundamento da solidariedade social que lhe é inerente (Lobato, 2016). ...
Resumo: este estudo tem como objetivo apresentar uma discussão sobre a acessibilidade da população LGBTPQIA+ aos benefícios previdenciários no Brasil. Para tratar a questão da pesquisa, analisou-se a doutrina para compreender o tema sob a perspectiva social e jurídica e aplicou-se questionário estruturado com pesquisas e dados relacionados ao mercado de trabalho, finanças pessoais e previdência social, utilizando a ferramenta Google Forms® para as "sementes" do estudo levantadas com o uso da técnica metodológica snowball sampling. Com relação ao questionário aplicado, a análise comparativa com pesquisas anteriores confirmou, entre outros, que a orientação sexual e/ou identidade de gênero de alguma forma interferiu na inserção/manutenção dessas pessoas no mercado de trabalho e, que assumir a orientação sexual e/ou identidade de gênero de alguma forma foi empecilho para o crescimento profissional. Quanto à perspectiva social e jurídica, os achados do estudo mostram a ausência de uma legislação protetiva quanto aos direitos previdenciários que respeitem os transgêneros e a falta de uniformidade de propostas para solucionar o aspecto do transgênero em face da heterogeneidade das regras de aposentadorias vigentes, revelando que ainda há um longo caminho para a acessibilidade da população LGBTPQIA+ aos benefícios previdenciários. Palavras-chave: Benefícios Previdenciários. Finanças Pessoais. Mercado de Trabalho. População LGBTPQIA+. Previdência. Método da Pesquisa: MET7-SURVEY Área de Conhecimento da Pesquisa: AT 8-CONTABILIDADE E SOCIEDADE
... The literature, on not just Nordic domestic adoption but European welfare states in general, has traditionally been overwhelmingly concerned with state action and top-down policymaking. This is true whatever the perspective, including the social sciences (Esping-Andersen 2013), political philosophy (Rosanvallon 2000), or history (Timmins 2017). The top-down approach also prevails in comparative studies (Baldwin 1990), or by looking at individual state or regional perspectives (Christiansen 2006). ...
This article examines the beginning of transnational adoption in Denmark and Norway to illuminate the role of private actors and associations in Scandinavian welfare systems. Utilizing case studies of two prominent private adoption actors, Tytte Botfeldt and Torbjørn Jelstad, the article analyzes how these Nordic welfare states responded to the emergence of transnational adoption in comparison with both each other, neighboring Sweden, and the United States. This study shows that private actors and associations strongly influenced the nascent international adoption systems in these countries, by effectively promoting transnational adoption as a progressive and humanitarian form of global parenthood; while simultaneously emphasizing the responsibility of the welfare state to accommodate and alleviate childless couples’ human rights and need for children. A need that was strong enough that couples were willing to transcend legal, national, and racial borders. Ultimately, Danish and Norwegian authorities not only had to show leniency towards flagrant violations of adoption and child placement rules, but also change these so that families could fulfill their great need for children by legally adopting them from abroad.
The main objective of this paper is to analyze the Welfare State and its effects on governance from the perspective of the Democratic Rule of Law. In times of crisis, it is necessary to ensure the realization of fundamental rights through positive provisions by the State, providing better living conditions for the population. It was found that governance imposes on the State the duty to enforce fundamental rights and that good governance is essential to optimize the country's development. The need for a State oriented towards social and fiscal aspects is evident, aiming to consolidate the State-Society relationship. The paper is based on bibliographic research and uses the deductive method to analyze how state action can contribute to the realization of fundamental rights and national development.
En las últimas dos décadas, una sucesión de gobiernos locales de la ciudad de Medellín impulsó una política de intervención urbana denominada “urbanismo social”, con la cual se pretendía, a través de la inversión en infraestructura en las zonas marginales de la ciudad, generar inclusión social y construcción de equidad en el acceso a las posibilidades. Entre las intervenciones más representativas se encuentra el Sistema Integrado de Transporte, compuesto por el Metro, los metrocables y el tranvía, entre otros. Este artículo busca evidenciar los impactos de la construcción y puesta en marcha del tranvía en los procesos de exclusión objetiva y subjetiva de los residentes en sus áreas de influencia. Se utiliza el concepto movilidad cotidiana urbana como recurso teórico metodológico para el análisis de los resultados arrojados por 462 encuestas aplicadas a los usuarios del tranvía y los pobladores de su área de influencia. Se concluye que esta infraestructura de movilidad, a pesar de generar un alto impacto en materia de accesibilidad física, desencadenó un proceso de inclusión dentro de la exclusión en el que, bajo la fachada de la expansión de la ciudadanía, se reafirman las interacciones íntimas y comunitarias como mecanismo de respuesta a las exclusiones persistentes.
This chapter explores the structural changes in employment in Brazil during the period comprehended between 2002 and 2021, subdivided into three sub-periods: 2002–2014, sustained growth and expansion; 2015–2019, political and economic crises; and 2019–2021, the COVID-19 pandemics and its impacts on the labour market. It employs the ‘jobs approach’ (Fernández-Macías, Job polarization in Europe? Changes in the employment structure and job quality, 1995–2007.” Work and Occupations, 39 (2), 157–82, 2012; CEA, Job creation and employment opportunities: The United States labor market, 1993–1996: A report . Washington, D.C.: U.S. Dept. of Labor, Office of the Chief Economist. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/009637143 , 1996; Wright & Dwyer, The patterns of job expansions in the USA: A comparison of the 1960s and 1990s. Socio-Economic Review 1 (3), 289–325, 2003) to empirically assess the changes during the period considering wage as the fundamental measure of job quality. The Brazilian National Household Survey (PNAD), administered by the IBGE (Brazilian Statistical Office) since 1976, constitutes the core data source. According to the analysis, since the beginning of the twenty-first century, Brazil has experienced an upgrading in its employment structure. Even considering the macroeconomic and political crises starting in 2015, the advancements observed from 2002 to 2014 were not reverted.
In the wake of the fall of the Daesh Islamic State “Caliphate” in 2019, the international community has been faced with the fact that thousands of displaced persons are stranded in Iraqi and Syrian detention centers. This article interrogates the governmental policies of ten Western European countries toward their nationals and legal residents held in the prisons and camps. We analyze the discourse and the practices of deterritorialization and reterritorialization of the “foreign-terrorist-fighter-citizens.” We find that the Western European governments have engaged in different types of deterritorialization and reterritorialization moves which have acted to position their foreign fighter nationals and dependents at the liminars of the body politic in a way that runs the risk of perpetuating the foreign fighters’ and their dependents’ confinement in, what some practitioners have denounced as, “Europe's Guantanamo.” We also argue that the deterritorialization and reterritorialization moves reveal the emptiness of the current-day liberal state project at its core. The discourses and practices place the liberal democratic state at odds with its own declared values and with the basic human rights of the foreign-terrorist-fighter-citizen in a manner that is corrosive to other citizens and to the ideals inherent to “good life” of the political community.
In this contribution, we identify how the framing strategies employed by policy and political actors make policy ideas robust. We examine the policy ideas of solidarity and sustainability to show how framing strategies that took advantages of the valence and polysemy of both ideas shaped them into robust policy ideas. Both ideas began as wide-ranging concepts designed to build coalitions in debates over a particular large-scale policy problem. Robustness is a quality that emerged over time as these ideas grew to become highly attractive framing devices to justify policy proposals. Moreover, they have proven to be resilient despite changing circumstances or even efforts of their opponents to reframe them in a negative way.
社會契約之核心概念，在於正義的原則應基於維持平等的角度訂定，且須以 法律文字明訂其機制並適時調整，為當代社會發展強制性社會安全制度以分配與 重分配資源，藉由互助性質之制度提升弱勢者經濟安全的手段之一。雖然強制性 的社會安全制度限縮社會人民的自由，但因最終可提升弱勢者乃至於全體社會成 員的互助與福祉，且不斷依循當代社會之需求修正，從而具備正當性。本文以探 討社會契約之本質與原則出發，並觀察此等論述之發展脈絡，及其對當代年金保 險制度的意涵。接著，以德國與瑞典兩國自動調整機制之政策實踐，對應當代之 政策意涵。其結果發現，依據社會連帶精神提供經濟安全保障與達到制度永續 性，仍為當代社會契約論述之內涵，且在德國與瑞典相關改革之後所建立的年金 體系自動調整機制，皆有相對之考量。在一定程度上，或可將年金自動調整機制 視為當代社會契約精神之展現。最後，則依據當代社會契約之意涵，以及現有的 政策實證經驗，提出我國後續年金改革得思考的方向。
就世界各國的年金保險制度（pension insurance scheme）改革脈絡觀之，大致係以隨收隨付（pay-as-you-go；PAYG）原則的確定給付（defined-benefit；DB）制度（後簡稱為PAYG-DB制度）因面臨人口結構改變所導致的財務永續性問題，而思考如何透過制度的調整以維持財務的平衡。若欲維持PAYG的財務模式，國際勞工組織（International Labour Organisation；ILO）所建議的調整方式大致有年金點數制度（pension point system）與概念式確定提撥制度（notional defined-contribution；NDC）兩種。
年金點數制度為將個人所累積之年金請求權換算為點數，並藉此計算年金給付水準；如1957年改革後的德國年金保險體系，即為典型。至於瑞典1998年通過並施行的NDC制度，係以財務精算公平性為考量，嘗試以諸多變項的數理模型建構自動調整機制，改善PAYG-DB制度之財務永續性。然而，就各國欲保有其PAYG-DB制度精神的諸多改革方案之中，不僅以提撥費率的提高與給付水準的降低為方向，更需進一步考量代內與代間資源分配的公平性；亦即精算的公平性或中立性（actuarial fairness or actuarial neutrality）。
由於確定提撥（defined-contribution；DC）形式之退休給付制度，係以個人所累積的帳戶餘額做為給付的總額度，無須考量精算的公平性或中立性。因此，本研究僅探討典型的PAYG-DB、採行年金點數制度之PAYG-DB，以及NDC三種制度設計的財務公平性。各節的規劃，係以PAYG-DB制度的本質與改革為開始，進一步探討與檢視三個年金保險制度設計形式的精算公平性或中立性。最後，則就年金保險制度的原理與原則，思考當前以商業保險之財務與精算原則檢視以社會保險為基礎的年金保險制度，是否有其意義？
This Element looks first at the fundamental principle of modernity that is the functional differentiation of society, and the emergence of autonomous, positive law. The careful architecture of differentiation, balance, and mutual performance between the legal, political and economic systems is jeopardised with the hypertrophy of any one of the structurally coupled systems at the expense of the others. The pathologies are described in the second section of the Element. It explores how, under conditions of globalisation, market thinking came to hoist itself to the position of privileged site of societal rationality. In the third section we look at what sustains law's own 'reflexive intelligence' under conditions of globalisation, and whether we can still rely today on the constitutional achievement to guarantee law's autonomy, its democratic credentials and its ability to reproduce normative expectations today.
This edited volume is one of the two outputs stemming from a workshop on the ‘Intellectual History of Universal Basic Income’ held in Cambridge in 2019. The other, by Malcolm Torry (2021), Basic Income: a history, I have already had the privilege to review for the Journal of Human Development and Capabilities. Although Torry’s book provides broad coverage from a single perspective and is an excellent reference source, the Sloman et al. volume engages with a selection of in-depth historical discussions from a variety of perspectives, providing a stimulating intellectual rollercoaster. Debates about what constitutes, and what might justify, a Universal Basic Income (UBI) are deeply contested and have even been traced back—fancifully, perhaps—to ancient Athens (Standing, 2017). However, the focus in much, but not all, of the Sloman et al. volume is the 20th Century.
While it is fascinating to trace intersecting genealogies of competing ideas and interpretations of UBI, to do so can be unhelpful, as the editors make clear in Chapter 1. What we are really talking about, they say, is ‘a family of ideas, linked by a set of common characteristics’ (p. 6). The various chapters engage with: differences in language and context relating to variants or derivatives of UBI; with the range of UBI’s individual and institutional advocates; the different ways in which proposals for UBI have been received in public debate; and the emergence of global networks that have extended debate beyond the global North and into the global South. The editors acknowledge that the book’s coverage does not extend to later developments in Latin America, Asia and the Pacific or such 21st Century developments as the International Labour Organization’s Social Protection Floor.
In this article, I explore how risk transformed from being understood as a property of groups to being understood as a property of individuals by examining the history of public and private insurance in the United States. Rather than locate changes in how risk is managed in our society in the “great risk shift” that occurred with the emergence of neoliberalism, I suggest the individualization of risk in recent decades is only the latest instantiation of a recurrent conflict between security and freedom that has marked the evolution of capitalism. Seen from this longer historical perspective, the “personal responsibility revolution” appears not as the handiwork of neoliberal policymakers but, rather, as the unintended result of social movements that contested discriminatory practices in insurance markets. Thus, paradoxically, my account suggests that struggles against discrimination seeded the individualization of risk that is now the hallmark of neoliberal capitalism.
This article establishes a theoretical link between the business model of social media and the resurgence of antiliberal populism. Through a novel set of tactics I term “identity biopolitics,” political campaigns and foreign governments alike can identify voters as members of socioculturally differentiated populations, then target them with political messages aimed at cultivating voters’ awareness of their particular disadvantage within the prevailing liberal order. Identity biopolitics exploits a positive feedback loop between targeting and content: the sociocultural differentiations liberalism declares politically irrelevant are used to target content that cultivates awareness of subjects’ particular depoliticized disadvantage within the prevailing liberal order. The antiliberal populist exploits this condition to drive support for their political program. This article presents case studies of the Internet Research Agency and Cambridge Analytica during the 2016 general election in the United States to demonstrate the symbiosis between social media and antiliberal populism.
A core principle of the welfare state is that everyone pays taxes or contributions in exchange for universal insurance against social risks such as sickness, old age, unemployment, and plain bad luck. This solidarity principle assumes that everyone is a member of a single national insurance pool, and it is commonly explained by poor and asymmetric information, which undermines markets and creates the perception that we are all in the same boat. Living in the midst of an information revolution, this is no longer a satisfactory approach. This book explores, theoretically and empirically, the consequences of 'big data' for the politics of social protection. Torben Iversen and Philipp Rehm argue that more and better data polarize preferences over public insurance and often segment social insurance into smaller, more homogenous, and less redistributive pools, using cases studies of health and unemployment insurance and statistical analyses of life insurance, credit markets, and public opinion.
El debate sobre la marginalidad en los años sesenta fue rico y complejo, tanto en orientaciones y posturas teóricas como en los estudios empíricos que generó. Creo que las posturas analíticas, que llevaban en sí mismas también posturas políticas y éticas a la vez, pueden sintetizarse en cuatro sentidos de la noción de marginalidad, y un quinto que fue tomando fuerza en las décadas siguientes. Quiero tomar cada una de ellos de manera sobresimplificada y comentar si y cómo sirven o se aplican en la actualidad, en el cambio de siglo.
In recent years, scholars in the social sciences and humanities have turned their attention to how the rise of digital technologies is reshaping political life in contemporary society. Here, we analyze this issue by distinguishing between two classification technologies typical of pre-digital and digital eras that differently constitute the relationship between individuals and groups. In class-based systems, characteristic of the pre-digital era, one’s status as an individual is gained through membership in a group in which salient social identities are shared in common with other group members. In attribute-based systems, characteristic of the digital era, one’s status as an individual is determined by virtue of possession of a set of attributes that need not be shared with others. We argue that differences between these two types of classification technologies have important implications for how persons attach (or fail to attach) to groups, and therefore what kinds of political mobilization are possible. We illustrate this argument by examining contention over the use of gender as a variable in the pricing of risk in insurance and credit – two markets in which individuals directly encounter class-based and attribute-based systems of classification, respectively.
This paper discusses the role of social conventions in the dynamics of wage inequality. More specifically, it argues that (a) the reconstruction of social conventions of equity helps to explain the “Great Leveling” of wage inequality (and its maintenance) in developed countries during the twentieth century and (b) the absence of this reconstruction can be associated with the relative inflexibility of Brazilian (and Latin American) inequality since the nineteenth century. This preliminary investigation is based on available estimates on national trajectories of wage inequality, as well as on analysis of changes in social conventions, especially regarding the wage structure. The first part explores the trajectory of labor income inequality in developed countries. It highlights the “Great Leveling” of the twentieth century. The second part investigates Latin American inequality in the long term, considering the absence of this leveling. The third part analyzes the nature of the great transformation promoted by the twentieth century. Based on studies that revisited or witnessed this transformation, we argue that it concerns not only the compression of capital and its income, but also the reconstruction of the wage structure through new social conventions. The main conclusion is that, among the explanations for the high and persistent Brazilian inequality, the absence of this reconstruction—which made developed countries less unequal during the last century—should be emphasized.
This chapter reflects on the sharing economy in France and what can be considered a favourable ecosystem for alternative platform models. This chapter starts by reviewing a large amount of academic literature, reports, and legislation that have been produced for the last ten years and that has certainly helped businesses, public sector institutions, and local communities to anticipate changes inspired by technology and its uses and to open up their innovation processes. The chapter then focuses on platform cooperatives in three emblematic domains (meal delivery service, carpooling, and energy) that illustrate how France has embraced the criticisms of the sharing economy and its platforms. This chapter finally discussed how some factors could be considered as characteristics of a ‘French touch’ in terms of platform cooperativism.
This article analyzes the State’s role in facing unemployment, focusing on two related aspects: the constitution of unemployment as a public problem and the development of employment policies. First, to discuss the trends observed in central capitalist countries, this article presents information from the nineteenth century onwards, using consolidated methods in the international debate. Next, the Brazilian trajectory is examined, regarding its welfare system and the low capillarity of wage relations. In Brazil, the emergence of unemployment on public debate only occurred in the second half of the twentieth century, and once constituted, the public socialization of unemployment risks always showed quite reduced indicators. Thus, this article points out the challenges of Brazilian employment policies, considering the distance between their rules, designed to structured labor markets, and the characteristics of labor relations in peripheral capitalism.
One of the main indicators of economic development is the welfare level. The welfare level symbolizes that the policies implemented by the state in a society are in the context of social justice. Social justice aims to reduce social inequalities between people. In this framework, states provide social transfers to individuals through taxes and play an intermediary role in the redistribution of income. In this sense, the role of welfare states is not merely to benefit through social transfers. Further to that, states ensure social welfare by including other welfare stakeholders, market and non-governmental actors, through its regulations. However, the welfare understandings of countries differ in terms of holistic social welfare. In this respect, the welfare approach of Islamic economics is an approach that essentially prioritizes moral values and aims to ensure economic prosperity by considering social balance. In this regard, beyond social assistance and meeting the basic needs of people, it is envisaged that economic policies that reduce income and wealth inequality will be implemented for the transformation of the economic structure. However, as the Islamic economics and the neoliberal economic understanding differ in many respects, similarly, the neoliberal-based social investment and the welfare approach of Islamic economics also differ. In this context, the study aims to discuss theoretically the social welfare understanding of Islamic economics and neoliberalism-based social investment approach together with social welfare, and conservative approaches and to reveal their perspectives in detail.
1970 sonrası dönemde ekonominin ve devletin neo-liberal dönüşümü, kentsel toplumsal, ekonomik ve mekânsal yapılarda da bir dönüşüme neden olmuştur. Sanayisizleşme politikaları sonrasında kent ekonomilerinde sanayi sektörünün payı azalırken yeterli kamu yatırımları alamayan kentler ‘yerel özgünlüklerini pazarlama’ yoluyla yerel kalkınmalarını gerçekleştirmeye çalışmak zorunda bırakılmışlardır. Küresel kapitalizmin kentler üzerinde yaratmış olduğu rekabet eksenli gelişme modeli kentleri ve bölgeleri de pazarlanabilen birer ürün haline getirmiştir. “Kentsel markalaşma/kentsel pazarlama” adı verilen bu süreçte kentler yerel özgünlüklerinin ulusal ve uluslararası piyasalarda pazarlanması yoluyla küresel ekonominin sağlayacağı avantajlardan yararlanabilmenin yolunu aramaya başlamışlardır. Çalışma, küreselleşme sürecinde kentlerin markalaşma yoluyla ekonomik kalkınmalarını gerçekleştirmeye çalıştıklarına vurgu yapmayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu çalışmada, bir taşra kenti Sivas örneğinden hareketle, markalaşma çalışmalarının küçük kentlere yansımaları irdelenecektir. Bu araştırma, Sivas kentinin marka potansiyelini değerlendirmeye yönelik genel tarama türünde betimsel bir çalışmadır. Araştırma, Sivas’ta yapılan markalaşma çalışmalarını ekonomik temelli olarak değerlendirmektedir. Saha çalışması yoluyla Sivas’ın marka kent potansiyeli, marka çalışmalarının kent ekonomisine katkısı ve marka kent algısı belirlenerek çalışma sonucunda elde edilen veriler ışığında değerlendirme ve önerilerde bulunulacaktır.
This paper focuses on both the classic and recent debates concerning the welfare state. The goal is to determine the actors in the emergence of modern welfare states. I claim social and cultural elements in the social provision of welfare is relevant as a distinct category, and identify waqf as a religio-cultural institution and zakat as a religio-cultural practice that played and still plays influential role in the distribution of welfare in the case of Turkey. I suggest, if a welfare regime description of Turkey would be made, waqf and zakat are indispensable and must be analyzed.
This article aims to explain the paradoxical finding that socio-economically vulnerable groups express more economic, moral and social criticism of the welfare state. As these groups generally benefit more from the welfare state and hold more egalitarian world views, their stronger criticism cannot be explained by the traditional frameworks of self-interest and ideology. As an alternative, we highlight the importance of social experiences of resentment as a source of discontent with welfare state performance. Our contribution argues that the dissatisfaction is embedded in a broader welfare populist critique that pits the hard-working people against the deceitful elite and welfare abusers. This welfare populism emerges from experiences of resentment related to the restructuring of group positions in the process of modernization. We differentiate between three types of discontent: economic status insecurity, group relative deprivation and social distrust. By applying structural equation modelling, we test whether resentful experiences mediate the relationship between the social structural position and welfare state criticism. Results indicate that relative deprivation consistently leads to more economic, moral and social criticism. Social distrust, moreover, stimulates a higher level of moral criticism. This study illustrates that resentment is indeed an important element for understanding the paradoxical relationship between social class and welfare state criticism.
The paper examines the origins of the idea of “the social question” in the nineteenth century, the rise of the welfare state, the challenge of neoliberalism, and the new transnationalized social question.
This introductory chapter analyses the reasons why the revolutions of 1989 in Central and Eastern Europe had a deep impact on social work in all parts of Europe. Historical considerations evidence an ongoing transformation process at political and civil society level on both sides of the Iron Curtain leading up to these events in terms of approaches to welfare which, after the ending of communist dictatorships, ended in a profound questioning of the role and meaning of the term ‘social’. This manifests itself both in an erosion of social coherence within European nation states and in the stagnation of the European integration process. Social work has a particular mandate to promote social integration particularly in this crucial European phase and since its origins this mandate was carried out from an international orientation. Training therefore requires a close relationship to comparative social policy and to practice in different contexts. The chapter concludes with a review of challenges which neoliberal policy trends pose for social work in East and West and how trans-national collaboration is vital to confront these challenges effectively.
Durante largos períodos del siglo XX la socialdemocracia logró detentar una hegemonía ideológica y de política económica, los avances del estado de bienestar y la democratización del Estado, la revolución hedonista de los 60 y 70, y las luchas ecologistas y del reconocimiento de las diferencias y de la emancipación: de género y étnicas de los 70 y 80, sumado a el aplastamiento de la Revolución húngara por el estalinismo, a las guerras coloniales de Argélia y Vietnam, y a la invasión francesa y británica al Canal de Suez, hicieron que sus competidores, el comunismo y el neoliberalismo, el estalinismo y el imperio Occidental, perdieran espacios en lo ideológico. Y en lo económico, la revolución keynesiana, doto a la socialdemocracia de elementos teóricos y operacionales para administrar a la economía capitalista y alcanzar mayor bienestar para los trabajadores.
In this analysis, the development of a security- and control-oriented—technocratic—penal rationality is assessed in light of the welfare culture crisis. This penal rationality has been expressed through the increased use of punitive institutional strategies and community sanctions. This movement is opposed to the notion of socialising interventions, in which the right to socialisation is reinterpreted according to the contractualist perspective. According to this perspective, inmates are held to be accountable for their own socialisation, thus underscoring the uncompromising preservation of the non-coercive character of the new right to socialisation.
This article explains how 19th-century radical republicans answered the following question: how is it possible to be free in a social order that fosters economic dependence on others? I focus on the writings of a group of French thinkers called the solidarists who advocated “liberty organized for everyone.” Mutualism and social right were two components of the solidarist strategy for limiting domination in commercial/industrial society. While the doctrine of mutualism was rooted in pre-industrial artisan culture, social right was a novel idea that built on Durkheim’s analysis of the division of labour. In this article, I describe the main features of the solidarist account: solidarity, social property, quasi-contractual debt, and restorative justice. Classical republicanism was deeply concerned with citizen participation and the balance between popular and elite power, but 19th-century radical republicans thought that these goals must be approached differently in market societies in which enormous power is exercised outside the state. The solidarists cautiously embraced the state as a mechanism for regulating the market in order to ensure equal liberty. Social right and mutualism were also conceived as ways of limiting the centralization of state power.
Since the 1980s, anti-poverty organisations associated with civil society—voluntary private organisations rather than public state-sponsored ones—have become increasingly vocal in France. They have advocated, mobilised and obtained new social rights for poor people. This chapter explores the ambivalent relationship between these private organisations and other social mobilisations as well as state-sponsored welfare, revealing how profoundly they have transformed the French welfare system.
The article develops a new understanding of neoliberal security provision on the basis of available accounts of three different “states”; the penal state, the regulatory state, and the activating welfare state. I argue that these forms of state intervention provide individuals with security in the sense that anxiety is temporarily alleviated, while stabilizing the conflictual dynamic of global power structures. Marketization and organizational control account for the specifically neoliberal character. Such an understanding matters because it directs attention to the dynamic between state practices and individual experience, and the multitude of mechanisms, which not only promise but also provide security, however temporary and partial.
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